OF THE
NINETEENTH CENTURY,
OR,
"CHIVALRY" IN MODERN DAYS,
A PERSONAL RECORD OF REFORM — CHIEFLY
LAND REFORM,
THE: LAST
BY THOS. AINGE DEVYR.
" For the Land is Mine, saith the Lord, for ye are strangers and sojourners
with Me." — Leviticus, Chap, xxv., v. 23.
"When he can hide the Sun with a blanket, and put the Moon in his
pocket, I'll pay him Kent." — SHAKESPEARE.
" The Land belongs in usufruct to the Living" — THOMAS JEFFERSON.
" I do not endorse all the headlong opinions of Mr. Devyr. I believe
that he has fallen into errors and made mistakes.* But he has labored so
long in Land Reform, and so sincerely, that I accord to him the privilege
of having letters addressed to him, at the Office of the Irish World, New
York, Box 3,624. PATRICK FORD.
* Right 1 Pope says :
" Virtuous and vicious every man must be ;
Few in the extreme, but all in the degree." See p. 2OO,
Amc'n Sec.
PUBLISHED BY THE AUTHOK, 37 BECOME ST.,
GREENPOINT, NEW YORK.
Copyright, \ TjipW,s Afnge £evyr, 1882.
DEDICATION.
Whoever rejects the word " Monarchy/' and the
Frauds, the Cruelties, the Human Idolatry that lie
couched beneath it. Whoever accepts the word
" Republic," and all the Justice and Brotherhood it
implies, to that Man I dedicate this book.
Whoever prides in the Grand Traditions of the
Republic, and enshrines in her heart the Memories
of those who loved it, labored for it, and died for
it, to that Woman I dedicate this book.
Thoughts addressed to every true and brave man :
The Creator either made the land
Or He did not.
He made it for the dukes and lords,
Or He did not.
He made it for the people,
Or He did not.
To pay Rent to earth-lords, is it a DENIAL OF THE
CREATOR?
Or is it not ?
Is it hard to know His will 1
Or is it not 3
If you know His will
And do it not,
Are ye brave and true men,
Or are .ye not ?
itttietttil?
EVIDENCES.
The American Section of this book will present proofs that : —
FIKST— The Unbounded Power to Tax has filled all its govern-
ments with public Spoilsmen instead of public Statesmen.
SEI OND — That bad laws and bad administrations are the natural
and inevitable result.
THIED — That an Army and a Navy are a hotbed of aristocracy —
not only unnecessary to the Eepublic, but a great evil and an open
insult. That the money they cost would, under wise guidance,
educate all the youth of the Eepublic of both sexes and give them
a fair start in life.
FOURTH — That our "Diplomacy," and all that hangs around it,
is a mere importer of snobbery. " Entanglements " that complicate
us with foreign lands, and may, assisted by the sailing-about Navy,
fish up a foreign War for us any day.
FIFTH— That our Eepublic is opening its arms to the rack-renting
rogues of Europe, and rearing within its own borders a breed of the
same sort of villains, to establish here — on soil, on mine and on
waters — the same Crime and Blasphemy that has for so far cursed
the world.
SIXTH — That virtue has utterly fled the public councils since
the days of Andrew Jackson.
SEVENTH — That the daily press, and nine-tenths of the press
generally, are mere business firms that manufacture public opinion
for those who can best pay them. That their news makes them
welcome everywhere, and that they criminally abuse that welcome.
That — with the corporations, politicians, and monopolists generally
— they form a vast conspiracy against the liberties of the people
and the life of the Eepublic.
EIGHTH — That small daily papers ought to be got up at every
populous centre — if not to boycott the daily instruments of the mon-
opolists, at least to enable us to get the news, and so save ourselves
from their evil influence.
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DATS.
SUPPRESSION OF THOUGHT.
It may be necessary to state or repeat here that publishing firms
that call themselves "respectable" will not touch a thoroughly
searching Reform Book. This book was offered to more than one
such publisher, even of the most " liberal" hue. And even put into
their hands with all costs paid, and with offer to make their own
conditions in relation to profits ! They, "not to put too fine a point
on it," c}id their part toward its suppression. I suppose the state-
ment of this fact will rouse every true Reform paper and every
true progressive man to defeat their purpose, and to give the book
their countenance and support. True Reformers— true men, and
women too — will, I think, be sure to push this book along. I expect,
I ask, no aid from any other.
I have mentioned elsewhere that time was when the proflt-monger-
ing daily press could by their silence consign to oblivion, or by
their vituperation poison and kill off any Book of Reform. That
time has passed away. There are four hundred Reform papers now
in the Republic to stand by and see fair play. And the Irwh World
itself has opened a telegraph of Thought — ten thousand lines, over
which Thought can be flashed from, one Reform mind to another all
over the world.
THE LATEST. — Professor White, of Cornell, says :
"There seems among the young men of the present day to be a wide-
spread belief that political life is a game of grasping and griping; that
generous sentiments are the badges of fools ; that patriotism is an outworn
lure of tricksters, and that honesty and honor are entirely banished from
the public service. The cause of it is the spoils system." [And that exists
by the Unbounded Power to Tax.]
And General Townsend, of New York, and all t'ie Generals fueled
from Washington, speak out in this strain :
"Within the short period of twenty-five years the population of this
country will have swollen probably to one hundred million of people; at
which time, being morally no nearer the millennial condition as a people than
at present, we shall sorely need a repressive force of some kind."
Our present evils are to be continued, then ! People may not be
content with them, and a force to sabre them down will be "sorely
needed." Grenadiers, to the front ! [See page 187, American Section.]
Somebody (Job, I believe) has written, "0! that mine enemy
would write a book ! " A book extends over a surface so large —
embraces subjects so various — that unless the author were what man
never was it will contain points less or more weak — less or more
evil. I trust the reader will remember this, and judge my book by
the whole tenor and drift of it— not by isolated passages, plenty of
which doubtless may be found objectionable.
THE ODD BOOK OT THE NIJ?ETEENTH CENTURY J
And above all, and beyond all, and in one light most important of
all, is the example it presents of what American Civilization would
be, were it not choked to death by the corrupt politicians.*
A NATIONAL CONVENTION.
NINTH — That a Keforru Convention, elected from all the States
and Territories, should sit en permanence in New York City. Take
charge of, and debate daily and from day to day, all the interests
of the Republic. In such Convention every proposed Reform would
have full consideration, and thus would be realized the injunction of
Scripture, "Prove all things, and hold fast that which is good."
This Convention, and the Reform daily papers, and the weekly,
systematic, imperative Collection of Funds, are an absolute necessity.
In my inmost soul I believe that the fate of the Republic pivots on
these three things. People generally do not realize the Great Battle
that is approaching.
The small rubbish — brawls, burglaries, swindlings, etc., — that
fill the big sheets waste time and deprave the public taste. They
should have no place in the new papers. To criticise public vil-
lainies, and note and stimulate Public Progress, here and in Europe,
is the work before them. The Ward I live in supports a spirited
little daily. And once the NATIONAL CONVENTION is assembled,
its proceedings will give a lift to all the Reform papers. In London
Mr. Hollyoake compiles a weekly "Town Talk" of current events
that is published in nearly all the country papers. I could, from
the I. W. and Reform sources generally, publish a similar article
weekly for the new papers, and I would do it for pay or without pav.
The Powers of Darkness are at work. Bring out the Powers of
Light.
COLLECTING FUNDS.
Every Land League Branch, every Benefit Society and every
Reform Organization should establish a WEEKLY COLLECTION OP
FUNDS. An average of five cents a week from those whose rights
and liberties are at stake would yield more money than is requisite
both to sustain Ireland and to commence the War of Ideas in this
country. By envelopes! seems to be the best means.
And finally, this book will show the sudden rise and rapid
progress of the Great Movement that, uprising in Ireland, now
vibrates over the world.
*See page five, American Section.
f Thus : —The Officers of the Organization enclose a blank to each family
in the School district, to b« returned to them with the amount written
therein of what they will pay wf-ekly. To receive these returns a close
box might be left at a favorable house in the centre of the School district.
These are only hints, and no doubt can be improved on.
CONTENTS.
THE IRISH AND ENGLISH SECTIONS.
PRELIMINARY :— Chapter on Facts— Wendell Phillips— Thoughts on Civiliza-
tion _ Education — Modes of Entering on. Life — Political Economy, and
criticism on Henry George — Hints from Franklin — The two British wars.
INTRODUCTION : — Ncc3ssity for " THE ODD BOOK."
CHAPTER I : — Early Thoughts on Landlords — Their blighting influences.
CHAPTER II : — Little biographies and less scientific research — The Immensi-
ties _ Man — His Inheritance — Emerging from the darkness — Great wealth
a great error — Testimony of Burns and Goldsmith — An imaginary " good
landlord."
CHAPTER III : — Indicting the British Oligarchy for their great crimes—
Scott, Lockhart and Miss Edgeworth on the witness stand.
CHAPTER IV :— Donegal — Dawning life— Parish schools — An outwave of old
books, among them Bomances of Chivalry — Their influence.
CHAPTER V: — Sketches illustrative of aboriginal manufactures, trade,
modes of life and thought among the wilder districts of Ireland and the
people who inhabit them.
CHAPTER VI : — Voyage to Liverpool at sixteen in search of work and
knowledge — Strange incidents and stranger poetry — Uses of adversity—
S<M fishing — An unregistered gun — Partridge shooting — Irish wakes-
Policemen— Encounters with and " persecutions-at-law."
CHAPTER VII : — Orangeism — Things of the arm, of the head, and of the heart.
CHAPTER VIII : — O'Connell — Facts of his career — The first Young Irelander.
CHAPTER IX : — A night voyage — Bishop McHale — Strange experience of fifty
years ago — Highlands of Donegal — The future starting point for America
-—Sea and mountain scenes and life among them — Strange Providence —
Adventures with robbers and fusilade with water bailiffs— Reclaimed and
Reclaimablo lands — The bandit landlords in the way.
CHAPTER X:— Feudal "Custom" and Feudal Courts — " Levelers, "
" Carders," Ten-pennies and Tithe — Night picture of '98— Battle of New
Ross — Village blacksmith— Repressive literature — Recruiting — A strange
danger — Agrarian Regulators — A Avhole crowd of illustrative incidentals.
NATURAL RIGHTS," disproving land-thief ownership. (TAIT, Higli
Street, Belfast, 1836). : At pages 108 to 135 inclusive— Devote my life to a
war against Land Monopoly, and go to London to carry on the war.
CHAPTER XI : — London — Connection with The Constitutional, morning paper
_ Sharrnan Crawford — Smith O'Brien — Encounter with the Times — "Phil-
osophical Radicals " — The Irish Poor Law— The first sufferer by it — A
strange experience in the police — Greenwich— On the press of that
town _ Princess Sophia, sister of George III. : the scrape she got mo into
_ Honorable journalists — Reflections on London— Called to Newcastle-
upon-Tyne — Stern Democracy of the Tyno and Wear— The Northern Lib-
erator—Its pure, high-minded owners — My connection wilh it — Chartist
agitation— "Address " to the Irish people enrages O'Connell— British Asso-
ciation for the Advancement of Science and Art ; Report on Foreign. Policy
CONTENTS.
—Incidents of arming— Trado in muskets, pikes, etc.— " Writers of the
IMerator" fusilading tho Whigs — Atrocious " Bastile Poor Law"-
National Convention in London— Riots in Birmingham — Address to the
Middle Classes — It scares Lord (Judge) Abinger.
CHAPTER XII : — Bight of Public Meeting — A scene in the Dock— Debate in
Parliament — Riot in Newcastle— Scene in Police Court.
CHAPTER XIII: — Great preparations over England— Insurrection in South
Wales — Its ramifications— Failure, and why — Frost sentenced to death-
Unwritten history — A more fierce and dangerous conspiracy — Midnight
scene — Newcastle strangely saved from conflagration — High Treason-
Singular escape to the United States.
CONTENTS OF THE AMERICAN SECTION.
Evil Books — British Civilization descending on us — American Civilization :
A signal example of it — Present condition of our City, State and National
Governments — Their audacity in corruption. Pago 15.
Retrospect— Royal land grants— What led to the Revolution. Page 23.
John Adams' Alien and Sedition and Navy Laws — Seagoing profitmongors
lead to War of 1812, and war with tho Barbary Pirates — Condition of tho
country in 1840. Page 25.
Hard Cider Campaign, page 27 — The Hunker Democrats — First difficulty,
p. 31 — Repeal — Irish politicians : what they did — A jail : a rescue, p. 30.
Colonel Philip S. Crooke, pages 35 and 37 — "National Reform Associa-
tion," that led in the Homestead Law, p. 39.
Retrospective — Anti-Rent, p. 42 — It breaks down and leaves me penniless-
Rescued by an American gentleman — Gain and lose £6,000 — The
Great Famine of '47 — Land Thieves, tho Queen and Politicai Economy
cause the death of a million of people, p. 53 — A Reform daily : How killed
by the politicians, p. 56.
Meagher — O'Brien — Kossuth — Taxpayers' Movement — Our Diplomacy —
Panic of ''57, caused by gold "basis," p. 74 — Corruption in government :
its cause, p. 78— The South resist Land Reform— The Civil War, p. 80.
Voyage to Europe — Scenes by sea and land — Pictures of the condition of
England under its lord dukes, p. 83— Return.
Horace Greeley, and his character as a politician — Wendell Phillips — The
War excitement-General Crooke, p. 109— Gerrit Smith.
ThetFenian Movement of 1866 — Its means, objects, mismanagement — Crit-
ique on demagogues — Letter to Archbishop McCloskoy — To Gladstone,
p. 122.
Internationals of New York— A crowd of illustrative incidentals, songs,
etc., p. 139 — Financial Swindle of '69— Greenbacks and land — A great
loss, and why I publish this book— Judicial murders in Pennsylvania
(see Appendix).
On Staff of Irish World— Home Rule and " Obstruction " — How changed to
Land Reform — Mr Parnell in America — The Irish elections— Largo
meetings in Ireland — The Grreat Truth proclaimed, p. 171 — The insult
called a land law — The laborer, p. 189— About the French Revolution of
1789, p. 195— The Great Land War : Ireland in the front.
America in the hands of a corrupt daily press and caucus politicians — How
to rescue it— Shown in this book.
CRITIC, JUDGE AND AUTHOK IN COUNCIL.
CRITIC.— Judge, we have sent for you to decide about this book
of "Memories." The author, in every page almost, keeps him-
self in the front.
JUDGE.— Well, what else can he do in relating his Memories ?
CRITIC. — Besides, his main object, he says, is to inculcate Truths
that embrace the whole Human Family," and he stoops into tri-
fling incidents that are derogatory to the main object.
JUDGE.— But are those incidents really trifling ? Do they illus-
trate the main design, and don't you mind what Pope says :
" To Him no high, no low, no great, no small."
CRITIC. — He even seems impressed that a special Providence
has been watching over him and his enterprise.
JUDGE. — I don't see much to reprehend in that. Most people
have a vague hope of that kind.
CRITIC.— But in those little matters— and I contend they are
little whatever Alick Pope may say about it — he runs counter to
public thought and may cripple the circulation of his book.
JUDGE. — O ! for that matter the whole book runs a little coun-
ter to public thought. All proposed changes do. All Reforms,
fill improvements! They have all to run the adverse gaunt-
let of public thought. We imprisoned Galileo, called the Mar-
quis of Worcester mad, made merry with the kite vagaries of
Franklin, pelted Fulton with mud, smiled at the nonsense of
Morse, and laughed outright at somebody who talked about a
three thousand mile cable down among the monsters of the deep.
CRITIC. — " That's nothing to do with it." Those great things
are not to be lowered down to a comparison with this book.
JUDGE. — They were made great by the perseverance of their
authors. At first they stood in exactly the same place this book
stands in now.
CRITIC. — So you encourage this author of ours to go on and
write down whatever comes in his head — little and big — affairs of
the heart even as as well as affairs of the head. The latter at
least you will condemn ?
JUDGE. — Why should I? The Memories of a life will be apt to
throw light on both head and heart, and the one may need it as
much as the other in a harmless way.
CRITIC. — I see you will let him loose. Thoughts, incidents, ad-
ventures, to gambol round just as they incline, without restraint
and without order ?
JUDGE. — In this cane it can't be helped. A free lance may do
service in its own way. Under discipline it would do nothing.
Besides no trouble in pointing out his defects. He pleads guilty
to them all before hand.
CRITIC. — Well, we will see, but if he had taken my advice there
would have been another story to tell.
JUDGE- — Yes, your etory. Let him tell Ms own.
JUDGE, CRITIC AND AUTHOR.
CRITIC. — Such a name! The "Odd Book/' Well, let that stand.
It is indeed the oddest bunch of leaves that ever grew on one bush.
But " Chivalry in Modern Days." "Chivalry," indeed ! By fellows
who never climbed a mountain, never searched a forest, never backed
a horse, nor ever couched a lance to rescue knight or lady from keep
or castle. It is a case of false pretences, Judge, and you know what
that means.
JUDGE. — Yos. Penitentiary.
AUTHOR. — Does it? Well, it was Bulwer, and a whole crowd he
brought along with him, that got me into this scrape. They went
about telling us that "Chivalry was an extravagant generosity of
enthusiasm for the redress of human wrongs. A nobleness of senti-
ment which, however latent, however modified (by time and place),
exists in every genuinely noble nature." *
JUDGE. — But what has that to do with your book?
AUTHOR. — Everything. This book is of Reform and Eeformers.
Is not the Reformer's life one war against "human wrongs?" Is
not a rascally government even worse than a rascally baron ? Is not
the freedom of a captive nation equal at least to the freedom of a
captive knight? And as for 1 seing battered and bruised, and ridiculed
and ostracized, cannot theBeformer — if, indeed, he be a Beformer —
vie with the biggest and oldest knight-errant of them all?
JUDGE. — Well, friend Critic, what do you say to that?
CRITIC. — I say that I never heard anything like it before. Why,
this Author must be himself as mad as even the knight-errant he
talks about.
JUDGE. — Exactly. It is on that identity he claims the title for his
book.
"No institution," says the American Cyclopedia, "has exercised a
greater influence in the world, yet of its origin nothing certain is
known. Brave men of the ruling races, who were thoughtful and
humane, united themselves for the purpose of protecting the weak.
Courage was one of their chief virtues. Devotion to the fair sex was
the strongest manifestation of Chivalry. Their aspirations were
good, and were productive of good both to themselves and to woman.
We can form some conception of the condition to which society
must have fallen but for Chivalry when we see upon what state of
things (the Dark Ages) Chivalry was embroidered."
Does not our own "state of things," in the " dark age" we live in,
invoke that "nobleness of sentiment" — that "enthusiasm for the
redress of human wrongs"? — for which I can find no name more
appropriate than
"CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS."
*Bulwer's Essays.
0f
PEELIMINAKY.
A CHAPTER ON FACTS.
Fact Laws govern every art and every business of life. In build-
ing a ship, or fashioning a needle, must not one solid Fact follow
another? Is it not so in all the other arts? — so in all the Sciences?
Nobody attempts to make even a pair of shoes without the requisite
skill and the requisite materials. Hence, shoes are made. There
is not even any risk of failure.
What is any science but a combination of recognized Facts?
Chemistry? — its history is a patient discovery and judicious arrange-
ment of Facts. Geology? — Mechanics? — Astronomy? — does not the
same brief sentence write the history of them all? They rejected
FALLACIES :— they accepted FACTS.
And how did they discover the Facts? how detect the Fallacies?
"By their fruits ye shall know them." The Fact manifested
itself in harmony and success — the Fallacies in derangement and
disappointment. In vain was the lightning conductor opposed as
an impious attempt to wrest from His hand God's own thunderbolt.
In vain did the dungeon- and the rack prop up the Ptolomaie
system of the sky. Fact underlay the one, and it was established ;
Fallacy the other, and it was destroyed.
The systems of government that exist now over the world resemble
in their Gigantic Errors the Ptolomaie system of the sky. And they
have, at "sundry times and in divers manners," been brought to a
violent end. Why have the same systems always built themselves
up again? Because there was no Copernican system of society to
take their place. Something must bo established — and at once,
to get out of Anarchy. The Ptolomaie Errors in government
PRELIMINARY. 11
were therefore again built up suddenly. And again, and again r
and forever are failures.
And this is not unaccountable. If men will ignore the Fact
Laws — or if they will not study them at all — in forming their govern-
ments, what other result can follow? With blind audacity you will
build an elaborate mansion, without the use of square, or line, or
plummet. You work away by "the rule of thumb," and are very
much astonished when the monument of your folly tumbles down
about your ears.
Do Fact Laws underlie the science of government? What are-
those Fact Laws? Let us take France as an example, and inquire.
There are thirty or forty millions of people in France. They must
be lodged, and clothed, and fed, or they die. They must be edu-
cated, or they sink into barbarism.
This is a very large and a very obstinate Fact. Let us call it the
"GREAT DEMAND FACT."
Is there a SUPPLY FACT, equally great? There ought to be, or
Nature is a Discord. Let us search. Where is the great Supply to
be found, that will meet this great Demand?
In the streets and high ways? No. In the lakes or streams? No.
In the ocean? No, Well, then, in the atmosphere? —the clouds,
the sunshine? Alas \ no.
What, then ! is there, indeed, no Great Supply Fact, to meet this-
Great, obstinate Demand Fact, that is armed to kill us, and will not
take itself away? — insists upon killing us?
No. We have already named all the Facts that there are, except
the soil, and that belongs- to the "landlords" — to the "nobility."
Who gave it to them?
Charlemagne, I suppose, or somebody like him, long ago, in the
dark ages.
Ir "the dark ages''! And who was Charley-man? In Avhat was
he different from any other man?
Different ! Don't you know? Had he not more authority — was he
not stronger— than other men?
Ill PRELIMINABY.
Ah ! yes. I once saw your meaning illustrated in a man's house-
hold.
It was cold weather, and the Father was called away on business
that would detain Him from early morning till late at night. He left
their "daily bread" within reach of the children — a stove in the
centre, round which all could have sufficient warmth. Beds were
arranged in the dormitories, and upon the eldest — and who were also
the strongest — He left injunctions to carry out His Will, and see to
the comfort of the whole family. He returned in .the middle of the
night. He found some of His children stark and lifeless outside of
His house, others driven into dark niches of the walls, just able to
pray for their Father's return ! He advanced, and He found the
strong and the cunning ones rioting in what belonged to their weaker
and perishing brothers and sisters. And the Father was sorely
displeased; and He would not acknowledge them as His children.
He cast them out "into outer darkness" — those strong and cunning
ones, who were thus so inhuman to their brothers and sisters.
The strength of this Charlemagne was not given for the destruc-
tion of his brothers. His authority was given not to injure but to
protect them.
In France the Provisional Government that succeeded Louis
Phillipe had thirty millions of people requiring to be clothed, fed,
educated, made secure in their homes.
A Great Want — and if the " Provisional" had at all opened their
eyes, they would have seen that there was one power, One Resource
only that could meet this Great Want.
That was, the Industry of France, applied to the soil— the minerals
— the natural resources of France.
Instead of that, they sought in big rickety things called
"National Workshops" the solution of ihis Mighty Problem. The
Workshops collapsed. Then Lamartine and his brother " Pro-
visionals " tried to solve it by a battle with the starving people.
They succeeded in slaying 30,000 of them in the streets of Paris, but
they did riot at all succeed in solving the Great Problem. When
will wisdom descend on this earth? Or is it the doom of the Bace
to go on in Error and its avenging penalties forever?
Those are questions to answer which is the great object of this
book.
IT PRELIMINARY.
WENDELL PHILLIPS.
' Bright names will hallow song." — BYBON.
Two or three " bright names" are photographed toward
the end of this book, and just as it was about to close I most
unexpectedly discover this other 'name/' so well known, so
highly and so deservedly honored. I had been writing to
Mr. Phillips deprecating partial, detail issues of Keform and
expressing a wish to confer with him on such subjects as
would embrace the whole nation and reach down into the
long future of the Republic — the subjects, in short, that are
set forth at large in this book.
His reply is a recognition of those subjects as worthy of
his serious thought — a strong evidence that they are worthy
the serious thought of any true American citizen.
A still stronger recognition of a man equally pure, able
and intelligent will be found in this book farther on. That
man is Gerrit Smith. It will be also seen that I have
differed with Mr. Smith — not in his principles, but only in
his means — and yet he gives me the most hearty recognition.
Gives me his right hand as a brother reformer.
The other names photographed are of men equally honored,
equally distinguished,, equally alone in their local sphere.
How those gentlemen befriended, counseled, sustained me is
dimly outlined in the coming pages. From among all the
men of the Republic, living or departed, I would choose out
those four men, and one other who is not photographed, to
give me a letter of Introduction. Will not what they have
given me, in some degree at least, serve the same purpose ?
The following was written by Mr. Phillips while I was yet-
a contributor to the Irish World, and before my identity was.
lost as a member of its staff:
JLs4/y t<<<^>^/ .
/
PRELIMINARY. VU
THOUGHTS ON CIVILIZATION.
THIS CHAPTER IS DEDICATED TO THE YOUNG PEOPLE JUST
ENTERING ON LIFE.
" You'll try the world soon, my lad,
And, Andrew dear, believe me,
You'll find mankind an unco squad,
And mucklo they may grieve you.
For care and trouble set your thought."
So warned the Scottish ploughman in the Old World one
hundred years ago. So might he send out the warning in
the New World and in the present day.
Why should this be so ?
To open that inquiry this paper is inscribed to the young
men and young women of the Republic, who are now coming
out from school and from apprenticeship — out to "try the
world."
EDUCATION OF YOUTH.
A public school founded on, say, 500 acres of suitable land.
Pupils of both sexes already up out of the parental prima-
ries— the first instruction should, for most vital reasons,
always be given at home. In those public seminaries all the
arts, sciences, and handicrafts taught; also, cultivation of the
soil, to bring from it everything of use and of beauty — from the
field of wheat to the parterre of flowers. Factory buildings
— embellished and beautified — of all required varieties.
Machinery driven by one head of water (precluding the use
of steam), which may also be the dwelling place of selected
fishes. Everything useful taught under the most attractive
and refining forms. Every trade and art RANKED AS A SCIENCE.
All equally honored, because each in its way is useful to man.
Eegulated by aptitude and inclination, all things should be
taught — from measuring the star spaces to making or mend-
V PRELIMINARY.
ing a shoe. The telescope to indicate the immensities; the
microscope. to dive into the minute. Photographic views of
all countries, seen through magnifying lenses, so arranged
as to give all an idea of the world we live in. Everything in
short that could instruct and exalt to find a place in that
public seminary. And a thorough brotherhood and sister-
hood understood, cherished, enforced — and for the supreme
reason that ALL are Children of the one DIVINE PARENT,
Equal Inheritors of His Form and His Spirit, and of the Grand
World He has prepared for their home.
Yes! you are all Equal Inheritors of the unspeakably grand
Estate which this fertile globe presents. Equally entitled to
have that home awaiting you on the day your education or
your apprenticeship is completed, and you go forth to give
to the world an individual life and an individual exertion.
A wise and just government would have this possession
already prepared for you. Would have, in the various
climates which your country presents, Townships, or tracts of
land scientifically laid out. Its central village — its park — its
fountains, its factories and public buildings — all on a tasteful
rural scale. Its roads, streets, bridges, fields and fruit-trees,
all things already prepared for the new and welcome guests
and visitors. Perhaps it is an old Township re-modeled,
where friends already reside — perhaps a new Township or
tract, to which friends may remove to be near you.
Those who prefer to go out and battle for life in the compet-
ing world, of course at liberty so to do — but with the condition
so beautifully set forth in Scott's best production:
" If on life's uncertain main
Mishap shall mar thy sail,—
If faithful, wise, and brave in vain-,
Woe, want, and exile thou sustain
Beneath the fickle gale, —
Waste not a sigh on fortune changed,
PRELIMINARY. IX
On thankless crowds or friends estranged ;
But come where kindred worth shall smile,
To greet thee on the lonely isle,"
or in this peaceful retreat, among your old school-fellows,
always ready and joyful to receive you.
But now ! You must all enter this competing world. Enter
it to find every avenue to a comfortable living blocked up
by those who came before you. You may have formed the
dearest friendships or the dearer loves. Your school part-
ing-day may be a tearing asunder of the holiest tics. But
part you must ! Very many never to meet again. The Gov-
ernment, entrusted with all our vast resources, that should
have prepared your home — your Inheritance — for you, pre-
ferred to rob you of that home and Inheritance — to part it
between themselves inside of Congress and their associate
criminals outside. They preferred to set aside the Divine
Plan that ought to govern the earth — casting you out to
combat for life in a world in which no home retreat is provided
for you. In which your share in fhe Creator's Bounty is not
even spoken of at all.
No ! the caucus-born politicians — whose four months' dead-
lock about the spoils of the Republic so recently stood forth
the scorn of the world — those are the culprits who send you
forth DISINHERITED — robbed of all the Creator has made for
you. Those drive you forth, out to an anxious strife with a
hard world — out to a strife where there should be no strife,
where tho Creator intended all should be harmony !
With a rational and virtuous government guiding the
destinies of the nation, all that is here indicated, and as much
more and better as time and experience would point out,
would be yours. Educated as Republican men and women
ought to bb, and your Inheritance prepared for you, you
would never know one anxious thought of how to secure a
living in accordance with your tastes and inclinations.
X PKELIMINABY.
But now ! How truly has one of yourselves written these
beautiful and sorrowful lines:
" When first life's journey I began
The glittering prospect charmed my eyes ',
I saw along the extended plain
Joy after joy successive rise.
But soon I found 'twas all a dream,
And learned the fond pursuit to shun ;
Where few can reach their purposed aim,
And thousands daily are undone."
"Why "undone! " There ought to be no "undoing" on this
Divinely-fashioned Earth. And there would be none if
virtuous statesmen controlled the nations, instead of base,
sordid, political knaves.
Some of you have bright prospects before you — homes to
return to : friends to sustain you. But, in the present unjust
and criminal state of society, nothing is certain. Besides,
among you whose prospects are brightest may be found gen-
erous natures that will do even more to aid your less favored
brothers and sisters in the public effort than they will do
themselves.
I, who speak thus to you, must soon quit the scene upon
which you are just entering. My experiences of fifty years
are laid before you in this book. And far more important,
I lay before you a Character whose example points out to you
the way to a humane, exalted, American Civilization — founded
upon the equal rights and equal dignity of every citizen — modi-
fied only by the aspiration, the culture, and the taste that will
then be within the reach of all.
May the Power that formed this grand world, and formed
you His Children to inhabit it, inspire you to wrest your
homes and your fate, and the fate of the dear ones that are
to come after you, out of the hands of the criminals who are
preparing for this nation all the horrors of British Civiliza-
PRELIMINARY. XI
tion. May Almighty God inspire and assist you to wrench*
the Republic out of their felon, " dead-locking " hands !
MODE OF SETTLEMENT.
Isolated farm life is to some extent rude and solitary.
Can that condition be changed for the better ? Let us inquire.
Here are two pictures taken from Nature — the one an
improvement on the other, and both an indication of how
taste and science should fashion your new home. The fol-
lowing picture of Indian life was furnished to me by F. W.
JByrdsal, a deceased brother Reformer, who personally
sketched it on the ground:
" The dwelling houses -were of logs in good condition — -with a lot of ground
to each house, fenced in, and part under cultivation. The Council House was really
a curiosity ; the walls, the roof, the floor, the door — all were composed of split cane,
interlaced with singular firmness and taste — we tried the walls with our handa, and
the floors with our feet. The landscape was beautiful, and nothing of human kind
was visible. Animals were fat and sleek and very docile ; the houses without in-
mates. The doors open, and all indicated peace and comfort. At length three Indian
men presented themselves, shook hands with us all in turn, and one of them
could speak a ftw words of English. The Chief and town folks were at work in the
corn field. Under guidance we rode on to the field, ABOVE A MILE IN LENGTH, the
majestic Apalachicola forming its eastern boundary. A shady covert, in which a
swarm of papooses of different ages peep at us with great attention but no alarm.
The Indians ot both sexes were at work, each with a hoe ; and at the leading row of
corn was the oldest man, the Chief. Salutations exchanged, the Indians resumed
their work ; an interpreter, a negro (probably a runaway), was the medium of com-
munication. Howawkawpawchasse was then a grandfather, but had to hoe his row
as well as any other. When a series of rows was hoed out, the old chief took the lead
in another series, and it would be disgraceful for anyone not to follow his Chief. The
large field of corn, sweet potatoes, pumpkins, and cow peas, was the common property
of the town to feed the inhabitants ; also the cattle and hogs for subsistence during the
year. But the lots of ground enclosed round the dwelling houses were private prop-
erty, to raise produce, feed, stock and poultry, at the disposal of the individual
* There is no difficulty in it. No Revolution to wade through. Nothing necessary
only to !et the Representatives in Congress know that the work must be done — no
delay, no excuse, no off-put. If anj Member dares to plunder and disinherit you
hold him to personal account, even in the extremest sense. On this principle, this
pivot, turns the enduring fate of the Republic; and there must be no trifling about
it. The gentlest means possible ought to be used. But, that failing, use the un-
gentlest means that may be necessary.
Xii PRELIMINARY.
owner. Each Indian could cultivate, for his own purposes of luxury and trading
as much ground as he pleased. In the general or public field, It was the custom to
work no longer than mid-day, unless in cases of emergency."
, Is not the principle here suggested by Mother Nature to
the wild man the same as her suggestion, carried more
perfectly out, in the Zoar Community? And which may be
improved to the highest point in a truly Republican Civiliza-
tion. The Zoar Community of Germans was established in
Ohio in 1817. I condense the description of a recent visitor
to the establishment:
"It is a ' little city.' Three straight streets, running parallel to the river, are
crossed at right angles by four shorter ones.
k< The squares are divided into four lots, each -with its own dwelling, fenced in with
neat railing, and laid out into vegetable and flower gardens, cultivated almost exclus-
ively by the women.
" The streets are marvellously clean, and like the fields, bordered by long rows of
apple trees.
"Trim walks run out at ei-her side of the street corners ; fountains of clear spring
w^ter splash and sparkle in moss-covered stone basins.
" In the centre of the village is a large public garden, neatly kept and geometrically
laid out, and filled with all kinds of domestic and foreign exotics.
" Ijarge hot houses are connected with it, and the sale of plants and shrubs forms
an important item in the revenue of the community."
After describing the houses and furniture, of the primi-
tive cast, the writer proceeds:
"At one side of the village stands the dairy stable, 50 by 210 feet, containing 104
stalls. It is built with two long rows of stalls divided by an asphaltum walk 15 feet
In width, over which a tramway carries feed. Over 100 cows are kept, and are driven
morning and evening to the stable to be milked. This is performed by a score or
more of the village maidens, who carry the milk to the dairy-house, where it is
emptied into an exaggerated tub, and dealt out to the families at required. A large
quantity ot cheese is manufactured, and from its superior quality commands a ready
market. On the opposite side of the village are the large stables for horses, and the
granaries for the immense crops of cereals raised by the society, and in different parts
of the hamlet are the shops for the various trades, cider presses, public bakery, etc.
Down by the river are two large flouring mills, a machine shop, founiry, woolen
mills and saw mills.
"Though like other people taking & part in the Political Government, they have
within it a Local Government of their own by trustees annually elected. Three meals
and two luncheons are served daily. They have their own brewery, their own hotel-
much frequented in the evening as a place of discussion and intercourse. They have
also a large general store, containing all neccisary things that are brought from a
distance— dry goods, hard-ware, groceries, etc.— all purchased at wholesale prices and
supplied without profit. This is but a mere glance at what has been achieved by peo-
ple inspired only by Nature, and aided only by their own industry*"
PRELIMINARY. X1H
Here, then, is no mere theory. Here are the teachings of
Nature in two distinct stages — the Primary and the Progress-
ive. As much, nay more than the Zoar stage exceeds the
savage stage, may the progress of enlightenment improve the
high Rational Civilization that would be sure to come, if we
were once clear of the murderous politicians.
Those who prefer the isolated farm to be suited accord-
ingly.
And now, brothers and sisters, a word to you on that
floundering, misleading thing called
POLITICAL ECONOMY.
Man is Disinherited ! In his Father's Household he is denied his place —
driven out to provide for his Natural Wants, without the means to provide
for them. In that astounding Primal Wrong behold the germ of all the evils
that affect, or that ever did affect, the Human Family.
Alongside of that Disinheritance, Fraud, Cruelty and Baseness of Soul built
up a Wages Workhouse, in which to receive the desolate man, and use and
abuse him for their sordid purposes. In that Structure to apportion him
work up to the limit of endurance, and wages down to the lowest verge of
subsistence. The Structure is not a prison. Men can go out of it at any
moment. But they must go out burthened with their remorseless wants, to
STAND UPON NOTHING ! And this is what Political Economy essays to per-
petuate.
And the two Executioners — Hunger and Nakedness — stand outside await-
ing them. So, if they would escape death at their hands, they must beg an
escape back into the " Economy " Workhouse. The Godless, sordid Work-
house, from which all human sympathy — all Divine Justice — is barred out,
A code, formed and administered by the Frauds and Cruelties themselves,
governs that house. They call it " Political Economy," and enforce it under
penalty of death by Nakedness and Hunger, the Executioners, that forever
stand on the outside.
Within its walls are one moan of discontent and one snarl of contention'
And to allay that discontent and harmonize that contention, ass-loads of books
(that's the way to measure them) have been thrown out in vain.
In vain ! in vain ! For those books accepted the great Wages Workhouse
as a natural fact as if no other provision were made by God for that deso-
XIV PRELIMINARY.
late, Disinherited man. Accepted tho hideous Lie, and never looked at the
beautiful and provident Truth— the fertile soil— that lay alongside of it.
The Truth distinctly shown even in this example. Mr. Hoag, of Renss,-!-
aerville, Albany County, N. Y., took an axe and a spade in his hand. He
struck into the forest, cleared his Held, and reared his log cabin flrst. Then
his house, his orchard, and his only son. Ho also carried the land Patroon
on his back all the time. I saw him with his good house— his son, a man of
taste and culture— his four-acre orchard of grafted fruit that netted him
$300 a year — his fertile fields and flourishing wood lot, with the stream
running between — both driving a saw-mill and furnishing a brook trout to
his table — his fifty bee-hives — his single and double carriages and sleighs.
Tho interior of his house replete with a plenty and purity and freshness that
the city rarely or never knows — lambs' wool and choice feathers combining;
to fit up his dormitories. Those opened on tho summer vine or closed on.
the wintry tempest. Sit down to his breakfast table, and you would hesitate
to get up again. And even the clip of his sheep, sent to tho neighboring
factory returned in handsome, durable cloth. And all this comes of tliQ/ree
Capital offered by Nature, and the active Capital of intellect and force stored
in his head and arm. There is not a commodity of use known to what is-
called " Civilization," of which Mr. Hoag could not command his share. And
he never paid Interest on a dollar in his life.
Political Economy, Mr. George ! * Advise the "students to study Political
Economy " ! No, no 1 Let the students turn their thoughts to the study of
the Economy of Nature, and waste no thought on the big unnatural Work-
house or its Political Economy. Restore to tho Disinherited ones what their
Benevolent Creator made for them. That's the work to be done ! Let us
further illustrate it.
Once upon a time a farmer erected a dove-cote for pigeons. He loved to*
see the pigeons fly over tho fields, pick up grains and enjoy themselves.
Besides, if he wanted one or two for his use, ho expected to have them in
good condition. But by-and-bye he found the birds in bedraggled plumage
and wasted to skin and bone. In order to find out the cause he climbed up
at the rear of the dove-cote, and, looking in, he saw the pigeons come in one
after another and deposit their cropfuls on a big heap — receiving a few pol-
luted grains from the bottom of tho heap, to enable them to fly forth for
* Of recent fame. Probably the only conscientious writer that ever took
up the subject. [ See hi* book, " Progress and Poverty." ]
PRELIMINARY. XV
another cropful. He saw a big, bloated pigeon on the top of the heap, and a
guard of pigeons perched round the sides of it, enforcing a " law " they had
made. The " law " was to the effect that the bloated pigeon owned all the
outside fields, and if any bird touched a grain on them without his permis-
sion, and bringing in their cropfuls to him, the body-guard of pigeons would
peck him to death. The farmer saw, too, a Smith pigeon, arid a Ricardo-
pigeon, and a Mill pigeon, hard at work regulating how much or how little
of each cropful should be given to the gatherers ; and lastly a George pigeon
peeped in, trying to set them right, and dragging them up out of their
well-earned obscurity. And this they called the science of " Production and
Distribution." They had been philosophizing and " Economizing " at it for
a hundred years and more, and made for so far not the least advance
toward its settlement. As soon as the master of the dove-cote ascertained
all this, he wrung the necks of the bose and his body-guard, anil was very
near serving the skin-and-bono pigeons in the same way for submitting to
such a stupid, obvious, egregious imposture. But, in pity for what they
had suffered, he spared them and let them fly forth free to forage for
themselves. And they soon became fat, and feathered, and active, and
happy, and all that Nature intended pigeons to be.
Mr. George perceives that Land Monopoly is the source of all our social
disorders, and he exclaims, " I see the remedy, but it is so radical a remedy
that I deemed it necessary to enquire whether there was any other remedy."
And, accordingly, he proceeds to discuss "just" amounts of Rent, that he
knows ought not to have an existence at all. A rather difficult task, when
we look at the ten thousand or ten million fronts Bent puts on in claiming
" its dues." Speaks of " the legitimate earnings of Capital," and how much
of an acre's produce ought to go to the laborer, how much to the capitalist,,
and how much to the land-owner. All this is beating about the bush, but
it may be necessary. It may be necessary in the present depraved condition
of the public mind to go into these considerations in order to get a hearing-
at all.
And, in that case, Mr. George's book may be a happy thought and a
good, practical stepping-stone to the NATURAL ECONOMY that I hope to see
supersede the Political Economy. The one being just as true and just and
simple as Nature itself ; the other as tortuous, heartless and unjust as the
Politics it is named after. I believe — nay, I know — that Mr. George's book
has been studied by men who, had he presented the " radical remedy " which
XVl PRELIMINARY.
he sees, would not be likely to touch his book at all. Besides, Mr. George
had to write a book ; and if he had taken Natural Economy for his subject,
its elucidation had been so simple pud so short that there would be nothing
to write a book about. The Township, with its arrangements, ruled over
by such men as Mr. Hoag, aggregating into a county government, and those
forming on a larger scale, answering to our State governments. Inheritance
and Education, growing out of it, would leave as little room for crime as
there is for weeds in a carefully cultivated field. Hardly any " law " would
be required. None for the collection of debts. None except a Defining Record
for the holding or transfer of possessions in land. No occasion for borrow-
ing and therefore no Interest. In a State so constituted, a fixed limit to the
possessory farm, say fifty acres now, and if necessary that lessened to forty,
thirty, or twenty, more or less, in succeeding years. The less the
farms the more thoroughly cultivated and the people living more closely
together: This I take to be the Natural Economy. And before the advent
of a true man into its ranks I felt inclined, I will just say to expectorate
my contempt upon the white-washed wickedness called Political Economy.
ME. GEOKGE'S EEMEDY
is to make the occupier a "rent-paying tenant of the State," or "leave the
ownership in the individual owner and appropriate the rent by taxation."
I cannot accept this remedy. Because, first, there is or can be no " indi-
vidual ownership " in that in which all have an indefeasible right.
Second — Because the "State" plan would require a horde of men to
work it, every one of which was a fallible, perhaps vicious and dishonest
man.
Third— Because, with the rents in his hands, the putative " owner " could
employ a part of them to turn aside hostile legislation.
Fourth— Because, even if the "owner" slumbered till the law against
him was enacted, he would bend all his energy and means to its repeal,
with an effect we see every day exemplified.
Fifth — Because it would not mend the matter to leave to individual
"land-owners" (poison fungi which Mr. George continues \o recognize)
to collect the land rents and hand all but a per centage over to the State.
Sixth — Because the money, if so handed over which is not likely — might
not, indeed would not, be applied to the " common benefit." And this —
PRELIMINARY. XVll
Because one tornado of taxation sweeps over the land, from tho petty
thefts under a village charter up to the enormous villainies, smugglings
and perjuries and briberies clustered into one heap in the Custom House.
And how much of it goes to tho "common benefit"? And must wo wait
for justice till wo re-create these political rogues?
He very judiciously follows Carlyle's thought that the dehumanizing
selfishness now holding such general sway has its deep root in the dread of
poverty. In my brief way I have treated the same subject.
"Give labor a free field and its full earnings," says Mr. George ;" take
for the benefit of the whole community that fund which tho growth of the
community creates, and want and the fear of want would be gone." Most
true. And more than " gone." A vista of diffused splendor and boundless
utility embracing all men, here rises to our view. The only doubt is
whether the means proposed by Mr. George (just look at them ! ) are likely to
achieve the end. I fear that Beform traveling on the road that he points out
would be a long time on the way. He further speaks in this way :
" Call it religion — patriotism — sympathy — the enthusiasm for humanity,
or the love of God — give it whatever name you will — there is yet a force that
overcomes and drives out selfishness — a force which is the electricity of the
moral Universe — a force beside which all others are weak."
The picture is grand poetically and latent philosophically — a reflex of his
own heart. Practically it is a myth. It does not drive out selfishness.
So far from being "the force before which all others are weak," it is
almost— might I not say entirely? — silenced by the actual, active, all-
pervading, all-dominant force of selfishness, now in full possession all
over the world.
I by no means believe in State landlordism and its machinery of rent-
gatherers. I hold that every man has a right to as much land as he chooses
to cultivate where land is abundant. Where it is not abundant a maximum
must be agreed upon, up to which he may go and no farther. The State
has no right to charge him money for what is the Divine Gift. For protec-
tion he is liable to its cost, nothing more. Nor has the State any right to
prescribe to him where he shall settle. It is his right to settle on any un-
occupied land that may best suit him. Mr. George makes a place for
4t capital," and discusses fair amounts of its " earnings." I don't see any
place for it in Nature's Economy. Neither did Mr. Hoag as already shown.
He discusses, too, what of an acre's product should belong to the " land-
XV111 PRELIMINARY.
owner." In the Economy of Nature I find no place for a thing of that
name.
For me it is not necessary to consider his views of modern Civilization,
and whether it tends to "equality"; and whether bishops did or did not
"become by consecration the peers of the greatest nobles," or whether
kings holding the stirrup of popes were or were not hopeful things.
EFor in this book I have found it necessary to ignore, renounce, condemn
nd execrate the robbing, enslaving, murdering thing that calls itself
Civilization," wherever it is to be found all over the world. The splendid
abilities of Mr. George, his extensive erudition, his clear conception of
the Great Truth and his magnificent presentation of it, naturally lead to the
thought that, as he knows so much, he must have a keen insight into
everything — our governing machinery for example, and how to turn it
aright. Here would be a dangerous mistake. The mad, wicked men
who govern us would rejoice — feel safe, indeed — if we brought no other
means to bear on them, than the means suggested by Mr. George.
One Foundation Truth only is the thing they may dread. And that is
rapidly coming down on them. The Truth that all titles to land are of
very necessity Frauds and Forgeries. That there never did— never could
—exist a title save the possessory title of the Occupant who cultivates a
fair-sized farm for the support of his family. That's the Truth to
which the people — in Ireland, and here, and everywhere — must be roused
up. And that SUBLIME TBUTH will sweep away the robbers' titles, whether
from kings, Cromwells or Congresses — one of which never owned — never
could have owned — an inch of what they pretended to give away.
His opinion that we should let Corporations grow to their full height and
then abolish them by taxation — is it not equally erroneous? He seems to
forget that those Corporations control — actually own — the Legislatures,
through which only he could lay a penny of tax upon them. The one way
to reach them is — first, last and always — contained in three words, " SPBEAD
THE LIGHT." Once men see the Great Truth, they will find means to
enforce it.
The simple Economy of Nature requires no abstruse study to perceive
It, and nothing more than common sense and healthful labor to realize it.
Natural Economy as opposed to Political Economy — the one as superior to
the other as the kindly care of Nature is superior to the skulking, swindling
rapacity of Politics.
PRELIMINARY. XIX
Next in importance, and equally simple in its nature, is
the question of
FINANCE.
Experience will soon discover how many dollars per capita is the necessary
volume of a circulating medium. Kept do\vn, and also kept up, to that
amount, shrinkage, fluctuations, panics, with their attendant evils, will be
unknown. Then each nation can regulate for itself — a thing impossible
under a Metallic System. Conclusive evidence on this subject will bo
found on other page?.
Besides — and this also touches you young people very nearly — gold and
silver were given to civilized man for use, not for a token of exchange. If
confined to that use they would come down to their economical price —
probably not a fourth or a sixth of their present commercial value. In our
watches, jewelry, etc., there need bo no lacquered imitations. On our tables
no corroding, and oven poisoning mixtures of the baser metals. Gold was
given for those uses ; so was silver. Now they are made the instruments of
confusion, loss, robbery, murder, and oven suicides by the thousand, statis-
tical evidences of which ,aro presented in this book.
And throughout will bo presented the not general but universal corruption
and absence of public virtue that pervades the Republic. In leaving to
government the unbounded power to tax, we invited all the public vice in
the country to rush in and govern us. That they did rush in, and "oar all our
virtuous citizens out, it is a main business of this book to show.
It will do more. It will suggest the means necessary to rescue the Repub-
lic— all the means, at least, that long experience and intense, anxious thought
on the subject enables mo to present. "We, you and I, may bo the instru-
ments of tho Higher Power in accomplishing the Great Work. That Power
has given us tho Steam Slave and tho ten thousand ingenious machine
fingers working by its force. Tho printing press, tho telegraph, and even
an occult chemical force to equalize army force, and if driven to extremity,
make the naked helpless ones a match for tho organized bands of Fraud and
Cruelty. Let us implore and rely on that Aid from Above, and this world
may bo changed, even in our own brief day, from the Hell that evil men
have made of it, to tho Paradise which tho Creator evidently intended it to
be. I have appealed to you young and untainted ones. Under the Divine
Power, it is you will determine whether British Civilization, now raising
XX PRELIMINARY.
aloft its shiny, snaky head among us, shall bo suffered to rot out every
Republican virtue, or whether a humane, virtuous Civilization — indigenous
to the Bepublic — founded on its early virtues — shall now bravely enter on
the scene, and drive out the British spirit and example, as your fathers
drove out the hordes sent over to enslave them, in two obstinate, malignant
and murderous wars. In this, book I present to you an example of that
" Indignous Civilization," as it blossomed apart from the political knaves.
Just as I close I find in "Franklin's "Works," edited by
Jared Sparke, (volume 8, page 416), the following most
important suggestion:
"Accounts upon oath have been taken in America by order of
Congress of the British barbarity committed there. It is expected
of me to make a school-book of them, and to have thirty-five prints
designed here by good artists arid engraved, each expressing one or
more of the different horrid facts, to be inserted in the book in order
to impress the minds of children and posterity with a deep sense of
England's bloody and insatiable malice and wickedness. Every
fresh instance of her devilism makes me abominate the thought of a
reunion with such a people."
But the reunion now, at this day, is being rapidly pushed
in on us. All that is superficial and all that is base in the
Republic are plunging headlong into this detestable "re-
union." It is not generally realized that the war of 1812
was a war of subjugation — the sailor question a mere pre-
text. Nor is the vandalism of that war borne in mind and
the tens of thousands of the very flower of our young men
— young and old — murdered in it by the revived "devil-
ism." Then it was the devil at his full height touched by
Ithuriel's spear. Now it is the same devil creeping into the
Garden and breathing evil into the woman's ear. Whisper-
ing that Civilization is a want of her life, and that she must
want if she does not take it from England, and with it, all
England's abominations. Must take them all — instead of
rejecting them all, and founding a Civilization indigenous to
PRELIMINARY. Xxi
America and " New to the "World. " Who will adopt Franklin's
idea ? Who will organize a mental force to make head against
this great evil? Who will take the Fathers of the Eepublic
for their guide ? Who will help to cast out the devil and the
"devilism" that Franklin speaks about? Who will take his
model and even now force it "into our school books, to
impress the minds of our children and posterity with a deep
sense of England's [her government's] bloody and insatiable
malice and wickedness"?
OPINIONS OF THE PRESS.'
Who was that old philosopher that exclaimed, "What evil have
I done that these bad men should speak well of me?"
Most books are now ushered forth with a long flourish of "Opin-
ions of the press.'' As much as to say, "I am an honest book, a
good book — see my character vouched for by one or two hundred /
rogues."
Those rogues, riding on their newsbags, block up almost every
avenue to the public mind. Flatter them, bribe them, propitiate
them in some way, and they will give any ordinary book an
onward lift. But not such a book as mine. Between them and
this book is an antagonism instinctive and irrepressible, so decided
and so natural, withal, that "the devil and holy water" is no more
than a joke to it.
A very few years ago those daily news-mongers could draw the
pall of silence over any man or any book of Reform. Or, if they
preferred that course, they could then stifle it under an avalanche
of vituperation. There was no defense against them — there was no
escape from them — there was no appeal. A voice raised against
them fell dead in the utterance. Eight thousand "Pharisees " and
their twenty thousand "Scribes" held supreme dominion over the
public mind. A dominion, it is boasted, that "they could not
abdicate if thev would."
PRELIMINARY.
But the fact that I write this, and that a very large public
have an opportunity to read it, shows that a change impends over
those self-crowned monarchs. An electricity of mind now connects
Reformers all over the world. A thought thrown out by one
reaches them all . Among the progressions of the age this is the
most progressive. Do we owe it to the Irish World? — to the Great,
Vital Truth which inspires that journal? That Truth — the Father-
hood of God, and the Brotherhood of Man — and all the grand rights
that this relation implies. That is what gives a self-moving power
to the Great Bef orm Paper. This carries it alike into the Cabin and
the Castle. Alike necessary to both — to all men who from hope or
from fear strain to know what new thoughts and new actions are
taking possession of the world.
If I can launch my book on that great current of thought, a
knowledge of it will reach four hundred similar currents, fringing
along the mighty stream — four hundred local Reform papers — to
every one of which I am prepared to send on application a copy for
review. And so it may reach men of thought everywhere.
No, not everywhere. Hid away in the great existing Darkness
are some of the best minds in the country. Men who have never
seen of Beforni a written sentence — who have never heard of Reform
an articulate voice. I trust that such men will yet hear and yet
come to our help. I may well hope this, for without the help of
just such men this book had never been written.
As some authors write their own reviews, I write my own
" OPINIONS OP THE PRESS."
i
Farewell! May heaven enlighten and arouse you to this
redeeming work. And remember, he who now speaks to
you has already outlived the time allotted to man; that he
never sought public power or public favor; that he seeks
nothing from you — now — but your help to rescue your Repub-
lic, your rights, your homes — the memories and the works
of your fathers — from the collective sordidness that threatens
to submerge the Republic in the depths of that murderous
villainy called "British Civilization."
INTRODUCTION.
" Truths would you teach, and save a sinking land;
All fear, none aid you. and low understand."— PoPBu
" But the heart and the mind
And the voice «>f mankind
Shall arise in communion,
And who shall resist that proud union ?"— BYRON.
•THERE is already a great profusion of books. The Scientific
confined to its exact field. The Imaginative, flashing over an
empire that knows no bounds ; and all between those wide ex-
tremes, every Department of Knowledge Las its books — each, it
may be presumed, cleverly illustrating the subject to which it is
devoted.
On Society, Government, Political Economy, books have suo-
ceeded each other— borrowed and patched from each other— and
put forth quite a respectable wilderness of leaves. As for fruit,
there is a great crop of it to be found in the garrets and cellars—
in the long hours of ill-requited labor, with ghastly intervals of
no labor and no requital at all.
Society, Nations, Men — in all countries and in all ages — have
very sturdily held that whatever modes of life and opinion pre-
vailed in any and each of those countries, at the then existing
time, was the true opinion — the true and proper mode of life.
Never did two nations agree as to what was right and natuial,
and yet each was quite sure that its own Institutions were right,
perfect, not to be quectioned.
But change was at work on them all ; sometimes gently and
imperceptibly, like the autumn breeze ; sometimes with the shock
of a social earthquake. The murderous combats of even de-
fenceless men against wild beasts in the arena of Rome, the
Hindoo widow on her funeral pyre, the Juggernaut, the hangings
and crucifixions and diabolical tortures— all these, in their times,
were held as sacred things in the countries where they existed,
and to raise a voice against them was likely to have that voice
silenced forever.
There was not one of those Nations but was just as satisfied
that it was right as we now are satisfied that we are right. They
could see, just as we also see, only what existed close around
them, and they accepted it for good, and defended it with great
2 INTRODUCTION.
earnestness, and, indeed, with great injustice and cruelty. The
prevailing Errors knew, at least, how to trench themselves rounci
with terrors and with death. To lift a hand against any govern-
ment, even at this day, is adjuged " High Treason," and incurs
condemnation to the most revolting death. This is tne law
alike in Monarchy and Republic, notwithstanding the testimony
which the "Declaration of Independence" boars against it — bears
to the justifiable nature of all such discontents and rebellions.
The Ptolemean philosophers made this mudcly little Earth of
ours the centre of the Universe. From this erroneous stand-
point they viewed all the orbital motions, and vainly tried to
make them all fall into line with their Erroneous Scheme. This
error held possession of all the seats of learning, and even of
the Church, for fifteen hundred years. They learned better
(and they were quite unwilling to learn) when a man arose and
drove this world of ours into its proper place ; put the great Sun
in the centre, and made our Earth one among the other little
orbs that revolve around him. This done, the Ptolemean cycles
and epicycles disappeared. There was no further use for them.
Emblem of the problems of human society. Our thinkers and
our writers on those problems have tried, and vainly tried, to
solve <JUem. How could they solve them? They left out the
great underlying Truth which, like the Copernican truth, can
alono famish the solution. To elucidate that Great Truth is the
object of this book.
That profound thinker, George Combe, throws a flash of light
on this subject when he thus speaks :
"At the time of the Roman invasion the inhabitants of Britain lived as
savages, and appeared in painted skins. After the Norman conquest, one
part of the nation was placed in the condition of serfs, and condemned to
labor like beasts of burden, while another devoted themselves to war.
Next came the age of chivalry. These generations generally believed their
own condition to be the permanent and inevitable lot of man. Now. how-
ever, have come the present arrangements of society, in which millions of
men are shut up in cotton and other manufactories for ten or twelve hours
a day ; others labor underground in mines ; others plough the fields ; while
thousands of higher rank pass their whole lives in idleness and dissipa-
tion. The elementary principles, both of mind and body, were the same
In our painted ancestors, in their chivalrous descendants, and in us, their
ehopkeeping, manufacturing and money-gathering children. If none of
these conditions have been in accordance with his constitution, he must
etill have his happiness to seek. Every age. accordingly, has testified that
it was not in possession of contentment ; and the question presents itself.
If human nature has received a definite constitution, and if one arrange-
INTRODUCTION. 3
rrent of external circumstances be more suited to yield it gratification
than another, what are that constitution and that arrangement? No one
cunong the pliilosophers has succeeded in informing us. If we in Britain
have not reached the limits of attainable perfection, what are we next to
attempt? Are we and our posterity to spin and weave, build ships, and
speculate in commerce, as the highest occupations to which human nature
can aspire, and persevere in these labors till the end of time ? If not, who
shall guide the helm in our future voyage on the ocean of existence ? and
by what chart of philosophy shall our steersman be directed ? Time and
experience are necessary to accomplish these ends, and history exhibits
the human race only in a state of progress towards the full development of
their powers, and the attainment of national enjoyment."
And why has it stood so, and why does it so stand now?
Why did the Ptolemean system of Astronomy stand for fifteen
hundred years ? Why did it mislead the lawyers, the doctors,
the Church, the Universities — every one of the learned men and
learned institutions? Why? Because all of them accepted
Ptolemy's grand error for a grand truth. Because all kept
trying to hammer that error into something like a truth. Be-
cause they all attempted to do the impossible !
So it is with the " politico-economists," " social philosophers,"
or whatever else they may please to call themselves. The first
grand fundamental truth of man's close relation to his mother
earth, the soil— the raw material of all good things— never entered
their heads, or if it did, they made no effectual use of it. A
vicious error underlay all that they saw around them.
They accepted what they saw ; tried, and tried, and tried yet
again, and again, to reduce to harmony the established
and time-honored discords. And they might try on thus to
eternity. Harmony they could never bring up out of the great
parent Discord that lay and lies below. Some writer has said
that " the first man who enclosed a field called it his property,
and made another pay him rent for it, was the first great
sinner. " Had that man never been, what an ocean of suffering
had it spared the world !"
There, just at that point, lies the great, the mathematical
error on which our civilization is founded. The natural wealth
of the world belongs to the Power that created it. He alone
is the authority to dispose of it. His Will is the only legitimate
law that can be brought to bear on it. To fix or to indi-
cate the disposition that He designs should be made of it, is
the first and holiest duty of man and governments. Is thero
4 INTRODUCTION.
any difficulty in finding out His Will ? You have wants, there's
the raw material of all good things ; you have intelligence and
industry, make what your wants require. There is no mystery
about it, not the slightest. Obedience to that Will is necessary
to our harmony and our happiness. To man for a most wise pur-
pose has been given imperative and undeferrable wants. So
imperative and so undeferrable that they would and will kill Mm
if he does not find for them their natural and immediate supply.
Has the Heavenly Father imposed this inexorable condition on
man, and then left him unable to meet that condition, and to
perish if he cannot meet it and make it good ?
It is, indeed, a monstrous state of things when it is possible to
ask such a question. Is it a blasphemy, or is it a truth, to say
that even the CREATOR HIMSELF had, or has, or could, or can have
no just authority to do such a great wrong — to impose such un-
just and deadly conditions as I have here supposed ? If HE, even
HE, should lean over the battlements of heaven and say to yon-
der miserable man and his naked and " an hungered " family
** The highway is yours, the workshop door, the job on the street,
or any other job you can procure, is yours ; but if you can't culti-
vate bread on the sidewalk, if you can't get into the workshop
door that is shut in your face, if you can't get a job of some sort
to keep you alive, THEN DIE. I, your Father, *iave made no
other provision for you." And, having so spoken and retired
again and hid His faoe within the battlements of he-aven, then
that man, perishing with his family, would he, or would he not,
have the right to look up to the sky and tax even his Heavenly
Father with injustice, Cruelty, the distress, the death, the murder
of himself and his family?
Now the monstrous condition and cruelty which Is here im-
agined is the incredible and yet actual reality that has long held
possession of this world — has long imposed this atrocious sen-
tence on yonder miserable man. A power that the Creator Him-
self dare not exercise, because a violation of His Divine Justice
is assumed and exercised by a wretched and ignorant man. Bo
stupid, too, that he does not know the evil he is doing. And
there has yet appeared no man to effectually question that
power, or bring up to tribunal th« stupidity that dares to
assume it. Thus it is that the question of Man's harmonious
life on this earth remains unanswered— " not one among the
philosopher/3 has succeeded in answering it, "says George Combe.
INTRODUCTION. 5
A frank admission that yourself, George Combe, can furnish no
answer to it — no answer to your own question.
And so it has stood for the weary and sorrowful centuries.
Age succeeded age— philosopher philosopher. Of these Dr.
Young, the profound author of "Night Thoughts," speaks in this
way. What do you think of him, ye learned philosophers of
u Social Science " and " Political Economy ?" Dr. Young was as
learned as any one of you. Is it possible that he was wiser than
ye all?
" Our needful knowledge, like our needful food,
Unhedged lies open in the common field,
And bids all welcome to the genial feast.
You scorn what lies before you. in the page
Of Nature and experience— moral truth.
And dive in Science for distinguished names.
Sinking in Virtue, as you rise in Fame.
Your learning, like the lunar beam, affords
Light, but not heat."
" Our needful knowledge" does indeed lie open before us. It
has not been looked at. The " open field " has not been entered—
has not been seen at all by our learned patchers of social theories.
No. Here's how they get along. A young gentleman reaches
the writing age much as he would reach the marrying age. He
feels the necessity to write. It is an instinct— a very laudable
instinct — and he must obey it. He has studied rhetoric, he has
read the errors that have gone before him, and he has accepted
those errors as truths. So he quits a luxurious bedroom for a lux-
urious breakfast— thence he makes short way into a well-furnished
library with good writing materials at his hand. He takes down
Ricardo, Adam Smith, and all the array of social Ptolemies that
march before them and behind them. He has already at school
accepted all their Errors for Truths. He has seen the wilderness
of leaves put forth by them, but he has given himself little con*
corn about the resultant fruit. And so he goes to work to patch,
re- vamp, reconstruct the SOCIAL EPICYCLES. He thinks he can re-
concile all the oppositions and harmonize all the discords. Thinks
that when his book comes forth it will make a great flutter in
the world, and that himself will "rise in fame" accordingly.
And yet he will merely add one other to the tomes of quackery
that have gone before him, and that (a, first healthy sign I) are
now fast falling into ridicule and contempt.
0 INTRODUCTION.
I hail that contempt and ridicule as a signal that this present time
may indeed be the right time to publish my ONE BOOK on this vital
subject. Once it is in the hands of the public I will regard my work
as done — successful or not — my mission as ended.
And such books — I mean books on government and society — have
been and are dry reading. They painfully resemble a man struggling
in a quagmire and sinking deeper at every plunge ae makes to get
out. This book is nothing of the kind. Just the reverse, indeed.
It is the same man on firm ground. A varied landscape before him
— sky and clouds, sunshine ami shadow, over his head.
So much of this Introduction was stereotyped nearly four years
ago. At the same time were stereotyped the Irish and English
sections of the book. And this was before the present Great Move-
ment took its rise. Hence the frequent allusion to the "pall of
Ignorance " that covered the Earth and kept out the Light of Heaven.
Ireland was chasing the phantom of Home Rule, or pausing to look
at the rugged recruit called "Obstruction," as he rushed in and took
a hold of the Honorable Commons by the throat. He was a new
combatant, and his vigorous onslaught was just the thing to arouse
and amuse the Irish people. But the people were naked and hungry
.and could not afford to be amused. So they turned away from the
amusement and fixed a longing eye upon the land. Th 3 truth is —
and it may as well be spoken out — the Irish World became irritated
at the Home Rule buffoonery and opened fire on it — riddling it week
after week with shot after shot from across the Atlantic. Two or
three specimens of what may be called "preserved artillery" — the
opening artillery of the present great campaign — will be found near
the close of this book. There is a whole magazine of the same sort
preserved in the file of the Irish World. It is an immense reserve
which should, I think, be drafted instantly into action. Prefaced
by a brief outline of Land Reform — from Genesis down — it would,
in my judgement, be superior to any Reform volume ever published.
THE
ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CEiNTURT;
OK, THE SPIRIT OF
CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS.
CHAPTER I.
SCENES, EARL ' IMPRESSIONS, REFLECTIONS— THE OPENING OF Lira
AND THE APPROACHING CLOSE.
" 0 ! how can you renounce the boundless store
Of charms which Nature to her votary yields ?
The warbling woodlands, the resounding shore.
The pomp of groves, the garniture of fields.
All that the genial ray of morning gilds,
And all that echoes to the song of even ;
All that the mountain's sheltering bosom shields.
And all the dread magnificence of heaven,
0 ! how canst thou renounce and hope to be forgiven
There is not much trumpet fame about Seattle as a poet. But
is there anything even in Childe Harold better than that ?
" Renounce." Well, I did renounce scenes just like those. I
had to renounce them, and how many millions of my disinher-
ited brothers had to make the same renouncement? Happy
for men if they never learn to fully comprehend and deeply love
those sublimities. Wandering under a strange, wide sky, or
cramped down in the narrow streets of a city, well indeed were
it if they did not carry about within their bosoms a distinct and
a longing sense of what they have lost !
My own exile has been a turbulent one — full of antagonisms,
disquiets, efforts, strife. Hardly one glimpse of what all of us
are formed to enjoy and what is sublimely pictured in that grand
motto which I have dared to prefix to this chapter.
How peaceful and enjoyable had been my life in that place to
which she the Great Mother sent me ! But two or three men
baffled her maternal purpose. Thrust me out from her nursing
8 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY ;
bosom— out into the common lot of all my brothers— out to pick
up a living in the barren highway of the world or perish if I
could not.
No ! I at least did not wait for them to thrust me out. I
threw down my defiance to them. I devoted my life to a war
against them. " Our Natural Eights," published a few pages
onward, was my gage of battle to them forty years ago. And I
regard this volume as the last Waterloo charge of the campaign.
And those two or three men were no stronger and no better
than myself— had from Nature just as many faculties and just as
many rights as myself. Not one faculty nor one right less or
more. And how much of suffering, of toil, of sorrow unspeak-
able did those two or three men inflict on the twenty thousand
men that were sent to inhabit that district of country 1 How
much of barrenness did they inflict on that country itself I The
fields were hungry— the "heart" was taken out of them by
the absentee rents. That hunger smote all around it — every-
thing. The poor man's cow, if he had one, and even his dog was
about as ill provided as himself.
I am yet in my childhood, but they take me out and show me
the fields, and the waters, and the mountains, and the islands,
and they tell me that all this belongs to three strange creatures
(as I thought) called lords. They must be powerful creatures
and good creatures also, when they created all I saw and per-
mitted such crowds of people to live on it. What kind of strange
beings they could be I tried to image forth in my mind : And I
saw one stepping down from the mountain summit and, with one
step bounding over the deep wide lake that lay at its base.
With two steps more he reached our village and scraped his
boot-soles on the seventy-feet high chimneys of the old castle.
Thence with one leg on each side of the bay he took a step or
two more, three miles, down to its entrance. Eested for a mo-
ment on the " green islands," and disappeared thence into the
vast unknown. To my thought not one man or woman in all
that district was in the least worth his "lordly" attention, for
I knew his name was " lord."
Such was my picture, such my thought when one day a cry
arose, " There comes the Lord !" Wonder, fear, and curiosity
In one whirl, I rushed to the cabin door crying out, "Where?
where ?" " There he is ? That's him in the centre of the group
OR, THE SMETT O? CHIVALBY IS MODERN DATS. 9
— him with the white hat" " No, that is not the Lord. He's only
a man, and don't I see hundreds of them every day I look round ?
A lord indeed ! Such a thing as that a lord 1" I retired into the
cabin in disappointment and disgust.
" O! how canst thou renounce and hope to be forgiven?"
Well, Time marched on, and I did " renounce," I had to re-
nounce, for none of this grandeur of Nature lying profusely
arouad was created for me. It was all sent to, all created for,
Colonel Packenham, a clowney of him who fell at New Orleans,
and for Broughton Murray, a sidelong descendant of the
" Kegent Murray," and for one Lord Arran, descended, I suppose,
from somebody else. It is true those great lords and owners
never set foot in the scenes that were created for them. And the
fact began to dawn on me that they were very like the dog in the
manger, they would neither live in them themselves nor let any
body else live in them — not live in them in any degree of com-
fort. I do not know how others feel, but I must myself confess
to even a fierce resentment against those men, and all such men.
My life has been a trying and a turbulent, and at many times
a tortured life. Cut off and cast out from those calm rural
enjoyments — those guileless pursuits that, while blessing on
earth, but prepare us for Heaven.
Surely all things in this world are under a Supreme guidance.
And as surely must it subserve some good purpose when two,
three, or four common men, not at all distinguishable from any
other common men, could and can cast such a shadow, such a
blight, on a whole region of country. It must be that even such
ovil men subserve some grand purpose in this their destructive
mission. Besides, are those men evil ? Or are they themselves
victims enclasped in an evil system that has formed them to what
abhorrent things they appear? A system which thoroughly
searched into does indeed injure themselves in some respects even
far more than their victims. At any rate they are a part of the
Grand Scheme, and are entitled to the mitigation which that fact
presents. We may deplore and even despise the part they have
been appointed to act. But a little reflection will modify the re-
sentment we naturally feel against them. They act out their
parts and, as cogs in a wheel, ar j not much to blame.
But I, too, am a part of the Grand scheme. It is their nature
to make a part of an atrocious system. It is my nature to war
10 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY ;
agaiust that system and against them. Is my nature less or to
be less respected than theirs ?
" In days when daisies deck the ground.
And blackbirds whistle clear,
With honest joy my heart can bound
To see the coming: year."
Yes ! That was your nature, poor Burns. But the land cheats
said " No " to both of us. They sent you to hold the plough for
them, to swing the flail, to work on that high, cold, barren hill for
them, and leave you to bitterly exclaim, " D — 1 take the life of
reaping the fruits that another must eat." And so, having toiled
and tired, and tortured yourself planting and reaping fruits that
they took away from you, you died !
And though it may be in lesser degree, every human heart
does " bound to see the coming year," how often, how often in
vain ! Not a returning season ever approached me since I was
driven from my native fields but brought a returning disappoint-
ment in its train. And still the hope would remain that when
the spring again returned I would have a day or a month on its
bosom under the trees and among the blossoms — renew faintly
In a far off land the companionship so dear to me in life's early
morning. But no ! The next spring came, and the blossoms
came and withered, and the sunderance between them and me
became greater than ever. My life became a struggle for the
means to live. And I thought of the three men who had marred
my life, and something — almost a curse — would rise against them
in my heart.
My life, all that is worth in this life, is now over. Justice can
never come to me — compensation for the long natural life and
natural happiness from which I was shut out by those men.
That happiness, " our being's end and aim," can now never reach
me. If what I write here be a success, that success will be for
the world. It cannot be for me. If it be a failure, that failure
cannot reach me, cannot take away from me the thought that I
have done, not now but always, all through my long and varied
life, done all I could do, and that I now gather into this volume
the warning Experiences of fifty years— offer it as all I have to
offer to the brothers I must soon leave behind. This world is,
indeed, a beautiful and a glorious world. A symbol of it was the
first garden. Man and woman are a glorious creation designed
even on this earth to have a foretaste of the immortal posses-
OK, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN BAYS. 1]
sion that awaits them in heaven. Their wretched fate, too, is
symbolized in the first " fall." The hard, heavy " fall " came when
man first ate the fruit of his brothers' toil ana brought the primal
curse down upon both of them. And may I not say upon both ?
In a natural state of society was there not enough of happiness
easily attainable to all ? The whole human family progressing on
in harmonious march together. All about equally enlightened,
equally able to think and to work. The world around them grow-
ing bright and fruitful and beautiful under their improving
hands. In such a state would not even the men who now usurp
the Common Inheritance attain a life far preferable to the sickly,
hot-housed existence that now afflicts them? Like the eagle in
the sky, like the lion in the forest, like all created beings man
was destined to pursue and procure the means for his own exist-
ence. The very action necessary to this, wisely designed for his
health and his enjoyment. This book pities even the usurper
of that Common Inheritance. It wars against no man ; it wars
against a system that is highly injurious to the rich man and en-
tirely ruinous to the poor. If what it inculcates were established
to-morrow it would bring good to every man, to every class. It
would bring injury to no class, no real evil to any human being ;
but, again let me repeat it, GOOD TO ALL !
This book will be essentially a living array of Experiences. All
bearing upon its grand object---the Eestoration of his Birthright
to Disinherited Man; the bringing in of harnony and nature where
now such hideous discord so almost universally prevails ; to go
from science to science, from art to art, the disparities of con-
dition, the antagonisms, the wars, the jealousies, the evils of
overtoil, and the equal evils of everidleness ; the moral degra-
dation, the falsehood, the dishonesty, all born of the one great ac-
cepted Lie, that man— the Creator made him with all his equal
wants, and withheld from those clamorous and deadly wants
their equal and natural supply. Men had to live, and this Foul
System drove them into every dirty little scheme that could help
them to live — to bear up the imperative burthens that were the
natural conditions of their life ; to call attention to that Great Lie,
to get the Lever of human thought under It, is the object of this
I suppose, my last offering to the world.
THE ODD BOOK OF THH NINETEENTH CENTURY ;
CHAPTER II.
APOLOGY — THE UNCREATED DARKNESS — THE COMING LIGHT — THE
WOBK TO BE DONE — ITS GREAT ADVANTAGE TO THE POOR — ITS
GREATER ADVANTAGE TO THE RICH.
" What from the barren be n : can we reap,
Our senses narrow, and our judgment frail ;
Life short, and Truth a gem that loves the deep.
And all things weighed in custom's falsest scale.
Opinion, an omnipotence, whose veil
Mantles the earth with darkness." BYKON.
A Reviewer in the London Times says this of Robert South-
ey : " He registered his recollections from earliest childhood, but
the exquisite fragment of autobiography ceases when he is fif-
teen." Now let us look at the " lights and shades " of this " ex-
quisite" autobiography. "His chief pastime," says the re-
viewer, "for neither at this time, nor at a later period, had
Southoy any propensity for boyish sports — was pricking holes m
playbills with a pin, and reading "Goody Two Shoes" and
"Giles Gingerbread." And then this reviewer regrets "that
he did not persist in his task, for he would have left behind
him an autobiography unrivalled for personal and general in-
terest," etc., etc.
I did not know, and I speak here with " truth and soberness,"
that autobiographies were such exquisite things, till I saw the
foregoing decree sent forth by the leading journal of Europe,
and which with other decrees was published in a select volume.
Up till the time this encouragement descended on me I had not
thought
" To try my luck in guid black prent,"
and even then I hesitated. Pehaps would be hesitating still, only
I got a more recent jog of encouragement, and that decided me,
It came in this way.
A learned discussion had arisen, it seems, about a hundred
years ago. It was to determine whether the " Drosera," a plant
furnished with a fly-trap, did or did not profit personally by that
appendage? Mr. Darwin — the great Mr. Darwin — saw the im-
portance of this inquiry — its bearing on his evolving theory.
Took it zealously in hand, and. " after an investigation of fifteen
years," did at last discover the important fact, that if this Dro-
OR, THE SPIRIT Off CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS, 18
eera-plant sets a trap to catch flies, it is for the very laudable
purpose of eating them. Indeed the analogies of nature might
have taught even Mr. Darwin the same thing without any inves-
tigation at all. However, he writes, prints, and presents a book
on the subject, and the public encourages his effort as a step in
the right direction — which indeed it is.
Here, then, are two samples of wares that the public accepts
with good nature. Nay it rates the first sampler — him of tJbe Lon-
don Times — as one of the leading minds of Eiirope. And don't
we all look up to Mr. Darwin — if it be the same Darwin — as the
only man able to tell us whence we came and who our grand-
father w as — whether an Adam or an Ape ?
Now there is no better quality in that same public than a dis-
position to stimulate thought and encourage inquiry. It will
doubtless have reason, here and there, to find fault with this book
of mine, and with myself too, for obtruding it upon them. If so,
I can truly say that the fault was as much their own as it was
mine. The " Two Shoes," and the " Gingerbread," and "Drose-
ra " — I speak seriously and truly— those things did lure me into
something like a secondary fly-trap—led me to believe the public
would good naturedly give a hearing to anything that might be
respectfully offered to it, if tending to suggest new Thought and
possible Improvement Even this book of mine.
Having offered my apology, I now proceed to unfold the work
before me, and reverentially and tremblingly do I implore God's
blessing on my attempt.
Look around us, what do we see on this grand Earth — our
home — the field of the inquiry that now opens before us ?
First, a glance only at- the twinkling suns that night reveals
to us : A thought only at their systems, which to us never cais
be fully revealed. Our own flaming and immense star ! with its
gentle, soothing, Hfe-im parting influence. Its attendant orbs,
and their attendant orbs. Their whirling seas, mountains,
rings and revolutions. Thought falls prostrate under the
weight and wonder of what it sees. But it is not of those we are
met to consider. It is of our own wonderful Earth, and the more
wonderful families that live upon it. Or rather of that one
Family — Man— the most wonderful of them all.
Though a mere atom in the universe, this earth is indeed of a
vast size. Cross the Atlantic even, which is but a small seg-
14 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CKNTl 1'V
merit, an eighth part of the circle, contemplate the incessant
rush of the steamer through that " world of waters," for two hun-
dred hours at a stretch. What a vast surface, with a surface
equally vast, stretching out, away, on every side ! What an en-
ormous weight of sea and mountain ! What a miracle that noth-
ing underlies it. That the whole mass, unsustained by a founda-
tion, careers through nothingness, upheld, it may be, by the law of
its own velocity, or, apart from such law, by a Divine and direct
sustainment of which we cannot know.
On goes that Earth forever. On, on, from night to day, from
spring to summer, harvest, winter ; all, all of those so useful, so
life-sustaining, so beneficial, so beautiful, each in its appointed
way. From the tiniest insect that nestles in a flower to the eagle
that sweeps the sky, and the monster that shakes the forest, all
have their place, their inheritance adapted most harmoniously to
their nature and their needs.
All but Man. His position was not fixed arbitrarily at the
first. His coat was not like that of all other Existences, furnished
ready-made and fitted to his form to remain unchangeable for
ever. The realms of the Undiscovered were his storehouse.
Within it lay his appropriate garment, his house, ship, steam en-
gine, printing press, telegraph, all that we now see around us,
and besides the great, the illimitable possessions which the Un-
discovered yet holds in store, and of which, excepting perhaps a
little by analogy, we know nothing.
Yes! there is one great possession of which we do know. A
possession so distinct, so simple, and yet so transcending in its
importance that, of all wonderful things, it is the most wonderful
that it has not been seen of all men, asserted and established as
the foundation of all social life. It is simply man's equal stains
before his Creator — man's equal Inheritance in all the Creator has
given : the material first, then the intellectual It is that almost
the entire human family must no longer be degraded from their
natural rank, degraded down to a level of ignorance as near as
possible to that of the brute— degraded down to a heritage of
sorrow, privation, toil, mental anxiety, and material suffering, out
of all harmony with the Will of the Creator. A great mental dark-
ness has forever lain upon the earth and does now lie upon it. Men
did not and do not know themselves ; did not know and do no4
OH, THE SPIRIT OF CHlv'ALRY IN MODERN" DAYS. 15
know that they were and that they are " Heirs-at-law " * of their
Father's estate ; did not know that this Earth was God's estate,
and that themselves were God's children. No. They actually
believed that He, their Father, had given them wants — imperative
and undefendable wants, that those wants would kill them by ex-
posure and hunger in a day or two if they did not find means
to supply them. Men thought that having given them these —
shall I not call them murderous?— wants He, their Creator, ha<J
given nothing with which to meet and satisfy them.
In this deep and deplorable mental darkness men have lived
and groped and suffered and died from the Beginning. They
had only their wants. They knew how miserable they were but
they did not know how unjust was their lot. That miserable
man has the inexorable lot inflicted on him by a man no better,
no worse, than himself — unjust men, calling themselves lords,
dukes, and right honorables ; and, wonder upon wonders ! that
despoiled and disinherited and wretched man is so robbed of
even his intellect and manhood that he takes off his hat to the
despoiler, bends before him and calls him " honorable," and
" right honorable," and " your grace," and " my lord."
Go into the city and see that crowd ranged along, each with
his bench or 'basket of small wares. Every one looks wistfully
for a customer as people hurry by on the sidewalk If the day
is stormy, or if luck is bad, they sell almost nothing, and must
make their little stock so much the less for the day's food and
shelter. Not one of them knows that they own anything but
the " sufferance " of offering on that sidewalk their neglected
wares —not certain of even that sufferance.
There goes a tall young fellow driving a lean horse and creak-
ing wagon. He is shouting himself hoarse in the effort to sell
« Unable to dispute the grand truth that if men are equal children of the Creator they
are equal heirs, heirs at-law, to their Father's estate. Unable to dispute that, the advo-
cates of the great wroi.'g drag you into a side issue and ask you how are you to divide the
inheritance, and then answer their own question with the most absurd plans. Now. take
any country— Ireland for example. Let every man of twenty acres hold on to it, relinquish-
ing the rest to the state. To apportion out the lands thus relinquished, fix a limit both to
the quantity and to the tax. Utilize without defacing parks, demesnes, hunting-grounds.
Apply the land tax to furnishing tools and machinery and other advantages to mechanics and
laborers remaining in the towns. With schools of art and agriculture seated each on a him
dred or a thousand acres and open to the support and education of the jrouth of both sexes
each school vicing with the others in the beauty of its grounds and the proficiency of it«
pupils, those performing like apprentices moderate work, would make the schools self-
§ustaining or nearly so. At anyrate, what is wasted now on building and sustaining one
Iron clad lor one year would support half a dozen such schools as I have alluded f»
16 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY;
his fish or his vegetables. He does not know that he owns any-
thing in this world. The light never descended on him that, as a
child of the Great Father, he is not at all the outcast screamer
that a big blundering, plundering society has made him. In
short, he does not know himself ; has not the least notion that
he is cheated out of anything. The light of heaven never de-
scended upon him, the big, brooding pall shut it out and he
mopes on, and screams on, utterly ignorant of his own nature
•and all that belong to it — manhood, dignity, refinement, property,
all that ought to be his, the means to procure which a wise gov-
ernment ought to secure to him without injustice to anybody.
Secure it out of the boundless natural resources of this great
couutry, this great Earth. Well might the bard of the heart
speak this of England :
" Where, then, ah ! whore sh/sJl poverty reside
To 'scape the pressure of oo^Siguous pride ?
If to some common's fenceless lic&its strayed
He drives his flock to pick the scanty Wade.
Those fenceless fields the sons of wealth divide.
And even the bareworn common is denied.
If to the city sped, what waftts him there ?
To see profusion which he must not share.
To see ten thousand baneful arts combined
To pamper luxury and thin mankind. •
To see each ioy the sons of pleasure know
Extorted from their fellow-creatures' woes."
That's wiiat meets our tall screamers whithersoever they may
turn their faces.
And yet Goldsmith — that humane and yearning heart — did not
put those " sons of pleasure" high up on the pedestal of scorn.
Did not even know what unconscious criminals they were. " Un-
conscious " because they do not know it themselves.
And Burns, the man of many wants and many sorrows, he
who so felt the crush and so rebelled against it, even he did not
know what criminals were the Lord Daer he was so proud of,
and the Duke of Bruarwater immortalized by his hand. He
eays, to be sure —
" It's hardly in a body's power
To keep at times from being suur
To see how things are shared."
And he talks of
" Stern Oppression's iron grip
And mad Ambition's gory hand
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN »AYEL 17
Sending:, like blood-hounds from the slip.
Woe, want, and murder o'er the land."
And then he tells us how luxury
" Looks o'er proud property extended wide
And eyes the rustic laboring hind,
Whose toil upholds the glittering show,
A. creature of another kind.
Some coarser substance unrefined-
Placed for his lordly use, thus far, thus vile, below."
Strange, indeed, that Burns, who so suffered from the usurpa-
tion, whose judgment was so searching, should yet let the usurp-
ers escape without charging them with their overshadowing
orime, without even calling them by the names that belonged to
them, without even knowing them, as they are now coming to be
known.
But the time had not yet come. The pall lay too dark and teo
heavy over the earth. As the Printing press, the Steam engine,
the Telegraph, slept on undiscovered till their time came, so slept
this Great Truth till its time had come. Has the time come even
now to lift up the Great Dark Pall? Momentous question!
Only to be answered by the All- Wise. Answered, as to time :
That it will come, that it will be answered, need not be made a
question of doubt.
And thus it has forever been, Man's material Inheritance, and
with it his intellectual Inheritance has been spirited, stolen,
swindled away from him, and the Pall of Ignorance still lay BO
thick and heavy on the earth that Man didn't know himself,
didn't know he was his Father's child, didn't know that his Fath-
er had given him anything. Anything but those imperative, un-
deferable, miserable and murderous wants !
Is it a fate that keeps this dark Pall resting on the world? Or
is the astounding fact thai no man has attempted — even at-
tempted— to lift it up, wholly up, traceable not to fate, but to
artificial causes? Let us make inquiry.
Under this Thick Darkness, forever lying upon the Earth, a
small fraction of the great human family enjoy light and heat
sufficient for their individual purposes. That is enough for them.
Their minds, unspurred by necessity, do not rouse to action, but
float on rather with the stream which transits them so placirliy
and so comfortably along. There is nothing absolutely criminal
in this. They do not know that society— the world in the aggie-
i * '£23 ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTTTRY
-;ate— is turned upside down. That the great multitudes their
brothers and sisters, are unjustly dealt with. Dwarfed and dis-
torted in their bodies. Debased, blighted, stagnated in their
minds ! And there is nobody to unfold fully to them this appal-
ing truth. The men who write books, who assume to speak with
authority, know or care little about it. They belong, more or
less decidedly, to the class I have spoken of ; bask in the same
unwholesome light and heat, and are themselves ignorant,
through their inexperience, even when they profess to teach.
How many of them have been forced on bodily toil, till, like the
tired " Ploughman," they would count
" A blink o' rest a sweet enjoyment."
How many of them have longed for food, and gone to their night-
ly pallet longing in vain? How many of them have fronted the
storms of winter, in the " looped and windowed raggedness " of
poverty ? How many of them have thrilled with the deep and
torturing under bass of their little ones moaning for a crust of
bread? Such men have afflicted us with books, on what they
called " Political Economy " — that economises all from the poor.
Written books on subjects of which they knew little or nothing —
written them, presumably, because they had "nothing else to
do." * They have seized upon the name of " Science " and pin-
ned it on to what is not indeed science, but quackeries. They
have put forth, O ! what a wilderness of leaves, but go to the
garrets and the cellars, to the workless, homeless millions, and
behold the fruit !
And turning to those millions who endured, and do now en-
dure, those ills, let us ask how many of them have found a voice
to give their sorrows utterance? One perhaps in a million.
And even of those the humblest class who have found a voice,
how many had sufficient virtue to stand by their voiceless and
suffering brothers? Where are they? Nowhere. Who are
they? Nobody. What have thev done? Nothing. At least
nothing effectual.
And so it has gone on. Age after age, and century after cen-
tury; and the Uncreated Pall the " thick darkness," still lay
heavy on the world. Nineteen-twentieths of the race, and more,
drearily lived on, degraded and suffering. And no man lifted—
* Fronde's excuse tor writing Irisb Hi--tory.
OH, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 10
no man attempted to lift — no man seemed even to see the big
dark Pall that hung over the earth. Not even Moses, though
he did let in a grand flash. Not even the Graccliii, with all their
noble efforts. Not even Thomas Jefferson or Thomas Spence —
though both enunciated the material truth, which evenBlackstone
acknowledges. Those and many others, here and there, and from
time to time, lifted a corner of the great Pall. Let in a flickering,
fugitive and frightened gleam of light, which soon disappeared
again. But the Pall itself, in all its big darkness, no man ever
even attempted to lift up.*
Authors have created kingdoms of fiction in whose delightful
varieties of sun and shade, and streams, and flowers, and old
castles and churchyards, and mountains and seashores you could
wander entranced for hours and hours ; wander, forgetful that a
substantial world lay without, around you, full of sorrows and
full of cares.
Men have explored the stars and brought down scintillations
of their occult brightness, have dug down and unclosed the earth
into the pages of a stone book, recording the unfathomable Past ;
have skirmished to good purpose into the labyrinths of chemis-
try, have tamed the thunderbolt to our use, have put the steam-
slave on his feet and set him to work for us like a blind Samp-
son wherever there is work to be done, have clothed thought in
a white and black garment — endowed it with ten million voices
and sent it a mental whirlwind over the earth ; have taken the
great Sun himself into our apprenticeship and made an artist of
him before whom all other artists are destined to stand mute
and wondering ; and finally, have done so much in all minor,
* Spence, of Newcastle-on-Tyne, published a volume on land monopoly in the early days
of tke present century. Its scope and its spirit may be judged from this extract that I found
floating around: "The land or earth, in any country or neighborhood, with everything in
or on the same, or pertaining thereto, belongs at all times to the living inhabitants of tha
said country or neighborhood in an equal manner. For therejis no living but on land or its
productions, consequently, what we cannot live without, we have the same property in as
in our lives." Is not Spence mistaken T Many things may be on the land that were produced
by human industry. Such things do not belong equally to the inhabitants living on the
land. "What the Creator made belongs in usufiuct to all. What man's work produced be-
longs to the producer. Here is another evidence: "No one is able to produce a charter
from heaven, or has any better title to a particular possession than his neighbor."— Paley,
And even Blackstono says: "There is no warrant in nature or natural law why a written
parchment should convey dominion of land." Thomas Jefferson says: "The land belongs
in usufruct to the living." The Gracchii were murdered by the Eoman patricians because
they sought a practical application of the same principle. The Jubilee of Moses (Lev. 25;.
asserts the same principle very distinctly. But of more clearness and authority than «»«»••
all are the divine teachings ot Christianity.
20 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH OENTUBY J
useful, and beautiful arts as makes us stand still in speechless
astonishment and admiration. From the vastness revealed by
the telescope to the minuteness which the microscope detects,
the ingenuity of man tells you that it is not man who has accom-
plished those things — that he is merely the instrument of an
Intelligence from on High.
Is it a fate, then, or is it a natural cause, that keeps such
searching thought and such tireless action away, away from the
grand Thought that ought to lead in all other Thought ; from
the grand action that ought to lay the foundation stone for all
other actions, the thought that the Creator owns what He made,
and that mankind are His children ?
And this Thought is so big, and so bright, and so clear, that
nothing but intellectual blindness would have failed to see it.
Nothing but atrophy of mind could have failed to seize upon it and
apply it to its great purpose — that purpose the earthly redemption
of the human race. Nearly all the children of men have, indeed,
been cozened, choused, swindled out of their lawful Inheritance,
Material and Intellectual ; their bodies made the abode of pain
and privation, their intellect stunted, stifled, stagnated within
them. Those bodies " in form how like an angel," those intellects
* in apprehension how like a God." Bodies capable of such sweet
enjoyments, souls vainly seeking, straining after the intellectual
development which ought to be their own. All this inflicted on
nearly the whole human race ! Inflicted by men of whom we
may truly say, as the Divine Man said on the cro^s, " Father, for-
give them ; they know not what they do !" The ' surely do not,
cannot know their crime in all its enormity.
And for what purpose is this great evil done, tl is great injus-
tice inflicted ? For the ease, pleasure, aggrandL sment, in one
word for the good of a comparatively very few p- rsons? Alas,
not even that. The gain of those persons is in re lity their bit-
ter IOPS. Their lives are more a burden to then >. than a plea-
sure. One of Burns' " Twa Dogs " made a very shrewd guesa
at tbo condition of those lives :
" They loiter, louneingr. lank, and lazy,
Tho' dei! hae't ail-* them, yet uneasy.
Their days insipid, dull, and tasteless.
Tlieir nights unquiet. Jang, ami restlesa.
And even their sports, their balls, and race*
Their galloping thro' public places.
There's such parade, such pomp and art;
The joy can scarcely reach the heart."
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 21
Goldsmith strikes even a higher key on the same subject :
** In these, ere trifiers half their ends attain.
The toiling pleasure sickens into pain.
And even where fashion's brightest arts decoy
The heart, distrusting, asks if this be joy."
And one of themselves, almost the only honest man to be
found among them, Lord Byron, condenses the truth into two
lines:
" Let this one toil for bread, that rack for rent.
Who sleeps the best may be most content."
Contrast this with the following picture drawn by thia hand
and published in my first work ("Our Natural Eight*'") foity
years ago. I spoke thus to the landlord in that far off time :
" When we consider the diversity of the human character, it will appear
somewhat strange that, of the whole number, there would not be found one
Individual landlord to do his duty. Laying aside all the obligations which
the divine and beautiful law of Chrisrianity lays upon us— and. Oh! these
should not be entirely disregarded !— what an honest tame could such a
man acquire, what a glorious name could he transmit to posterity, by
giving us the first practical example of the great change which must, ere
long, inevitably take place. How simple and. to a benevolent mind, how de-
lightful the task. Imagine his tenantry convened, and the good man ad-
dressing them in language like this:
'MY FBIENDS— It is acknowledged on all sides that the present system
of society is productive of many evils and many are the plans and measures
proposed for their removal. "Repeal of the Union," "Abolition of the
State Church." " Poor Laws," " Public Works." and so forth, alternately
in fashion. None of these can be effected without difficulty and delay, and
if effected, they would, I fear, rather alleviate than remove the evils of
society.
* Amid all these proposed reforms and remedies, a thought has struck
me, that it is in the power of every landlord to make his tenantry comfort-
able, independently of legal enactments, and I intend to try the experi-
ment forthwith.
* I will reduce my rents to a fourth of their present standard, and grant
perpetual leases of all my land— to every tenant a lease of what he now
occupies, except, where the farm may exceed twenty acres : in which case
the overplus will be given to those whose holdings are least. I will reside
among you, and it shall be my pleasure and my pri le to improve and re-
fine you. But you shall not be permitted to sell your interest in the land,
save under certain restrictions; neither shall you be allowed, in any case,
to sub-let at a dearer rent than I charge. I shall also require you to fer-
tilize your farms and improve your dwellings, and. in doing so. I shall bo
happyto lend you all the assistance in my power. I have employed a skill-
ful agriculturist, and his business shall be to give you whatever instruction
you may require. Your fields must and will be fertile, and your cottages
neat and comfortable.
* You. my friends, nmy suppose that I am sacrificing my inclinations
and convenience, in order to promote your good. I have no such merit— it
22 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY;
is no sacrifice to quit the follies of fashion and the sensual gratification of
luxury. My days were lost in pursuits unworthy an intellectual and useful
being, and my nights sought an escape from apathy and discontent in the
whirlpool of amusing folly. I saw my wealth wasted on the worthless, the
profligate, and the vile, and I reflected that my conduct involved a virtuous
and worthy people in penury and distress. From that moment I resolved
to devote my energies to other and nobler pursuits, and I am now come
among my people with a fixed determination to make them happy."
What evil, my friends, could possibly result from a change like this ?
On the contrary, what beautiful order would it not produce— what an im-
petus would it give to agriculture, what a vivifying spirit would it spread
over the land ? Fondly does the mind picture to itself the beauty, the hap-
piness that springs forth under the regenerating system. The renovated
fertility of the field, the waving foliage of the hedge-row, the smiling gay-
ety of the new-moddelled cottage— its garden of vegetables, fruits, and
flowers, its " bee-hives hum," its shadowing poplars— that cottage no
longer the receptacle of privation and misery, but the abode of requited
industry and enviable content."
Now, I put it to those landlords themselves, Would not a
change to the life and the duties here indicated be not only a
better but a happier life than their present life of riot and de-
bauchery, and sin and shame, or whatever it may be ? Even if it
be comparatively virtuous, still the life here pictured would be far
preferable to anything that could be devised under the present
system. In justice, therefore, to eveyrbody all round, and in espe-
cial mercy to those wretched, misguided, and unnatural men who
impiously call themselves " landlords," let us define rights and
enforce duties— natural rights and natural duties— upon all. Try
to make every man useful in society — a brother and helper to his
fellow man. This is easily said, has been said continuously, al-
ways, by every man who takes the trouble to open his mouth on
the subject.
But first, the only broad, deep, lasting foundation for this mu-
tual help and mutual brotherhood, is the recognition full and
hearty, of the great Divine Truth that all men are One before the
Creator. That to all men He gave the same erect form " after
his own image." That all are alike subject to the same natural
wants and necessities. That all are capable of, and entitled to
a full share, not merely of the material resources created for our
use, but also to their assured share in the Intellectual Estate that
has been accorded to us from on high. The man who can not see
these truths, what are we to say to him ? Nothing evil. The man
who does see them, and will not accept them and act up to them,
of him we will ask, what is he but a rebel to the Most High ?
OK, THE SPIEIT OF CHIVALKY IN MODERN DATS. 23
What will be said to him when he comes up to the last great
account ?
But of one thing let all men make sure. Of this : That until
this Divine Law is seen, accepted, and acted upon, there never
will be either lasting happiness or lasting peace on this earth
among the great One-family. No stability in any government
that will not lay its foundation on this rock— this sublime Dem-
ocracy of Christianity. I might stop here as if nothing more
could be said on the subject, it is so plain and so easily under-
stood. But there is very much to say. Very many rocks to
point out. Very many " Experiences " to be presented, very
many details of the wrigglings and falsehoods that are practised
in the governments — the several governments — even of a repub-
lic, as well as of the idolatrous things called Monarchies. Very
many of the instructive incidents that led, or attended, the writer
of this book up from early boyhood to the present time. Time
which, with him, cannot continue a great deal longer.
And now, friend public. If you should condescend to amuse
yourself with this book, for amusing this book will be, and if at
any weak or wavering point you should think worth while to
<5riticise it, I trust you will
ciaas
My faults even with your own— which meaneth put
A kind construction upon them and me;
But that you wont, then don't I'm not less free,"
to remind you of the " eagerly waited for " " Drosera," and the
« exquisite fragments " about " Goody Two Shoes " and " Giles
Gingerbread." You spread that " fly-trap " for me, and if you
catch loss of time and money by it, it is just what you deserve.
TJUU UDJJ JOOi: OS1 THE JslNitiTK'ENTli
CHAPTER III.
A. PUBLIC ACCUSATION — FACTS AND WITNKSSES.
TO THE OLIGARCHY OF GREAT BRITAIN.
I must commence this chapter with a reminder to you, the
" landlords " of. Great Britain arid Ireland. Most oi1 you that
are now on the stage had no hand in the Famine of '47. But the
luxuries that surrounded your cradle and your boyhood were
bought with rents wrung from the people when they were left to
die. Perhaps if you had been men you would not have starved a
whole people to death as your fathers did. We must not impute
a crime to you till you either commit or endorse it. You did
not commit that great crime. Will you endorse it? Here's how
it commenced : The potato crop failed, and that was all your
fathers left the people to live upon. Now they must die if the
grain and the provisions are to be sold and exported to satisfy
their demand for rent. Some of your fathers gleaned twenty, lifty,
one hundred pounds sterling a day off the people whom they
thus left to die. The distress warrant, the threat of ejectment
were brought down upon them. The crops must be sold to dis-
charge this— shall I call it Rent or Impiety ? Notices were put
up at night in the seaports. They were answered in this way :
" A troop of the 13th light dragoons have been ordered from Goit and
two companies of the 3()th from Loughrea. to aid the garrison in putting
down bread riots in Gal way. Her majesty's war steamer Strombol arrived
last night and anchored in the roadstead."
The meaning of this you can comprehend, "if you don't
submit to be starved, you can take your choice and be shot."
Your fathers endorsed this great crime, do you also endorse it?
But before you answer, let us have a quiet lalk about your posi-
tion in general as well as a few words upon this artificial famine,
created by yourselves and your fathers. You believe in the Bible,
don't you ? Well, the Bible talks after this fashion, and, take my
friendly word for it, it will be far better for you if you recognize
Its truth and bring it into the action of your lives :
"The land shall not bo sold forever, for the land is MINE." salth th«
Lord. " for ye are strangers and sojourners with mo."— LEV.. CHAP. 25.
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 25
That rests on an authority that you profess to recognize in virtue
of its Divine origin, and this other you did get into your heads by
virtue of several hard knocks :
" All legitimate government is derived from the consent of the gov-
erned."—DECLARATION OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE.
Those two mottoes comprehend the whole ground of contro-
versey between you and me. The first we believe to be the voice
of The Creator speaking to His servant Moses. The second is the
voice of America speaking to everybody's common sense.
I affirm these truths ; you solidly deny them. That is the issue.
Now, let me proceed to ask you a few questions :
Have you riot for long centuries usurped over the people of
Ireland a government of FORCE? A force that delighted to dip its
hands in the blood of every man who might be virtuous enough to
deny its authority or resist its crimes?
During the same dreary centuries, have you not — by what right
I cannot discover — seized upon -all the soil, and all the mines,
and all the waters and the water- falls of those islands? Have
you not also formed the kindly Earth into an engine of oppres-
sion?— that Earth which the Father of us all ordained to furnish
His children with food, and clothing, and homes and refinements?
And have you not been guilty of a great blasphemy against
the Almighty, and a great crime against your, equal brother man?
IRELAND IN 184r.
Have you not taken away the products of the land, to satisfy
the Fraud, the Impiety! — which you call "Bent"? Have you not
murdered — by hunger, and consequent disease — the millions
who labored to rear up those products? Have not the strong
men, and the gentle women, and the little prattling children had
to die that your rioting might be fed?
You aro "Noble" mon ! Are these the facts that ennoble you?
You aro "Honorable" and "Right Honorable" men! Are these
your "Honorable" and "Right Honorable" deeds?
Those people died the most horrible of all human deaths.
While hunger tore at the vitals of the strong man, he had but to
look into the eyes of his poor partner to see the glare of famine
where once was girlish joy, and brightness, and affection!
And are those the lisping little ones crying: "Papa! mamma!
as) THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CJfiNTUKY :
we are dying ! can't you give us a little, little, little bit or dread V
But let me close the door. Even imagination shrinks back ap-
palled from that unspeakable horror. The night is closing upon*
them and death will be there before the morning rises. Then we-
may enter and see how near the murdered ones clung together
in their last agony ! Inhuman men ! did you do these things ? '
Was this natural death, or what was it? Did the miserables;
" put hand on their own lives ? " Did they die by the " visitation*
of God ? " Or can it be possible that you, my lords, and dukes^
and " right honorable gentlemen" had anything to do with it?
There is crime somewhere. What sort of crime is it? Is it
manslaughter ? Alas ! the victims were unresisting — were un»
able to resist their fate !
What ! could it be murder ? — murder under circumstances the
most foul and horrible that ever did or that ever could exist ?:
Did it embrace many people ? Was it millions ? Or how many-
did it embrace? The brain reels under the computation. How
many, O ! how many ?
And where are they — the guilty ones? vvno are they? Will
not Heaven or Earth find out who they are and where they are,. •
and give them up to justice ?
Surely, they cannot be the great men of the land. Surely,,
there cannot be such things in this world as " noble " guiltiness
—as "Honorable " and " Eight Honorable " crimes !*
Wretched men ! come down out of your high places. You can-
not bring the dead of hunger back to life. You cannot restore-
the pyramids of wealth which you have snatched out of their
famishing hands, for has not that wealth been melted on your
sensual appetites ? You cannot blot out the hideous memories
of the past. But there is one thing that you can do. It is ia-
• There was no natural famine, no failure of crops in Ireland in 18l5-'6. Nothing failed'
bat the potato. But as all other produce had to be sold and shipped away to meet the rack-
rents. As the landlord habitually left nothing to subsist the people but the potato, and'
as the potato utterly rotted and disappeared, then nothing but death tor the people, if th«
other produce was to be shipped away. The men in the seaports saw that— all men saw it—
the land robber saw it, if he only would look at it. But he wouldn't— the latest spark of hu-
man feeling was dead within him— nearly dead, too, in Queen and " Consort," and Council.,
and when notices were put up at night in Galway— notices that no more lood must b«
shipped away— what heed was given to the approaching doom ? This: "Five companies ot
the 14th Infautry are ordered from Gort and a squadron of the 4th Dragoon Guards are also
ordered to Qalway, to keep down tne disorder which threatens that town." People ! Th+
Queeu, and Consort, and Council, give you a choice : " Bents must be paid t Tea tear to b*
•Uuved. You must take chance or if you prefer to be shot, we'll shoot you,14
OR, THE SPIRIT O* CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 2t
your power, even now, to cease from your crimes — to fall down
on your knees and beg of God and man for forgiveness.
But will you do even this? It is not likely. Yours Is a
chronic disease of very, very long standing ; an immortal crime
that has descended to you from father to son, and from genera-
tion to generation. Can we expect that you will obey the Divine
Will and come down out of your crimes ? It is not likely. But
whether voluntarily or otherwise, down you must come to the
true level. I fear you will like Pharaoh "harden your hearts."
But no ! that process will not be necessary. Those hearts of
yours are quite ready for use. They require no more hardening.
And If the people should arise and " go up " themselves " out
of bondage," Pharaoh-like, will you gather your horsemen and
your chariots to pursue them ? I suppose you will, even if your
path, like his, should lie through the Red Sea !
But what would this earth do if that Bed Sea should arise and
overwhelm you? You have so long been a great blessing to the
world that the thought of losing you is insupportable. Well,
you will at least leave us your picture in History. It will be some
consolation to us when you are gone.
A picture, a proof to the Future Ages that you were no myth ;
- -that there really did exist once on this earth a class so mon-
strously " noble," so detestably " honorable," so villainously
* right honorable " as yourselves.
And now that you are about to pass away, be it our care that
your removal shall be accomplished as gently as possible. You
iiave left us, to be sure, many examples of how "removals " may
l>e effected. But common men — by which I mean men of common
humanity— cannot be expected to emulate " Noble " and " Honor-
able " and " Right Honorable " men like you. I will promise
nothing of the kind for them. 1 believe they would not make
good that promise. It would be entirely above their capacity to
unroot the house over your heads, to throw down Its walls, to
cover you with rags and drive you forth to hunger and without
resource — you, and your wife, and your little ones ! — to the mer-
cies of a wintry sky. No i The " common fellows " — the fellows
of common humanity 1 mean — cannot reach a refinement like
that. They will be ig-" noble " enough not to disturb your old
bouse at all, until the new one is prepared to receive you. They
'Will naiia you down gently— give you what help and guidance
28 TOE ODD BOOlv OF TTLR NINETEENTH CENTURY ;
they can — treat you, in short, every bit as well as themselves;
that is, IL you take their kindness in good part. If you do not
— if you try to kick arid trample, and spurn them — to do, in
short, what you have been so accustomed to do, you vviil your-
selves be responsible for what may befal you.
But it will be better and safer for you not to do this. Better
to take it all in good part. We will do what we can to make the
change easy and agreeable, and even beneficial to you. in a way
you cannot now understand. Of one pang, at least, you will ba
saved — the pang of envy. Having handed you carefully dow&
from the " high places " in which you have committed ?o much
sin, we will not allow any neighbor of yours to ascend those
heights and set up the same Idolatry/ On the boundless
plain below there will be beauty, and room, and employment
enough for us all.
Still, I cannot deny that " noble " men will become less
"noble" when they turn their thoughts to honesty and their
hands to use. But, then, how can we help that? God bless you!
there is no unmixed good in this world, and when you remembei
that you cannot be both useful and "noble" — "Right Honor-
able " and right honest — at the same time, I trust you will take
heart and be comforted !
For, if even I were there you might reckon on my good offices
at all times, and on every reasonable occasion. 1 am a professed
Christian ; and the Christian maxim, " love your enemies, do
good to those who despitefully use you," binds me to your inter-
est with an especial force. But there, are other maxims in the
same book ; there is something about " measuring" and "met-
ing," and " measuring to you again." I have forgotten the ex-
act authority, and I trust that nothing will arise on your part to
make us remember it.
I refer you to the text, however. It may, perhaps, awaken in
you that Christian forbearance which has lain asleep now, for
how many ages ! Or if that indeed be hopeless, still the text
may be of use. Jt may whisper to you not to " smite us on one
cheek" till you are sure that we are ready to present to you
the other !
But you are surrounded by foolish counsellors, and those may
lead you Into Imprudences which even yourselves would be the
first to deplore. That evangelist of yours, the London Times,
OB, THB SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 29
lias been comforting you of late, soothing you into pleasant secu-
rity, assuring you that England is at your back, " united as one
man." You will be foolish if you believe all this. A gentleman
may, it is true, calculate the whole mind of England merely by
strutting into Printing-House Square and taking a goose quill in
his fist. But then, you know, he may be mistaken * in his calcu-
lation !
I think he is mistaken. And if you make careful inquiry
about work and wages, and disfranchisement and poverty, and
tne poorhouse — you will find such facts, as will make you doubt
that assurance given you by the soothing Times. I think those
tacts will bring you over to my opinion — and it is this : If you
lean for support on the masses of England they will be pretty
sure to slip from under you, and let you tumble, very nearly
into the mud.
LOCKHART, SCOTT AND EDGEWORTH.
And don't you deserve to be tumbled into it ? Let me call in
JSlr Waiter Scott to answer the question — Scott a Tory of the
most clean-cut stamp ; Scott who would have enforced even the
old penal laws of Ireland ; Scott who organized his Galashiels and
forest followers in 1819, to combat the men of Northumberland,
who were moving for popular government. Let him and his son-
in-law, Lockhart, and the Edgeworths, come up to the witness
stand against you. Let us hear what they have to say about
you— you and your " Bight Honorable " deeds.
" On the 1st of August," says Mr. Lockhart, " we proceeded
from Dublin to Edgeworthstown. Here above all we had the
opportunity of seeing in what universal respect and comfort a
gentleman's family may live in that country, and in far from its
most favored districts, provided only they live here habitually
and do their duty as the friends and guardians of those among
wbom Providence has appointed their proper place. Here we
round neither mud hovels nor naked peasantry, but snug
cottages and smiling faces ail about. There was a very
large school in the village, of which masters and pupils were
In nearly equal proportion Protestants and Catholics. The
Protestant Squire enforcing discipline by his personal superin-
tendence. How deeply he (Sir Walter) pitied and condemned tht
• He tas found oat his mistake. He now discovers thai " Landlord war (Ireland) vaa *
ttovbleaome «n<i «v«u Jcmwmu piece of bosineaa."
80 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY J
conduct and fate of those who. gifted with pre-eminent talents
for the instruction of their species, fancy themselves entitled to
neglect the duties and charities of life. In Miss Edgeworth he
hailed a sister spirit, who took the same modest, just, and, let me
add, Christian (the italics are Lockhart's) view of those duties,
and the blindness and vanity that would constitute their posses-
sors into an order apart from the rest of their kind. Such fan-
tastic conceits found no shelter in those powerful minds."
And this is Walter Scott and Maria Edgeworth, dragging you
out to view as criminals. How great those appear on the
witness stand, looking down upon you, the criminals in the dock.
Culture— the drilling of schools and universities— assumes that
it only creates, or at least commissions mind. Lockhart, then a
very young man, said something Like this, and Scott rebukes it
in this way : "God help us, what a poor world this would be if
that were the true doctrine. I have read books enough, aud con-
versed with eminent men, too, in my time, but I assure you I
"have heard higher sentiments from the lips of poor uneducated
men, when exerting the spirit of severe yet gentle heroism, un-
der difficulties and afflictions, or as to the lot of friends and
neighbors, than I ever yet met with out of the pages of the
Bible." Honor to your Memory, Walter Scott !
But they leave Edgeworthstown, and as they proceed south-
ward they see " many castles, ruins, wood, lake, river, and moun-
tain scenery. " Those " (says Lockhart) " would have made a simi-
lar progress in any other part of Europe truly delightful. But they
were attended with spectacles of abject misery that robbed those
things of more than half their charm." Yes, the rack-renter had
been through them. He then describes " the shade of sorrow
deepening on Sir Walter's face as they ' moved deeper into the
country. The bands of mounted policemen, and the squalid,
rueful poverty that crawled by every wayside and blocked up
every village where we changed horses." The contrast between
this and " the boundless luxury and merriment surrounding the
magnates who condescend to inhabit their ancestral seats was
sufficient says Lockhart : " to poison every beauty of Nature."
" A country so richly endowed by Providence with every element
of wealth and happiness, yet could sicken the heart of the
stranger by such widespread, wanton and reckless profligacy."
What do you say to this, ye right honorable lords?
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALR? IN MODERN DAi'3. 31
cave ye tc say but that, having stolen the people's lands, you
lived, rioted, debauched and seared your souls with crime aa
with a hot Iron ? Was tt a good to you ? Look at it. Look at
your " ancestral halls," and the poison shadow they cast around
them. Look at your wicked lives, and compare them with
the scenes, the Dlessings, that surround the comparatively hum-
ble home of Maria and Lovel Edgeworth. But it is to be feared
you won't look, you won't listen, till the hand of justice takes
you by the coat collar and, with a shake or two, hands you down
quietly from your stolen " ancestral halls "—the den now as they
ever have been, of banditti !
But there is hope of you. You are not likely to remain in
outer darkness when all the world is coming into the light. Pro-
gress inarches on and offers you the Inevitable. Accept it In
peace. Instead of a loss, it will be a gain, a salvation to you.
There exists no wish to " visit the crimes of your fathers " upon
you, or upon your children. And the New Evangel willeth not
the death of a sinner, but rather that he be converted and live.
£2 IHJL ODD BOCE 01 THE NINETEENTH CENTDBY ;
CHAPTER IV.
DONEGAL — As IT I? AND MIGHT BE — POLEMICS — CHIVALRY — OLD
BOOKS — EARLY MEMORIES.
IN whatever else their judgment might err, the old chief tains
and monks excelled in their choice of the useful and the beauti-
ful as sites for their monasteries and their castles. Especially
did they justify this reputation when they chose Donegal for
the sites of what are among the finest and most extensive ruina
In Ireland— castle and monastery.
At this geographical point the large bay of that name pene-
trates farthest up into the land. It there meets the waters of a
email lake (nearly circular in form, and about a mile across) mar-
gined with wood, and slightly variegated with islands. This
lake (Lough Eske) lies at the foot of a curving chain of quite
lofty mountains "fig-leafed" half way up with heather, but a
bare rock from that to their summits. This chain would wall up
the seaboard slope from the wide interior country were it not for
the " Gap " before spoken of which cleaves the mountain asunder
at its loftiest point, and opens a roadway so complete, so level
und so necessary withal as to suggest a personal engineering,
rather than any ordinary convulsion of nature. Out from the
lake flows a small but winding and picturesque river — the fishery
of which is " parchmented " to the Earl of Arran. But a feeling
like that of Roderick Dhue prevailed among us, and we, like him,.
" redeemed our share " of the fish, often with hook and line,,
sometimes with torch and trident. Of which, more anon.
At the confluence of this river with the sea, some six
miles distant from the mountains, the old chieftains and monks
had pitched their encampments. Seaward of the mountains,
and stretching five to ten miles down to the shores of the bay,
lay (and probably still lies) an amphitheatre of hills, so alike in
size and shape as to resemble the vast waves of a petrified ocean,
their ends ail pointing east and west,say three quarters of a mile
in longitude and half a mile across as if roused by a northern
cyclone, and then Instantly petrified into their present shape.
A little down the bay are several strands and sinuosities, barri«
caded In by islands-like projections through which 13 one narrow
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 33
Inlet for the rapid lash of the tide. Here sailing, fishing and seal
and seabird shooting present their various temptations. Land-
ward the hills and the near mountains and moorlands offer a
still stronger " eountercharm " to the sportsman. "The Spa
well, "a most pungent sulphur spring, with its adjoining grove and
walks, just beside the village, was the pride of the place. Neat-
ly covered in with a roof of flags— flag-seated round, overshad-
owed with hawthorn and free to every comer, it combined at
•once the welcome of health and of recreation.
But the " lord of the soil " took hold of it. He built a house
over the unfortunate spring, furnished it with baths and basins,
And shut it up, so that without a silver key there was no admis-
sion tc it. To enchain the spring the more effectually, he ex-
plored its secret recesses with lead pipes, and otherwise so out-
raged the nymph that presides, or did preside over it, that she
has withdrawn half its virtues, and left the lord's enterprise
•" stale, flat " and, what he deems worst of all, •' unprofitable."
It was before this vandalism that the Times' (London) Com-
missioner saw and described this spring and this district as " a
natural Bath or Cheltenham, and would be such, in fact, if situate
in any part of England." Wherever the lord shows his face there,
•except in his mansion and demesne, blight and desolation follow.
Mrs. S. C. Hall has this partial sketch :
"" We entered on a district stilljwilder than any we had yot visited and drove
through the famous Barnes Gap. through which the road runs to the town
of Donegal. On the whole, perhaps, it is the most magnificent defile in
[reland, less gracefully picturesque than that of Kylemoro in Oonnemara.
and less terrific in its shapeless forms than Dunloe at Killarney ; but more
•sublime than either. It is above four miles in length, passing between
mountains of prodigious height. The road is level the whole distance,
nature having as it were formed it between those huge mountains, in order
to surmount a barrier that would be otherwise impassible. Through the
defile, from Its commencement to its termination, runs a mountain-fed'
-stream." (exaggeratedly Sirs. Hall, as she passed it after a heavy rain
fall.) " When nearly through the Gap we found ourselves on the brow of ft
high hill, from which we looked down upon a rich and fertile valley, la
.-the centre of which was Lough Eske. one of the smallest but one of the
dost pleasing and beautiful of the lakes of the country. Through this
luxurious vale we drove into the town of Donegal and examined tne ruins
of its ancient castle. The town is neat and clean and appears to carry on
* considerable trade with the interior."
In this description of this luxurious vale —
" Is seen.
Not what it is. but what it would have been."
If the "landlord" blight had not settled over it The capital
6
34 Tl!K ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY ',
that ought to have returned to the soil, maintaining, and In-
creasing its fertility — that ought to have built and beautified the
cottage, planted the orchard— stimulated manufacture and trade,
was all swept away to supply the luxurious life of the landlord,
to whom indeed one shilling of it did not rightfully belong.
No doubt it was a good, indeed, a religious feeling among the
unworking, wealthy people, mainly around Dublin, that formed
the " Hibernian " and " Kildare Street " Societies, which between
them gave us a parish school. Though of rather a Protestant
hue it held festival every 12th of March in honor of Pope Greg-
ory. For this festival our pennies were clubbed, and tea and
cakes and whiskey punch were the consequence. Of the latter
as much was administered to me (being some five or six years
old) as made me sick ; and I never did — never could — " exceed n
in that way since. Was there a cure in it ?
To inspect those schools, a gentleman named Henry, whom I
yet think of with affection, came round periodically and brought
with him small prizes of books. It so chanced — for chance seems
to do much in those things — that my mother, an Englishwoman,
was a Methodist, and my father, an Irishman, adhered to the
Primitive church, though by no mearfs in a strict way. Each had
their friends, of their respective creeds. When those friendf?
met at our fireside polemics were the theme. Indeed without
those scriptural encounters, .mind would, I suppose, have stagna*
ted in our neighborhood. As soon as they found out that I wag
carrying off a share of Mr. Henry's prizes, each wanted me for a
proselyte. Each had the New Testament in their hands, and
levelled at each other texts about " the Scarlet Woman/' and the
" wine of her abominations." This on the one side. On the
otner out came, and with equal force, counter texts like this:
" The Church is the pillar and ground of Truth " " On thee, Peter,"
etc., etc. To me their opposing texts seemed ol about equal
force and distinctness. Both parties were about, equally intelli-
gent 01 otherwise, and undoubtedly both were equally honest in
their expressed views. On one awful dogma, and on that one
only, did they entirely agree. Both most devoutly believed in
the existence of hell, as firmly, indeed, as if hell were a. necessary
Institution in the order of Creation. They never doubted, never
perhaps heard its existence doubted. Neither did I. But hera
ros<- a marked distinction between them and me. They seemed
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 35
to take, and indeed did take, no concern about it. Zigzagei
along in the usual course of business, which not unfrequently in-
cludes Honesty in fetters and Truth in masquerade. In short,
they went on so that their daily lives entirely ignored the terri-
ble belief that had full possession of their convictions. Not so
with me ; 1 felt as if a trial for life or for death on the scaffold,
and far worse than that, were impending over me, and, so well as
I can remember, I did nothing but measure and weigh the force
of their texts and arguments, and did not for three whole nights
fall asleep at all, so alive was I to the terrible trial before me. At
the dawn or' the third morning, as I could not determine which
side to take, my agony became insupportable, and out of it came
an inspiration, a thought, that I ought to pray, that I had the
right to ask for light. I prayed to my Creator, and, even at this
far off time, I remember the form that prayer took. It was like
this : " In looking down into my heart He would see its desire to
accept what was true, and thus avoid the terrible doom before
me." The answer came on the instant. " There is no such place.
The Creator is too just and too merciful, to prepare such a doom
for His children. It is a delusion of artful men to obtain domin-
ion over the ignorant." The impression shaped itself into words
like, as near as I can recall, to what I have now written. Till that
moment I had never doubted the existence of that Evil place
never heard it doubted, and from that moment I never had a doubt
on the subject. The whole change came to ine in a space of time
to which I cannot attach any idea of duration. Whether this
was a revulsion from mental suffering or a direct communing
from spirits surrounding us I do not know.
It may be supposed by many that the result was merely a
mental effort to escape from the torture (for it was intense tor-
ture) that I had endured. But I have always accepted it as a
merciful reply to the first prayer I had ever addressed to Heav-
en. The first prayer ! And (with two other exceptions) the only
prayer I have ever offered. The thousands of formal, got-by-
rote prayers, or those read from books, I do not call prayers. Of
those I had my experience like other people.
This conviction on my part puzzled the parties that were striv-
ing to add me to their spiritual recruits. My opinions of course
became known, and I must do the Church authorities, to whom
as tne son (»t my father I belonged, the justice to say that, they
36 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINENEENTH CENTURY ,
never laid claim to me, or annoyed or oppressed me in any way.
Perhaps they did not think it worth their while. Perhaps anoth
er consideration swayed them, which shall present itself by and
by.
BOOKS OF CHIVALRY.
i here was in our village a great famine for books — almost none
for sale, few inclined to read, and very little money to attract a
supply. My sister was a governess, and had access to a miniature
family library. When home on a visit she would story-tell us
asleep with " The Children of the Abbey," and " Mysteries of
Udolpho," two exceedingly clever things in their way. By and by
came " Robin Hood's Garland," a very attractive and not a bad
thing for boys ; "Valentine and Orson," " Seven Champions," etc.
Ballads from " Sir James the Koss," to the " Tragical Garland
of Jemmy and Nancy." " Guy Earl of Warwick" put in an appear-
ance, with the " Dun Cow," as indeed, in its primitive costume,
«o did " Dorastus and Fawnia," on which Shakespeare founded
his " Winter's Tale." Fairy tales we had— good things in their
way— and the "Tales of the Fairies" still better, with a prefix of
the characteristic song
" Come follow, follow me." etc.
" The Seven Wise Masters of Greece " each told a wonderful
story, and " The Seven Wise Mistresses " each told a story more
wondrous still. " The Seven Champions of Christendom " played
romantic tunes with their falchions on the steel armor of run-
away Turks.
Shakespeare himself came along in well-worn whity brown
single play " sewings " of which I distinctly remember " Antony
.,-nr\ r.lpopatra." The first I saw of Pope was a middle volume
Ji me Odyssey, printed by the veritable Bernard Lintot, paper,
•binding, and illustrations all good and in good preservation.
But crowning all and above all, came two old Romances ot
Chivalry, " Parismus," and " Don Bellianis." Those, at a very ear-
ly age, took entire possession of me. All I did, said, or thought,
was modeled on the character of those brave, courteous, and hon-
orable knights. Those two small ragged volumes had takea
refuge among our far off recesses, to escape, I suppose, from the
pursuing sneer of Cervantes— of whom and of which Byron
talks in this way :
"Cervantes smiled Spain's chivalry away.
A single laujfh demolished the right arm
OB, THE SPIBIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DATS. B1
Of his own country. Seldom since that day
Has Spain had heroes. Whilo Romance could charm.
The world gave ground before her bright array.
And therefore have his volumes done such harm.
That all their glory as a composition.
Was dearly purchased by his land's perdition."
Bishop Heber, Bulwer, James, I believe Scott, and certainly
Cervantes himself, and indeed a host of others, bear witness to
the noble and lofty feelings of Chivalry. A feeling which cart
just as much be identified with the insanity of Don Quixote as
the affliction of the religiously insane shut up in a mad house
or wandering in the fields, can be held up as a disparagement
and reproach to religion itself.
Can it be that it is to that noble, generous, lofty spirit, comiiig
down from the far-off times, that we owe the few scintillations of
honor yet to be found among us ? A spirit that, according with
modern life and habits of thought, inspires the patriot and the
true gentleman of the present day, and of which I shall have to
speak hereafter, in several very remarkable examples — examples
that are almost the only redeeming things, purely personal, that
I have met in my irregular march through life.
It was against the giants, dragons, enchanters and so forth,,
which embellished some of those romantic books that Cervantes
made war. He distinctly approves of those Romances that con-
fined themselves to nature and probability. And yet even the ex-
travagances he warred against may have had their use, may-
have roused wonder and fixed attention which tamer recitals had
never stirred up at all. In a people there is a mental infancy aa
well as in the individual.
I might well be considered an oddity, especially in my use ot
language. Potato -diggers make sport to themselves sometimes.
by setting their little boy " gatherers " to fight. I was a " gather-
er " for the first and last time and so was another little boy be*
side me on the adjoining ridge. He and both our diggers could
not provoke me to fight with him. My thoughts were with
knights and ladies, and I deemed he was too vulgar for such an
honor. It was my first essay at such work, and my inefficiency
at it and my apparent cowardice encouraged him to use language-
to me the meaning of which I did not indeed understand, for
nothing very coarse or at all obscene was ever spoken in our
house. But I remembered that one oldish knight had called ona
88 THE ODD BOOK OP THE NINETEENTH CENTURY ;
youngish knight an " Upstart," and I intimated that if he dared
t,o call me such a name I would punish him. He took up the
word eagerly and I dashed upon him with all my collected force,
actually crying out " I'll let you know I read books of knight '
errantry. * The fierce suddenness of my onset and the inspira-
tion of rny tutelary knights gave me the victory. The same
action and inspiration did me similar service on many an after oc-
casion, for in that time and in that country such occasion would
frequently present itself, as we shall see.
Those small matters would indeed be contemptible, and their
place here inexcusable, did they not illustrate a very great matter
and even bear within them a very important lesson, which if the
reader does not himself perceive, it would be vain to point it out
to him.
I had a companion a little boy like myself. He and I might
have spent our time better and we might certainly have spent it
worse, when, armed with wooden sabres, we would march into
the fields and slay down the big overshadowing thistles that
were crowding and crushing down with their prickly spikes the
little flowers beneath them. One, to our thinking, was the fierce
and lawless baron ; the other, the flower, was of course ttio cap-
tive lady or captive knight which the scoundrelly baron had in
bis toils.
My language taking shape from my thoughts, often exposed
me to the ridicule of those around me, all very poor and wholly
illiterate. Taxed with falsehood, one time my offended honor
retorted with " Do you think me capable of a lie '?" I remember
this, because there were present some neighbors who kept ridi-
culing and laughing at this reply for weeks to come. I was quite
expert in the water. One time gentlemen on the bank threw a
a compliment to my performance, to which I replied that I
"hoped for excellence some day, but at present I was only a
young practitioner." Doubtless those gentlemen thought I was
a Somebody whilst I remained in the water, but when I came out
to dress in my "looped and windowed," they found me out —
found out that I was a mere Nobody.
"Whatever that spirit might have been in the far off days, it de-
scended through those books, and filled my whole beir.or. T was
no longer a Nobody — no longer ashamed ot tag tumaie cottage
• A. literal fact
OH, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 39
and the scanty garment. In me it were no virtue to turn away
•with my poverty from millions of uncounted gold. I saw nothing
noble in the mere external. The coarsest coat, if clean, and the
humblest shed, if pure and weatherproof, and the simplest fare
that nature would accept — if these were not equal to the lighted
hall, the elegant robe and the luxurious banquet, still there was
not between them the difference of one dishonorable thought. To
even contemplate a meanness would give me more pain than I
could hope of pleasure from them all combined. This spirit was
no merit of mine. It was infused into me by a Higher Power.
My parents, though in a small way of business, were very poor
—everybody, almost, in Ireland was and is very poor. But they
kept me closely, and in winter very cruelly, to school. The
" master " had to hire his own school accommodation and to
economise he sometimes hired it more than a mile out in the
country. I had one brother and he could endure any amount
of cold in his bare feet ; then and always it was and is just
the reverse with myself. A sister, too, who still survives,
was so much hardier than me, that I fairly gave up one day
going to school and stood still on one foot crying and holding
the other foot up out of the snow. Ignorant by-passers jeered
at me and pointed to the clever endurance of my sister. They
did not know that children differ in the capacity to resist cold,
Just as they may differ in any or all other capacities.
And those differences were well illustrated in the natures ol
my brother and myself. Domestic and industrious, he was al-
ways doing something useful. He would dig contentedly for
days in the field, where I also had to dig very very discontent-
edly along with him. How I would rejoice to see a black storm
rising in the west ! A storm that would drive us both home. He
to some useful work about the house, and myself to my book at
the cottage window, deeply enjoying the tales within, and the
tempest that rushed and rained withocrt I don't remember
that ever my brother cast a line in the water to fish, or fired
off a gun at a wild bird. To me those things were the tempta-
tions of my life. Attendance at school I felt as an intolerable
imprisonment. I learned well and rapidly, but still was present
to me the thought, that the landscape lay without, with its grass,
and flowers, and streams, and with the breezes and clouds ca-
reering over all
40 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY;
My thoughts and aspirations were indeed little in accord with
;my condition in life. One of my earliest sorrows was listening
to my poor father and mother planning over their difficulties,
ard lamenting over their hard fate.
Faith! it's no wonder that my resentment is undviMj> p;Vainst
the despoilers of man's Inheritance, of my Inheritance. They so
impoverished the whole country I lived in, by carrying away the
•absentee black mail, that our humble business (a oakery) was
paralyzed, all business was paralyzed, stunted, starved by the
poverty those blind and inhuman "lords" left behind them.
» flHix* ' loL never yet has been revealed to them their great crime.
My father was sober, honest, truthful, but singularly careless
and improvident. Re nad what he called a "clean spirit" — that
is, that he would not take affront from any man. I heard him
often say. " I am a poor man, but 1 never was poor enough to
tell a lie." I am now on reflection led to believe that the right
to tell a lie was a reserved right, to be used when necessary, to
fasten the precarious hold men had on existence.
My mother was guileless, retiring, and as industrious as my
father was the reverse. Of a religious mind she would sing a low
Methodist hymn while sewing or at the " spinning wneel." 1»
the same low music she would hum over Goldsmith's
"Turn gentle hermit of the dale."
The word hermit probably investing it in her thought vitfc a
semi-sacred character.
I would not say one word on this subject of my parents only
to impress my opinion in relation to Chivalry. The influence of
such a singular pair on my dawning mind must have been
marked strongly and distinctly, must have slightly bent the
twig in its after direction. Good or bad, I would wish to give the
merit to that "parent pair," rather than to two tattered old
books. But I cannot do it. On the foundation laid by them only
a narrow, selfish virtue ever could have grown up. It was the
Inspiration descending through those old books that determined
the future bent and action of my life.
And now fifty years have sped away in varied life, and action
and not'without suffering. Have I gleaned up any cool judg-
ment? Has that " experience" that teacheth even fools taught
me anything ? Perhaps not, for if I had a million of golden coins
at my disposal I would spend them in pouring forth millions of
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 41
•of those books of chivalry among the future men of America and of
the world. The contempt of danger, the toils, tho vigilance, the
honor of those brave men vindicating right and striking down wrong
and oppression. Their sole reward — woman's smile, and tho proud
consciousness of deserved honor. Even if all imaginary, still that
imagination would ennoble. Would lift men out of the rut of
selfishness — out, up, into a brighter, a happier, and a holier life.
Blind aristocrats ! Shallow, stupid, ignoble men ! Insensible
to truth and true nobility. Actually not knowing how base it is to
riot in excess that is
" Extracted from a fellow-creatiire's woe."
The groat primal criminals of the earth, and yet not even know you
are criminals ! How do you need a little of that redeeming spirit,
at which, no doubt, you will have the dull audacity to sneer. But it
is the misfortune of your birth and bringing up. If your fathers
had, through a long descent, been manfully and honestly earning
their bread, you, too, would be manly and honest. If you live by
rapine — if you criminally snatch from labor what it worked to earn
— if you stand with hired manslayers to kill that laboror if he resists
your robbery — if, in short, you are what we see you, all that it is
possible to conceive of base and dishonorable — and if you are so
mentally blind that you do not see your c~ime — that, too, is an
inheritance that has come down to you with the stolen land. It is
far more your misfortune than it is your fault.
"Your misfortune!" For if the order of land robbers did not
exist, the harmonies of Nature would exact just as much action from
a man as the health of his being would require. As day follows
night, as the seasons succeed each other — so would action and
health, harmony and happiness, go on together. Turning an
artificial hell into a natural paradise. Removing the deep material
degradation of one class, and casting out the deeper spiritual degra-
dation of the other.
42 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY ;
CHAPTER V.
SKETCHES ILLUSTRATIVE OF ABORIGINAL MANUFACTURES, MODES OF
LIFE AND THOUGHT AMONG THE WILDER DISTRICTS OF IRELAND
AND THE PEOPLE WHO INHABITED THEM.
CASTE.
Is the spirit of caste inherent in human nature, or has it been
crushed into it by external high pressure of the great Social Lie ?
'Certain it is that this stupid spirit is to be found digging down
into the nethermost strata of social life. Let me classify its
workings in my native village, down in the shadows where in-
'quiry has seldom reached.
The shop-keeper knows his high position and he is always
either scrambling or thinking to get up, never looking down to
•the mechanic order beneath him. In that order, too, the same
unmanly feeling exists. The watchmaker comes first, or side by
side with the saddler. The carpenter and mason come along to-
gether, the first a little ahead. In the shoemaker and smith
there is no essential difference, but the tailor stands by himself,
a pitch above the weaver, who, excepting the day laborer, is the
lowest down of all. I need not observe that the tailor there, as
everywhere, is the butt of little wits, and that the laborer is held
as low down as the furrow he digs in. The classification some-
what follows the established order. The more useful the lower
down in the scale. When it comes to actual test, the laborer,
and I think the weaver too, is excluded from social intercourse.
All the rest assemble and half forget their social distinctions at
the " Tradesman's Ball," which comes annually. At the Servants'
Ball, distinctions are not very marked, the day laborer would
be admitted, but he hasn't the necessary money or clothes.
Those servants who wait upon his " honor " or " his reverence "
know very well that they are a few pegs higher up than those who
serve the heads of a public house or of a grocery shop. Whether
distinctions are inherent in our nature, or whether they are
incident to our discordant "civilization," is now open for dispute.
There stand my facts and make what you can of them.
In one especial those gatherings, Trade and Servant, were dis-
tinguished. They brought .generally conflicting lampoons, and
OB, THE SPIRIT Of CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. <4S
odes out at the heels of them. Those gave opportunity to eulo-
gize or satirize the individual performers, as the rhymer might
be swayed for or against. There was no libel law extant. If
there had been, there would have been more rhyming inside than,
outside of the jail. "What ! A jail in your remoteness? " Yes,
it is an especial privilege, accessible always in any nook of the
world. But my brightest spots lay out of doors, on water and on
land.
" Hillo ! Tom. Come over the hills, here's the gun and plenty
of the explosive. You shall have one shot to niy two." This
was the salute of a lad who lived in a big house — had a good
shot gun, ammunition, money, everything that 1 had not, but
still an occasional companion of my own.
" No," I replied. " Not on such conditions ; I must have shot
about, and the first shot to begin with."
H Pooh ! There's " Dan Sly " (we were all sliding on the ice
pond) who will come without a shot at all — merely for a share of
what's here," pointing to his game bag.
" Take him, ' I suggested, and away I went on the slide. I
guessed what was coming on my return.
" Well, no, I won't. He can't tell stories as you can. Come
along," handing me the gun off his shoulder.
We proceeded up the " Moor hill," where were outlying stacks
of barley. No birds in view, level goes my gun and off, and
down tumbles a rat. It had peered out at the top of one of the
stacks to see what kind of weather it was. My companion was
greatly amused, but wondered I would throw away my shot on
such game. It was, indeed, an omen of my c^nai&g life — of how
I was to throw away many a shot at just such game (only public}
and with an equal loss of the ammunition.
Talk of the undefined happiness folded up in ten thousand
pounds a year ! It does not truly exceed — does it truly equal ?—
a rural village life, if uncursed with " lord "-made poverty, and!
having the influence of taste, society, books, field, river and se*
sports. Even the light labor to command, those would itself be
a blessing. Often have I sat down to a wholesome dinner, cost-
Ing not quite one penny sterling, with more profit and zest thao
could be gathered round most of the club dinners of London.
Nature is in all things a humane leveller — in this as all the rest.
1 have forgotten so far to mention that it was a great discred-
44 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY ;
it to be poor — a disgrace, almost a crime. II, too, any misfor-
tune, or error, had befallen any of your relations, you were held*
in disgrace for it. In short there reigned a great mental oppres-
sion over poor Poverty, as well as the material oppression that
crushed it down.
About this time (aetat 14) a retired Army surgeon offered to-
furnish bocks and assist in my education for the Catholic priest-
hood, I wonder, if I had accepted his offer, what change would'
it have made in the tenor of my life. But I didn't accept it. I
believed that a life of prayer and celibacy, or even the hypocrisy
that would assume those virtues,- though it might accord
many men's natures, would not at all accord with mine. I
my friend so, and so ended the negotiation.
Shortly after this I attended a Catholic meeting. Captain James
Sinclair and all the liberal celebrities of the County Donegal
were there. Whilst the eloquence flowed on. at every •* hear,
hear!" on the platform the other juveniles and myself would set
up a most deafening cheer. Now, the "hear ! hear ! " was an ap-
peal for close attention ; and this cheer of ours rendered that
impossible, as it drowned the speaker's voice. Still, it was &
" glorious blunder " in its way.
That meeting was held in the rural "chapel : " and, on return-
Ing to town, the same juveniles fell into another " glorious blun-
der." We made a dash to unharness the horses, that ourselves
might draw the orators into town in triumph. In the carriage
which I helped to attack sat that corpulent old veteran. Captain?
James Sinclair.* " Boys," said he, " these demonstrations are
wrong-timed and improperly directed, but don't be ashamed of
them. They evince that ardent enthusiasm which, under proper
guidance, is an overmatch for the most fortified wrong. Enthusi-
asm, rny boys, is the gunpowder loaded, rammed clown, and lev-
eled against the foe " [with a piece of lead in front of it] . " Or it i&
that same gunpowder exploded in the magazine to the destruc-
tion of its owners. Boys, you have the work of men before you.
Learn wisdom, and do that work well. Let the horses now do
'« At>oat t.lts time savera: liberals vere imprisoned on a cnarge of maiming cattle— sworn,
against DV Informer*. Captain Sinclair sussectec t^.at these were perjurers. So by a ser-
rant &t iaa t^« ;ail cuto3 or.eot £ns own cows, and advertised a " Rewara." An Iniorm.
•r sresentea. »a^ oflerei tc twe*r against one of th« neighbors. I'hi* :ac: put an end; to tint
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DATS. Af
theirs." That was spoken nearly fifty years ago, and it lies sub-
stantially bright and distinct in my memory still.
CHAPTER VI.
VOYAGE TO LIVERPOOL— INCIDENTS, ADVENTURES, SEA SCENE,
FAILURE, AND HKLTRN HOME.
AT sixteen I adventured to Liverpool. Book?, lectures, the
telescope, the microscope— all of which I had got glimpses of in
stray leaves I would find there in ful'. My father conveyed me
to Derry, the place of embarkation. Near Convoy we passed the
demesne of Squire Montgomery, brother of the hero-general
who fell at Quebec. He was down among the trees, but seeing
our cortege, he came briskly up, was soon in possession of our
purpose, put his hand on my shoulder and wished me good luck.
He was well-liked, notwithstanding his French principles, both in
politics and social life, and quite vigorous in body and mind not-
withstanding his eighty odd years. Eaphoe reposed near by un-
der the wing of the Bishop's palace. The diocese has long since
1 een disestablished, its castle deserted and burnt to the ground,
its lands and revenues sequestrated. It would not be easy to
.find out who was the better for all this. Certainly the village oj
Raphoe was a great deal the worse.
On to Londonderry, and took pacsage in the " Greyhound,"
Alexander Keay, master, from whom I received the first rebuff
that was offered to me when entering on active life.
Being only a deck passenger, I became a tresspasser when I
intruded on the after deck. There two or three cabin passen-
gers surrounded the captain and alternated among them the
large perspective glass. Woody shores lay along the margin of
Lough Foyle. Southward, in the distance, loomed up Ennish-
owen Head, an obtrusive and grand promontory. By and by,
away to the north, the Giant's Causeway lifted up its pillars. Not
aware, at the time, of the distinction created by " deck " and
4< cabin," I attempted to join in the conversation, and desired
greatly to get a look through the perspective glass. The Cap-
tain, however, treateed me (a la Percy Shafton) " with a stare."
4nd the changeful shores and headlands danced alike througU
46 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY j
the perspective glass and their conversation, in neither of whicft
was I permitted to share. And so night fell down.
Conrad says in that never-to-be-equalled " Corsair " :
" Aye at set of Sun,
The breeze will freshen when the day is done."
Our breeze freshened into a gale. Over the deck the waves be-
.gan to career, and down into the forehold were ordered the deck
passengers !
The narrator of the horrors of the " Black Hole at Calcutta "
observes : " If we had known the doom before us, we should
have rushed on the bayonets of the Sepoys as a refuge from that
more horrible death." So with us, but down we were, the hatch-
way fastened, tarpaulined over, and we hermetically sealed down
before we knew our danger, or thought of resistance. Then it
was too late. Darkness, sea sickness, smothering for want of
air, and fifteen human beings down in that narrow hold, largely
filled with cargo, fastened down, live or die till morning. We
piled up bales, trusses, everything that was moveable, shaping
them like a pyramid, its apex pointing to the nailed-down hatch-
way. I, the youngest and most alert, was assisted up and sus-
tained on the top. Poised on my shoulders and neck, I kicked
violently on the inside of the hatch. In vain, they did not heed,
and I had to sink down exhausted, and all had to abide the issue
live or die, till morning. Had thare been a few more of us,
not one would have seen that morning alive. Some years later
there were seventeen people so nailed down, in a Sligo and Liv-
erpool steamer, every one of whom perished.
We reached Liverpool, and I found myself a white slave look-
ing for a master in vain. Day after day I rose before sunrise to
seek a foothold on existence. In vain ! I even went out to the
suburban brick-fields, but my immature years and unknit frame
admonished employers, and they shook their heads.
I waited about the Exchange looking for a job. Poor business.
When an employer came looking for hands he brought the sun
of Heaven along with him, carried a few men away with him,
and left the rest darker than before. He never brought me with
him. It was men he waDted, not a slender stripling lik«
myself.
In the last week I had only half a day's work ; and as I called
at the office, I wondered when the young gentleman in charge
OB, THE SPIRIT O* CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 47
spoke very kindly to me, still more did I wonder when he paid
me eighteen pence instead of fifteen.
There was nothing for it now but a journey homeward ; my
father was known to the Captain of the '• John." That was suffi-
cient to provide me a passage back again to Derry; she was to
Bail at daybreak ; I came to the " Old Dock " at the first peep of
morning. She was gone. Through the dim twilight I could dis-
cern the mainsheet, covered with a black anchor, far away down
the river. She was burned and sunk the second night out, about
ten miles off the Irish coast.
Yes ! On that short, moonless night in June, the man on the
look-out on the coast-guard station heard
" The minute jrun at sea/'
and now rising o'er the far dark waters, the forked flashing blaze
of a ship on fire. If ever I return to the British Islands I will
examine what record the newspapers kept of that sublime disas-
ter. Yes 1 Sublime ! A vessel on fire on a far-off dark ocean—
I hope you may never see the sight But if you do, you will
have seen at once the terrible and sublime.
There was hospitality on shore for all that were saved from
the conflagration of the " John ; " but men have not so much
feeling for the wrecks of fortune as they have for the wrecks of
ships. Wrecks of fortune ! Mine was a complete one.
But Nature, for a purpose of her own, seems to take care ot
young people. At any rate, I was taken care of. A fifty-ton
eraft was about to sail for my native village, with a load of rock-
salt, crockery, etc. The skipper and two sailors constituted the
crew, and an old school-fellow of mine, older and more used to
the world than myself, formed the passengers. We were entitled
to no rations, and after two deys out our slender sea-store waa
entirely gone. Whether the skipper and his crew knew of our
extremity I can't say, but they did not offer us anything. At
length my comrade made access to the ship's pantry, and offered
me a share. This to me was a hard trial. I had formed my
standard of honor on the principles of the old knights. How
could I come down from that standard ? How could I partake of
stolen goods? Some old philosopher has said, "If you would
keep men honest, leave them something to eat." I had to illus-
trate the truth of this philosophy.
We were two or three days out when a sharp storm overtook
IUK. Being sea sick below, I got up en the deck at grey daw»
|8 THE ODD BOOK OP THE NINETEENTH CENTURY ;
The waves were tumbling up short and jagged, as high ae they
are permitted to pitch, which is, I believe, twenty-eight feet
from hollow to crest.
" The wind was down, but still the sea ran high."
Not a breath of air, and the tide carrying us straight upon the
* Maiden Kocks " at the the rate of five or six miles an hour.
Twenty years after a lady visiting at our house requested me
to write a description of this scene. Retired for the purpose, and
without having thought of versification, and without making the
least mental effort, I returned within an hour with the following
iwcription ;
THE MAIDEN ROCKS.
The tempest night swung round the world,
And calm bright morning o'er the sea,
Would soothe, in vain, the waves that hurled
On high their mountain energy.
In the dim distance Fairhead mountain,
Eobed in dark azure, raised his form.
Bathing his feet— the deep sea fountain,
Lull'd on his breast— the sleeping storm.
Ill cloudy curls the smoke ascended
From kelp fires 'round his rocky base.
And up away in ether blended
With sky-clouds, in their dwelling place.
The cot emerges from their shadow.
Sheening the unassisted eye.
Through our perspective glass the meadow
Waves welcome to the morning sky.
Firm seated in repose and grandeur
In that far mountain you may trace
An imaged world— around it, splendor
The ocean underneath it— space.
It was sublime, that tumbling ocean.
Chaffing on high its tameless wrath
With not a breeze to urge its motion,
Or whisper to it of its path.
Yon white sail in the far off distance.
Yon light-house on the far off eteep.
Is that a vision of existence ?
Is this a refuge from the deep?
And both, far by that hazy shore
A safety we must reach no more?
Steady and wtrong; on, on, relentless;
Dumb TIDE has bound us to his car ;
Ol were yon ocean passage ventless,
Or waged the waves less lofty war,
Not thus would we be dashed into the arms
W. the cold " Maidens " in their sea -
OB, THE SPIEIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS.
Not thus their roused caress would leap to meet us,
But gentler mood receive, aud calmer transports greet us.
And we might, haply, from a few caresses,
Escape on broken planks and swimming dresses.
But now they bare their breasts before us.
The veil of spray that clothes their brow
Will soon play cloudy music o'er us.
Will lovingly embrace us now.
The doom is, doubtless, a sublime one.
The sepulchre, no doubt, is grand ;
Prompt and decisive is the time; one
Hour hence ! Now, then, make a noble stand
Oil this small soot of intervening deck.
And meet with scorning nerve the coming wreck.
One hour hence ? Kise the waves to overwhelm
Our tiny skiff that breasts them like a duck.
^Our captain now himself has seized the helm,
Sticks knife in mast, and whistles for good luck,
'Whistling at sea is danger, we allow.
But peril save us ! or we perish now.
I'orish ! for here they are ; the hour is gone,
The six-mile distance has been quickly passed ;
If I could lay my finger on a stone,
That small round stone, how easily I'd cast
Into the " Maidens' " lap ; but scraps of coal
Fall short, as yet. of so sublime a gaol.
Five minutes more ! But no, there is a breath
Just born upon the wave-tops, and it floats
Up to our sail, and grapples with our death,
As vice and virtue grasp each others throats
And yet its power to save us don't avail;
Still on is our career : the infant gale
Yet vainly puts its shoulder to the sail.
II there be spirits hovering near me now,
Prompting the thought that knits my gathering brow,
Oh, tell me, prompt me, in that fated hour, *
Was there, indeed, a spirit-wielded power
That came embodied in that infant breeze?
Its path upon the jabble of the seas.
i" Jabble ? " pray what is jabble ?) Shake a.pitcher
Until its liquid flies into your face ;
Or fling a stone into this flooded ditch ; or,
Dash ! drive your wagon through a slough, or placa.
But that's enough ; in any such thing dabble,
And you'll find out what sort of thing is " jabbie."
Above the jabble, then, the breeze's wing
Stretched its young effort to the flapping sail,
J^hich. dull and dreamy, would do nought but swin£
(Perli sips 'twas searching for the absent gale,)
60 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTUBYJ
From side to side, as up we climbed the wave.
Or tumbled down it— down as to a grave.
A«5d now the " Maidens " don their best attira.
As near and nearer drifts the fated boat;
Rises their drapery in ascending spire.
And up along: with it their voices float.
Hie out. young breeze, or start at once to vigor,
Else useless, all, 'twill be your growing bigger.
And. imperceptibly, it gathers strength.
And grapples closer with the drifting timber,
Blackens its speed, still slackens, till, at length,
(As earth swings round in June and in December.)
Our rock- ward motion stands, and by degrees.
We slowly retrograde it o'er the seas.
"Within our little cabin coffee-steams
Exhale temptation ; now the danger's o'er.
Outside, around the everlasting streams
Of ocean-flood sweeps onward : and the shore
IB hazy and sublime, amid the beams
That fold it in their love, whose golden tie
Enclasps the earth, the ocean, and the sky.
But we are not all sunshine. Clay and spirit,
Though quite sublime in many of their moodft
Do several little weaknesses inherit.
Among them is a leaning upon foods.
A vulgar weakness 'tis, but more imperious
Than higher things, from dreamy to delirious*
And BO we snatch a moment from the sky.
We leave the coast and mountain to themselves,
Hor mark the six-knot tide still rushing by,
But down among the tables and the shelves.
And having spent some twenty minutes there.
Emerge again into the upper air.
Not as that sea-gull swooping on before us:
Not as that porpoise light'ning through the wavej
Not as the cloud, careering faster o'er us;
As the wind voices pipe a higher stave.
Not iust like one. and vet like all of these.
Our path is onward in the dashing spray.
Furrowing a green lane through the azure seas.
And holding on our wing'd and eager way.
Broad to our right (or starboard) the Atlantic;
Close on our left (or larboard) the romantic.
Bock-bound, and white sand-bedded shore is seen.
Brown with dark heath, or bright with summer zreeik
****** -»^—
When tempest thunders on the shaking sea.
And night and breakers close beneath our lee.
And when the light-house rises on our sight.
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 61
Taking your part against the closing night
And allied tempest— don't you gaze and love it.
And deem it brighter than the star above it.
Its tranqui! lustre peering from afar,
Eisirig above the billows like that star:
It comes, it comes across the billow's roar,
A human sympathy from that dark shore.
And so the high headlands, with their light-houses, and the
lo\v, retiring shores, with their sheltered cottages, passed in re-
view before .us during that long sunny Sabbath day of eihgteen
hours. It was indeed a magmficent run of more than 150 miles.
Apart from the grand variety which the passing coast present-
ed, we had two incidents in the run. One, a revenue cutter's
•• Heave to " shot, which we disregarded, and then her six-pound-
ers sent dancing after us over the waves. The skipper, and in-
deed all of us, enjoyed the excitement, and the nearer the balls
struck to us, the louder rose our derisive cheer. As we neared
the Island of Tory the chase gave us up. We were running
down on that Island, and it became necessary to tack, for the
iirst time that day, in order to come between the Island and the
mainland. I was standing listlessly on the deck when, in coming
round, the heavy gale struck our sails sideways, and threw us
suddenly almost on our beam ends. I fell, or rather was flung,
down from where I stood, and fell heavily upon the lee bulwark,
which, fortunately, was just high enough to save me from tumb-
ling violently and headlong into that boiling sea. Night closed
as we rounded Arranmore Island, and sighted Cape Telling; the
headland which sentinels on the north the great bay of Done-
gal.
I got home, and though tenderly attached to the people and
the scenes, I felt no joy. I was lost in mortification at my great
failure, I discovered, too, that turf-peat, though a vegetable de-
posit, was largely charged with sulphur, and that I, some way,
had become a man.
An eccentric and liberal gentlemen in our village had institUj
ted a fishing enterprise. I, with five or six other boys, became m
hand aboard. Our pay was ten pence a day. Sometimes we kept
on the waves all night, increasing our ten pence to twenty. On
one of those nights we were driven to shore by a heavy snow
storm. Bivouacked under a precipitous bank, lighted a fire and
were about to realize the comforts of a nap with fronts scorching
and backs coated with snow. But a country man, searching in
52 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY J
the storm for his sheep, came down to the blaze, and hallooing
from the top of the bank, invited us to the shelter of his cabin.
It consisted of one apartment some fourteen feet square. How
buoyant is youth ! Our slumbers could not hold ground against
practical jokes played on each other till morning. One of them
I remember yet. Even then I attached a moral to it.
A naked foot belonging to one of the sleepers lay in tempting
proximity to the fire on the hearth*. A live coal was placed near
it for the purpose of producing sport. The foot began to under-
go sundry contortions which were quite amusing to look at. But
at last the coal was put a little too near it— nearer than the
sleeper could bear. It awoke him. He jumped up and knocked
down one or two actors or abettors of the wrong. They had put
the coal a little too near. If they had been reasonable in their
sport, the sleeper would have slept on, and the game might have
continued till morning. But they were not reasonable, my fac-
tory lords and lord dukes. They put it on a little heavier than
nature could bear. They did exactly what you have been doing,
my lords, and the natural consequence followed. Do you under-
stand ? Probably not yet. But you may by and by.
The more tempestuous the day the more awake and hungry
are the fishes. And so, instead of rough weather keeping us on
land, it had an effect exactly otherwise. On those rough days
you could see four-fifths of a boat's keel out of water as she
seemed to jump from one short high wave to another.
On one occasion, with a lively wind and a good " take " at our
hand-lines, light squalls arose at intervals from the north. You
could easily see them approach, scudding on a dark grayish
cloud. In proportion to the darkness and size of the (cloud
would be the force and duration of the squall. Grand to look
on, and rousing the fish, we enjoyed rather than feared them.
But, by and by, one cloud showed up bigger and blacker than
all the others combined. We were well out in the offing and
headed with all our force to the land. In vain ! Before we got
under shelter of the high coast the squall struck us with the
greatest fury, blinding and battering us at the same time with a
storm of hail. We were blown off the land across toward a
des 9ft sand bar, called the " Back Strands." I had been affect-
ed with sea sickness the best part of the day, but, as we ap-
proached the " Back Strands," the swell rose so high, and thd
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 53
breakers for miles before us looked so horrible, that one of our
hands ("Don Sly" we used to call him) fairly cowered and
dropped the oar. My sickness was gone like a flash ; I seized
the oar, made a footspur of Don Sly's back, and, all pulling
steadily, we held our our own till the squall spent itself and then
we shot out of the ground swell, and headed across the bay.
The 'moment the danger was over my sea sickness returned and
threw me down as before. Yield to danger and it will destroy
you. Confront it manfully and you will overcome it. One time
(I speak of it here, though this happened long after), I was pur-
sued by a dozen men with bludgeons. I was making for my
lodging-house in the hamlet of a wild mountain district. Ex-
pecting this assault, I had a large horse pistol in my breast, and
wheeling suddenly round, my pursuers caught the gleam of its
bright brass butt in my grasp. This, with the suddenness of my
wheel about, so disconcerted them, that a lane opened before me ;
I passed through them in perfect safety, and they did not even
renew the pursuit. The moral is, " Take hold of the danger, don't
wait till the danger takes hold of you ! "
At this adventurous work of fishing, I earned a small sum
which enabled me to enter a rather humble field in the world of
trade, but I succeeded tolerably well.
My comrade, Prank Bay, is off, a hand on board the " Susau
Jane," bound for Liverpool. I am conveying him down the bay.
" That gun is left behind," said the Captain. "Your sister de-
tained it, hid it away, that you yourself might return. I could
not be rude to her, for she is a glorious girl, though she is your
sister Frank." So spoke the Captain.
And she was. I am looking at her now of a summer evening
in a pearl white dress. Tall, straight, majestic. Face and fea-
tures slightly petite compared with her commanding figure, but
glowing, regular, surpassingly beautiful. Alas ! alas ! About
half the time between this moment and that day she filled an
early grave. Tempted into it by stimulating drinks. Why was
man given thepower to create such a temptation ?
" Have you any loose silver? " This by Frank to myself sotto
voice. "A little." " Buy that fowling piece; you need it very
much, and I don't like to put the Captain to loss. He'll give you
an order for it, and I'll write a line to Anne." It is done, and
ashore with Alick Henderson, the pilot
54 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTUBT ;
Presented my credentials to Miss Anne.
"No! she would not part with the fowling piece. She would
keep it in revenge for the taking away of Frank."
Too young and too fond of the chase to be sensible that I was
doing a most ungallant thing, I summoned the young lady to the
Petty Sessions. But Miss Anne took a walk up to the parson-
age, where dwelt at once the regulator of legal morals and of re-
ligious aspirations — who could point with equal readiness the
way up to Heaven or down to the " Black Hole."
Is that the Peeler emerging from the home of Miss Bay? Is
that my gun on his shoulder? The Reverend has untertaken to
protect the gun. Looks ominous, but nil fasperandum. The
day of trial is yet to come. And it did come and proceeded till
late, and then adjourned, shut up shop.
Not quite. " Is this not the return day of my suit us Miss
Bay?"
"Certainly," replies the Reverend Justice. " Why did you not
answer when it was called? "
"It was not called!"
" It was called. Was it not, Mr. Clerk ? " Jack gave a gutter-
al sound that seemed neither aye nor no. A mixture like of the
one with the other.
" It was not called, I have been here since the court opened."
" Very well ; you shall have it called, as you are in such a hur-
ry about it. What is your complaint ? " I stated the facts and
presented my documents.
" Have you any witness ? "
" Yes. He is here, Mr. Henderson, the pilot."
Alick told a straight story and to the point.
Then this to myself from the bench. "What right have you to
keep a gun ? "
" What is your honor's objection to me ? Is it my character ? "
" No. I know nothing against your character."
" Is it my religion?" (A shade of irony seemed in this for I
could not fairly shelter myself under either of the churches.)
" No, in this country religions are equal before the law, but I
find this gun floating around, and it is not registered."
" How can the owner have a thing registered till he gets it in
possession ? Give me my property, and take it from me again
if I don't conform to the law." The bench pauses.
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DATS. 65
** Well, come to the Moor at ten o'clock to-morrow."
I did, and he handed the gun to me. So far, good.
With a gun either registered at 6e. or smuggled without charge
you are, or were in those days, entitled to sport round the coast.
But to cross a field in pursuit of hare or partridge was a sacri-
lege. Nevertheless youth, in some of ite specimens, is headlong
and unreflecting and I was one of those specimens. Starting a
covey of partridge on adjoining grounds, I jump over the redoubt,
and in on the forbidden fields of the Reverend Justice. The game
had pitched in front of a hawthorn knoll. As I approached the
Reverend's two sons emerged from behind the knoll just in time
to shoot a brace of the covey. I " made myself scarce." I had
broken the law ; I didn't think at the moment that they also
had broken it.
A uniformed Peeler favored me the same afternoon with a
printed invitation to the Petty Sessions. There was nothing for
it but to obey.
The Eeverend father is on the bench, and the two hopeful sons
are on the witness stand. Oaths and recitals on their part, and a
frank admission on mine, followed. Sentence, " a twenty pound
fine or three months." Half belongs to the (with emphasis) "in-
formants," but the young gentlemen would remit that half. The
other half must be paid. I am " neither able nor willing to pay
it," and I frankly say so.
" Is he a prisoner ? " say a couple of the Peelers — I was already
no favorite with them.
"No," says his Reverence. "We know where to get him."
With a nod, " you have a fortnight to make up the sum."
My dissent is a shake of the head. And so I descend from the
dock.
I had been reading all the loose leaves that lay within my
reach. Among them a small tattered " Instructions to Justices
of the Peace." In it I found that sporting without a license kill-
ing game, even on your own ground, incurred the penalty of
twenty pounds. I found, too, that the License was to be obtained
at the nearest Custom House, at Ballyshannon. Can it be possi-
ble that the Reverend and his sons forgot to get the license ? To
solve the doubt I make the journey to Ballyshannon U is only
twelve miles off.
56 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY ;
It is as I hoped. Books overhauled Connollys, Crawfords,
Kellys, Treddenicks, but none so far down the alphabet as Welch.
I feel considerably lighter as I return home.
I never was, and never probably will be, of a reticent disposi-
tion. It soon got abroad that I had been at Ballyshannon for a
purpose. Ten days are past, and Jack Beard, the Clerk, hail*
me.
"What are you going to do about that fine? A short time only
remains ; have you gathered up the money? "
"No."
" Now, be sensible. You are entering life. Beginning trade. It
will injure you every way if you are sent to jail"
" It will not injure me. It will do me good."
" Do you good ! What do you mean by doing you good ?"
Beflectively. "Let me see: I can't earn ten pounds a month
outside of a jail, can I? "
" Of course you can't. Why ask such a question ? "
" Because I can earn that much inside."
" Don't be talking foolishly. I want to be your friend." And
he did. Jack was a good free-going Protestant, a smart fellow
too, who had been Secretary to a company of United Men in '98
while he was yet a mere boy.
" I know you are uneasy about what may happen to me. But
don't. I'm only going to make money. I hold three gentlemen
in my hand for twenty pounds each. Half of that will come to
me."
" Don't talk that way. You know how it will go in a tussle
between you and a magistrate on the bench."
" There will be no tussle with me. It will be between the law
and the bench."
" Don't think of it," and Jack left me.
Next morning a very venerable gentleman, all the more vener-
able for being very rich, demeaned himself by stopping at our
cabin door.
" Is Tom within ? "
" Yes." And Tom goes out to him.
" I have heard about that fine, and have spoken to the magis-
trate about it."
I give him thanks and an assurance that he need give himself
no such trouble.
OB, THE 8PIBXT OS CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 67
«* Why not ? "
I explain.
" O ! that won't do. We must live good neighbors In this far
off little home of ours." He had returned with a fortune from
America.
" I like good neighbors and a good neighborhood, if that were
possible."
" It is possible. Come along up with me to the Moor."
We go. We enter the lawn, religion and law meet us and
speaks. " Mr. McDonnell wishes to make things easy for you,
and has called on me for that purpose."
" I have already explained to Mr. McDonnell how, and how
much, I thank him."
" But I do not myself wish to hurt a neighbor (a shade of de-
ceit here) and I have determined of my own free will to remit
that fine, and I hope there shall be good neighborhood for the
time to come."
It is so settled, and I make good use of the " good neighbor-
hood " by marching across his grounds next day with that litiga-
ted gun on my shoulder, But that was not all ; 1 was to have
still another encounter with him.
It is late on a Sunday night. There is a wake, and a crowd of
boys are assembled at the play of " watch the candle." A most
hillarious and uncivilized play it is ; and the noise made falls
unluckily upon the outside night and a couple of sancti-
monious ears belonging to a 'Methodist class leader,"
who is, besides, a Church Warden. The Peelers have
just made their appearance in the world, and one of
them is along with the Church Warden. Thus strength-
ened that official comes in to infuse his authority into us and put
an end to the mirthful noise. To my surprise and disgust all
my playmates fled to the garden. But my tutelary knights
never thought of running away. Neither did I. So I was left to
confront what was coming. " What noise is this by young vaga-
bonds on the Sabbath evening ? " Thus the Church Warden. I
did not appropriate the offered civility, and he followed it up with
a hard look at my face, and " there's nobody here but idle ras-
cals."
14 The number is increasing. One more since you came in."
68 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY ;
" Take him prisoner." This to the loose, tall young fellow in
the green uniform. It was probably the first duty he was ordered
to, and he obeyed it right readily by laying violent hands on
myself. My tutelary knights had brought me to this— had made
me stand whilst my companion? ran away They now came
promptly to my aid. With suddeD hold and jerk, J tore down
the two fronts of the green jacket, buttoned as it was, a la mili-
taire, up to his throat. The sudden onset and surprise enabled
me to swing him round and rush him out of the street door, I am
afraid with an additional kick or two. Hearing the onset, its pre-
liminaries and result, the crowd of boys returned, and their re-
turning courage was brought to the test, when quickly marched
up Sergeant Saunders with his whole force, twelve strong, to
escort me down to prison. Bayonets screwed on were on one
side, and grasped paving stones on the other. There might have
been danger, indeed ; there was danger and I said : " Boys, if you
throw a stone in a rescue, the first thing the guard does is to
shoot the prisoner. Do you wish that I should be shot ? "
" And besides," urged the Sergeant, " Tom will get no worse
treatment than myself till morning — no worse prison than my
rooms." It was so settled, and with my body-guard I filed down
to the barracks.
In a village of rural size everybody knows everybody. Was it
strange then that the Sergeant's handsome and really good
daughter, then just a woman, knew myself, then just claiming to
be a man. Truth is, all the young people found means of coming
together without the older people showing them the way. So
when I came to my lock-up, I found the tea kettle steaming, the
tea things set, and a welcome for myself rarely indeed accorded
to a king's prisoner by king's troops, and in durance for a crime
committed against themselves, the king's forces.
Nor was that all. There is a ring at the bell, and a lady enters
with a paper in her hand. My gun-partridge prosecutor had
been roused from his midnight sleep, and had written cabalistic
?ords on this paper in virtue of which I am free to return to the
wake-house, as an escort to the lady who was niece to the de-
ceased and had money to lend. Hence her Influence with the
Rev. Justice, i.'he whole adventure was squeezed into little mow
(ban the midnight hour
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. •)»
But next day came a piebald paper denouncing very ugly crimes
—dilapidation, violent assault, and so forth — which I must justify
at the approaching Quarter Sessions, or take a journey to Lifford
and a recess in the county jail.
I was a subscriber to the Catholic Bent. So I wrote to the Asso-
ciation— it was then in high feather in Dublin — to ask their advice
in my "difficulty."
"Apply to some Attorney in your County who is a member of the
Catholic Association. "EDWARD DWYER, Secretary."
I did so apply to the only professional member the county
contained. But no reply came back from Edward Murray, Attorney-
at-law.
Our old friend Jack Beard, the clerk, hailed me once more.
"The Sessions are at hand," he says; "what are you going to do
about officer Graham and his jacket? "
"Stand trial, I suppose. What else? "
"Well, there may be something else. I have been inquiring,
and I think if you pay costs, including the tailor's bill, you will
be let off."
I must confess, at the present day, that I would listen to a similar
offer in a similar case with more favor (such is the quieting effect of
time) than I did then. As it was, a very resolved and distinct
negative was my answer.
The Quarter Sessions approached and things looked squally.
My friend of the partridges sat beside the Assistant Barrister
(Major), and literally "had his ear." That identical churchwarden
who had got me into all the scrape was the first on the jury list
to try my offense. I objected. "For what cause?" asked the
Court. I stated the facts. " A very sufficient cause — stand aside,
Mr. Corscaden." My hero of the partridges winced — spoke sub voce
to the Bench — suddenly rose and exit, a sure sign of what was to
follow. On evidence of the policeman and churchwarden, them-
selves, I was not only acquitted! but commended, and both those
worthies sharply reprimanded — told, in short, that if they had
1 >een worse used they deserved it. How different the result would
have been had it been tried by the "Reverend Rector" himself!
It was this adventure that made me the first "Young Irelander "
on record. I was a subscriber to the Catholic Association, and I had
written to that body for advice. They replied, as we have seen, and
that reply led to my enlightenment, as we shall see.
THK ODD BOOK OF THE NES2STEJEHXH CENTURY J
OHAPTEB VH.
ORANGEISM AJTD OTHER THINGS.
THB anniversary of tho Boyne always brought bad feeling
with it. It also brought a large procession of Orangmen into
the village, armed, on foot and on horseback. They generally
contented themselves with playing party tunes, and firing on th«
empty air. On the occasion of which I now write they did more,
and one man of the opposite creed was struck down under a
cart, and received seventeen sword cuts on the face and scalp.
Neal Gallagher was quite a smart young fellow, and what was
more to the purpose, a chief officer of the Ribbon organization,
and held it in his grasp. He lived a mile out of the town, and
along hi the month of June, hi walks towards his home, he and
I projected a movement to settle the Orangemen.
It is Sunday, the llth of July. I sometimes go to chapel
to see the flounces and bonnets, but this time I have other busi-
ness. Neal is there, and, as a matter of course, a crowd is there,
We are all very demure, if not very devout, till Mass is over.
Then outside there is a talk about pikes and muskets and mus-
tering against the following day. The Tannawilly men, reinforced
by the Killymard men, insist that they can do the work them-
selves without sending down for the Inver men. Neal doesn't
eay much till all have spoken. Then.
" Boys, I like that voice. It has the clear ring in it. But we
don't want any fighting if we can gain the day without it. Now,
If the Inver men also come to the ground, we'll have such a
force as the magistrates and their police will not face at all.
This is Sunday, and we will best keep it holy by deciding that
there shall be no blows ; there will be none when the Inver men
show themselves." NeaPs word was law, as indeed it ought to
be. But how apprise the Inver men ? They are at Mass now
In " the Frosses chapel," eight or ten miles from here. They'll
all be gone home ; we can't reach them in time.
" We can. Those mountain congregations are late assembling,
and they are not in haste to go back home without a little talk
with their neighbors. I have a horse and saddle on the ground
OR, THE SPIKIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 61
and an hour hence I can be there.' " I have another," said John
McDonagh, a young man whose house had been threatened by
the Orangemen. Neal off with his hat, and out with a sheet of
paper on it. Pen and ink were mysteriously at hand, and in a
twinkling we are armed with credentials to Jack McGlenachy,
and a general invitation to a " Party at Thrushbank " by day-
break next morning. The messengers are in the saddle, and
don't pull up till we are at " the Frosses chapel." The devotions
are over, but the crowd is not. Our message, didn't it create a
stir ! The affair was arranged in ten minutes. Effectually, too,
as the next morning light over Thrushbank fully proved.
Now here let me make confession. I don't think, on the whole,
that I deserved the praise which this action entailed on me for
weeks thereafter. But, " as an open confession is good for the
soul," let me make it here. Write down that I had an aiding mo-
tive for this fast and furious ride. Winding along the river as it
streamed seaward from the " chapel," there was a narrow, smooth
road, almost a bridlepath, between the house of prayer, and the
house of a young lady, who really was not, and could not be, half
as beautiful, tall, majestic, goddess-like as I imagined her. But
she was a good deal of all that ; very proud, too, and quite a toast
with all the dashing young fellows in that region. Now let me
confess it to my confusion — but honestly confess it — I expected
that she would get a sight of me, and see that I could ride as
good a horse, and was as much of a man as the very " biggest "
and best of her admirers, I was not disappointed. She was
emerging from the chapel gate as the douple gallop of two
horses covered with foam reined up in front it. Though not one
of the " recognized," she knew,
" For quickly comes such knowledge,"
all about it, and did slightly return as I doffed my cap to her.
She passed on, and as her form receded down the river pathway
I am afraid, though I am not sure, that she could have bought
me over from patriotism, Ireland, Freedom, all things most sa-
cred in my thoughts, with one intonation of her voice. Talk of
Heaven and golden harps, and hallelujahs ! Give me, in the
long immortality that lies before us, the feelings of that day.
And why should they not be given? The Supreme Intelli-
gence gave them to us here. Why not continue them, continue
them to us hereafter ? I at least trust He will
651 THE ODD BOOK O» THB NINETEENTH CENTURY;
" If Heaven one draught of Heavenly pleasure spar*,
One cordial in this melancholr vale.
'Tis when a youthful, loving, modest pair,
In others' arms breathe lorth the tender tale. ,
Beneath the milk white thorn that scents the evening gale."
Having written thus far, I remember that such men as Mira-
beau, Barnave, and many another French patriot, and even Ed-
mund Burke, were lured to the side of the court by the charms
of the Queen and the court ladies. I fear that men, unapproach-
able by all other temptation, may (but again a say I am not sure)
yield to that. Next day word comes flashing into the village
that Thrushbank is garrisoned by 3,000 men. But I antici-
pate.
It is still Sunday, but now it is Sunday night, and the word
goes round that the Orangemen have sworn to burn McDon-
agh's house before morning. Not a human being is asleep in
the village ; all doors open ; all people out in the street. In
front of McDonagh's we are assembled. Arms may be useful.
Mclntyre keeps the second " head Inn ; " it is our place of re-
Bort, and he has a musket and two horse pistols. Will he give
them ? " No ; you will get yourselves into jail. No arms from
me." " Stand aside !" Dash in, know their hiding place, and the
captured arsenal is ours. We hold a council of war. It ia
agreed that the people shall retire to their rest, and that, if in-
vasion comes, Pat Cannon will summon to arms with his key
bugle. It is twelve o'clock — one — two o'clock ; bright summer
moonlight. Hark ! It is the gallop of horses, bare-backed, and
the riders almost guiltless of overclothing. They had started
out of bed. The Orangemen are on the march, they report, and
would be here before now, only they stop to sharpen their
swords on the grey rocks. Pat has the key bugle to his mouth
to summon to arms the garrison. " Hold ! It may be a mistake.
Mulreany and myself will cross tho Moor Hill, mark their ap-
proach, and rush back and report it. Till then, wait." We cross
the hill and the hill beyond it. All is as i^acef ul and silent as if
a human passion did not wust La sJh* world. We return by
Frank Ray's Grove. It is now in moonlight shadow. Not so
thfc reverend JuKtioe at the head of ROOM* thirty or forty Peelers
and revenue police. They are marching down the Chapel road
to the town. From our thicket saniuaioa wo see two prisoners,
our friend Neal and his uncle. They were " taken in the fact of
OB, THE SPIRIT OK CHIVALRY IN MODERN DA VS. 63
an overt act "—" running bullets of a Sunday morning." Along
tbe shadowy hill we have a good start, outstrip the guard, and
report what's approaching. All retire and shut up ; I to my
sister's house, which is next door to the residence of my gentle
friend , who had rescued me from Sergeant Sa u odors. " You must
not stay here, she says [she was in along with my sister]. If
search comes you'll be safer in my back parlor. You know I'm
a Protestant, and loyal, and everything they wish." So said, so
done. And sure enough the search did come through all the
houses, and went thoroughly through that of my sister. No
prize. My friend stood at her front door. She was in terror
about "those Bibbonmeu," and glad in proportion to see his
reverence vindicating the law. Myself, with my ear to the key-
hole all the time, greatly amused listening to the loyal conver-
sation.
Next day about 3,000 men assembled, armed as they best
could, principally with wool shears broken in .two, and each half
forming quite a formidable pike blade of fifteen inches long, and
with a point of very insinuating sharpness. The mountain and
Piedmont are sheep-grazing countries, and in every cabin is a
pair or two of wool shears — every shears good at a pinch for
two pike heads.
But morning rises over the big blue mountains, and descends
down over the lake and even down the river to Thrushbank
Bridge. There they are with Captain Gibbons at their head.
Wherever they come from they line a high stone fence that lies
between them and a quiet rural bye road that leads down to and
across the river. Their right flank rests on the bridge, and the
stream easily fordable. The left wing is uncovered, or resting
upon a front of pikes. John Hamilton, a J. P., and a good kind
of a man hi his way; Brooke, of Lough Eske House, another
J. P., not quite so good ; worse still, the Rev. Joe Welch, our
old acquaintance. They are on horseback, leading on the
rather fidgety and unreliable Peelers and the wholly resigned
" whiskey police," who are in «, quiet understanding with the
rebels. These to fire over heads ; those to rush in and make
them prisoners. All the hilltops are canopied with crowds, not
very " sedate to think," but "watching each event." The troops
block up the highroad with their march, and no one is suffered
to pass before them toward the array of the insurgents, Birt
C4 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CKNTUHY :
the fields are too wide to be guarded. I pass on to the end of
the hill (Drimlonagher) that overlooks the position within a
quarter of a mile. I have a case of pistols only. If the row be-
gins I must have a hand in. But a parley is sounded— a con-
ference— a treaty. " Retire to homes " on one side. " No more
Orange parades " on the other. Release and amnesty to the two
prisoners. The first two conditions made good ; the last vio-
lated wholly, I believe, by Welch and Brooke, to the disapproval
and disgust of Mr. Hamilton. My friend Neal and his uncle are
imprisoned twelve months for " conspiring to fight," and we were
all conspirators.
Sergeant Hammond had been at the wrong side of the Ameri-
can war of 1812. He carried liberality home with him. I don't
know what kind of a parish clerk he made ; but as a schoolmas-
ter he stood alone. Never has the sun risen on a man who gave
more liberty and less learning to his scholars than did Andy.
On a far-back 12th of July I and a comrade wreathed our capa
with green and marched away in front of the Orange procession
on its way to Ballintra. Audacious ! A tall, fierce boy left the
ranks in pursuit. Andy hadn't his eye playing the fife ; and
just as young Corscaden seized us the tune ceased sounding, and
Andy was there. He ordered that we should wear just what
color we pleased, and it was so ordered. The schoolmaster has
always a potential voice. Andy in particular.
But that green affair was seven years before. I am now a
a young man, setting out to Belfast for goods. Two businesses
I have, and one of them is to get away from the charge of " con-
spiracy." I am on foot to take the mountain road to Killeter—
the road that skirts into view of
That lake whoso gloomy shore,
Skylark never warbles o'er. *
But just at the approach to the village on comes the Rev,
Joseph at the head of his patrolling force, and with less or
more " conspiring " prisoners. Andy is with them in the front.
He steps out and briskly forward, takes hold of rny hand ; in
short, identifies himself with me as his personal friend and pro-
tege. Welch looks grimly on and marches on with his troop,
leaving Andy literally taking care of me. The memory of that
man is always a soothing resting spot when I see it far back In
the distance.
« Eyen th« p«uilentiftl Lough Derg.
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 66
J proceed on my journey, and before entering the mountain
road the last man I signal a recognition to is Jemmy Stewart,
whose after wretched fate Is seen in this volume. I am at Castle-
derg (named from the lough and river) and have time to stroll
over its very, very narrow old bridge, and up to the ruins of
what was once the parent and the pride of the village. Even In
the far past times, there was youth, and trees, and flowers. Was
there a purer and more golden light over those days than the
light that descends on us now ? No, the light Is still young, but
we are growing older !
A. CLOUDY SUNBEAM.
I have spoken of the " bridle path," and the "seaward river,"
and the " receding form," and the " train of admirers," too, the
elite of coast and mountain. Well, they were all on the retreat,
carrying their damaged hearts home with them in silence. A
reasonably high priced government official, and unreasonably
low-sized government man, was about to carry off the prize.
What else could be thought ? Position, ambition, public sensa-
tion, and friends' persuasion are persuasive things, and they all
conspired to cast the horoscope. I am in the "Young Men's
Club," a "Chapman, Billie," signals. Sotto voce. "Won't you
send a farewell to Miss before she enters the dreary waste
of matrimony?"
Is it so ?
Certainly it is. This Is the last free chance. She'll be " pro-
perty " before a week goes round.
"Excuse me 1 This pen and ink." In a wink I am in the next
room, and that pen rushing on in this fashion:
•• Whilst ethers past the twilight hour No t that is not my present (hem*.
In winding walk or leafy bower, That error, that fantastic dream ;
Or roaming orer bank and scaur; Away with them, I can forget.
Companioned with tht evening star. Or if they be remembered yet.
Or watching beauty's kindling eyes Away with them 1 'Tis my design
In smiles far brighter than the skies; To sketch thyselt and wee O'Bryan.
Such smiles as thine were wont to be, " O I where has fled the towering taste
But those are things I needn't mention : That once delighted in the Ullest,
For smile of thine ne'er shone on me, And has it dwindled to tne least.
Thy kindest gaze was inattention ; To the small— small— the very smallest,
All that is past and let it go, Foor Tall ! I once thought it would do.
That fleeting dream is gone, is orer : And many another thought so too;
Yet 'tis to thee alone I owe But now your chance is like my own,
That e'er my heart became a roTer ; And that's a good deal worse than none ;
And such it is, I care not now Surveyor, too. But wherefore speak
Were I this moment placed before that, Of one 'tis painful to remember.
r« meet thee with a changless brow. The recollection of whose cheek
Fer I hare ceased to lore, adore thee. Brings to my memory bleak December:
9
66
THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURI :
Yet oft 63' Inver's verdant lide
His moving billet met your eye.
And oil relaxed your stoic pride
To heave for him the pitying sigh;
He had a servant to be sure.
But breath that no one could endure;
Another had a short thick neck,
And his fine form was not unlike
A small meal or potato sack;
He was tar, they called him Jack;
No, no— 'twas Bill, for now I mind it;
1 think 'twas Bill; but just look back.
And on his billetdeux you'll find it
O ! bad I space to tune one lay,
To .smart O'/ton— 1— big Gillea ;
To Jialingion along the shor»,
To Clarke, and to a hundred more;
And EaVy.-iJiannon too !— but hold
My nrnsc— nor longer thus a-mi«« me,
Or you ar.d I may get n scold;
Butgtutlo lady, pray excuse me.
And I'll not write another line
But all about wee, wee O'Bryan.-
' "TSs said, but surely isn't true.
What recommended !;im to you
Was a email met about the pay;
That weekly comes or every day.
However that, be, this I know.
That you liave ever more been prudent :
Aud it would puzzle me to show
A right good reason why you shouldn't;
That you arc Jorftly nil agrees.
And many a time I've choug'.it a pity
That such a flower breathed not the breez*
Among the ?ir.\)«ns »f a city;
Where lords, arid xnusnti, and dukes ar<j rift-
And -where you could have justice done you,
Yes. there you would become the wife
Of one whose coach-aml-fonr would run yon.
To theatres— assemblies— balls.
There you would And yourself benighted;
Not in wide wastes and spectre halls.
But Ray saloons whose mirrored walls
Would show how much you were delight**;
But, as it is, you must content
Yourself with what the fates have sent:
And make the richest match you can.
But that I know you will consider.
And though he's not the highest man,
O'Bryan will be the highest bidder;
Well, 'pon my word you'll ' eat a shine I '
Yourself, and wee, wee, wee O'Bryan,
" But wh.it, if when the job is over.
There comes a stoppage to the pay;
lie then may be as p<5or a lover
As ' other dogs that had their day;1
And when his temple fades to grey,
You'll backward bend your recollection;
And think that there has been a day
When you refused a J/«n's protection ;
'Tis true, he was not quite so fine,
As wee, wee, wee, wee, wee O'Bryan."
I am afraid that this squib committed murder on the hopes of
4 wee O'Bryan," and even gave life to hopes in another direction.
But destinies are shaped in heaven, and mine was shaped in an-
other direction. I cannot distinctly write down the lesson I
would here convey. It is something like this. Don't blench be-
fore the " congee." When you see it coming meet it vigorously
with " Just stop that ! I'll save you all the trouble. I supposed
you could know an honorable man when you met him. I was
mistaken. That is all. Good morning ! " If the scene be even-
ing be sure to say " good morning," and vice versa.
" But wherefore all this? "What is its drift? And why call it
a cloudy sunbeam ? " Find out. Or if you can't find out, just
remembei that this is the "Odd Book of the Nineteenth Cent-
ury."
Nest year Catholic Emancipation was achieved. If, indeed,
that could be called Emancipation which let a few Catholic lords
and lawyers into Parliament, and disfranchised all the forty s/iii-
OB, THF 8PIPJT 0V CHIVALHY IN MODERN DAYS. 67
ling freeholders in Ireland. It was this devoted class who re-
turned Daniel O'Connell to Parliament for Clare, and thus forced
" Emancipation." Now they were sacrificed. Not only was the right
to vote taken from them, but the right to live. My memory yet
goes back to the long lines of these miserable men and theii
wretched families, darkening the very highways in their endeav-
or to reach a northern port to take shipping for Scotland. They
thought they could there exchange their work for a morsel of
bread. The " landlord " (so called) had no further use for them.
He wanted ten pound voters. He must strengthen his parlia-
mentary influence, and so four families were thrown out on the
highway, that the fifth one might be hammered into a ten-pound
voter, and vote for my lord or my lord's Mend at the next elec-
tion. I saw this, arid yet my faith in O'Connell was unshaken.
I learned that previously, when giving evidence before a commit-
tee of the House of Commons, he had consented to this terrible
wrong, and also to the pensioning of the Catholic Clergy, and a
veto of the crown on the appointment of Catholic bishops. The
bishops and clergy, however, could protect themselves, and they
did. They refused to accept this government bribe. But the poor
forty shilling men could not protect themselves, and they were
sacrificed. Still my fai^h in Dan was such that I only wished he
would call us to some glorious battle-field, and let us conquer, or
let us die, for the cause which he represented.
Such was my ideal of the man— such my confidence. And yet
a single statement, almost a single word, spoken by him destroy-
ed that confidence forever.
At a meeting in Dublin, held shortly after " Emancipation" was
carried, he spoke to this effect : " The Tory press is very anxious
about the winding up of our affairs. They want us to exhibit a
balance sheet of the Catholic Eent. I am not in the habit of
pleasing the Tory press in anything, and I won't please them in
reference to this balance sheet. If I wished to do so, it could be
easily done. We received and replied to (so many) letters a day.
Is not half-& crown the price any professional gentleman charges
for writing a better ? [Yes ! yes ! from the lawyers on the plat-
form.] Well, then, here is one item of our work that mounts up
to one hundred thousand pounds sterling." [Cheers.]
As has been aeen, I had received one of those letters. It also
happened that fen old playfellow of mine had been employed bv
68 -THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY;
the Catholic Association in this very department of answering
letters. His wages were seventeen shillings a week. I put that
and that " and that " together, and rny faith in Mr. O'Connell
departed forevermore. I claim, therefore, to be the first rebel
to Dan's authority, the oldest " Young Irelander " on record, and
that, too, by many a long, long year. Succeeding events were not
such as to alter my opinion, as shall appear as wo proceed,
But here, just here, let me devote a chapter to him,
CHAPTER VIII.
DA* O'CONNELL- -A GLANCE AT THE FACTS OF His CAREER.
THE Monarchy of Great Britain was at this time (1798) an Oli-
garchy of Rotten Borough proprietors. Several of the oligarchs
being Catholics. The Duke of Norfolk returned seven members
to the lower house through his Boroughs, though as a Catholic
he could not himself enter the House of Peers. It was to sus-
tain this order of things that Dan took up arms against the Re-
publican " United Men," headed by such men as Lord Edward
Fitzgerald and the Martyr Emniett. And this beginning har-
monizes exactly with all his subsequent career.
In that ill-fated struggle, probably 100,000 men, and even
women and children, perished ; and towards its close, to be even
suspected of disaffection was the hazard of your life.
But Dan, being a government soldier, was not suspected, and
therefore could raise his voice. Not for "Liberty," but for such
freedom as would admit men like himself into Parliament. It
was natural that young men should gather to this voice. And so
the Catholic Association was formed, and his praises soon rang
over the Island.
In my first far-off memories I find such voices as this :
" Brave O'Conuell worthy of applause,
A friend to his country, religion, and laws,
He expounds the law in the Catholic cause.
That famed bright son of Erin."
His praises also took a more vulgar shape, and were sung In
strains like this :
03, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 09
" The Judge he said, ' O'Oonnell you have set the prisoner tree.
Ho may go homo to Mohill— he's at his liberty.'"
And tliis :
" O'Connell, our hero, has planted a tree.
His Irishman's motto is, ' die or bo free."*
And reaching down into the absurd. Thus :
" Come to the bower, and my flower's name I'll tell it,
" A. D.." and " 0'0,;> most nobly does spell it."
Terminating with some half remembered doggerel about
"George's deep channel," and the "flowery O'Oonnell." In
this way there was not a cabin in Treland but rang with the
praises of this evil man.
Nor was all this without cause. The Catholics were a subject
caste— had fallen for, and with, the vicious Stuarts. Arid once at
least, on the 12th of July in every year, the banners and drums
ot the Orangemen, renewed remembrance of the "Boyne and
Aughrim.
Protestant Dissenters disapproved of those irritating displays,
joined the Catholic Association, and " Emancipation " — so called
—was achieved in 1829.
Immediately thereafter, the tory press demanded the BAL-
ANCE SHEET of the " Catholic Bent."
The merits of this demand is presented at page 67.
Emancipation is gained and here is t^e first condition imposed
by the Act :
" I. A. B.. do sincerely promise and swear that I will be faithful and bear
true allegiance to his Majesty King George the Fourth, and will defend him
to the utmost of my power against all conspiracies and attempts whatever
which shall be made against his person, crown, or dignity; and I WILL
DO MY UTMOST ENDEAVOR TO DISCLOSE AND HAKE KNOWN TO
HIS MAJESTY, HIS HEJP.S, AND SUCCESSORS. ALju TREASONS AND
TRAITOROUS CONSPIRACIES which may be formed against him or
them."
Thus every man taking office under it, becomes a sworn SPY of
the government. Following this beginning are some twenty-
seven sections of the Act, all penal and prohibitory. All in full
accordance with what is here quoted. The disfranchisement of
the Forty-shlllingers', a part of the bargain forms a distinct Act
by itself. One trumpet note of triumph peals over the earth.
The Catholic lawyers are in their new seats of honor. Those who
elected Dan are driven out to destitution and death.
70 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY;
No man heeded them. Yes !
Henry Grattan Curran, son of the great orator, thus embalms
them :
" "With ruddy chocks around his hearth six laughing children stood,
And kindly turned that old man's eye on his own flesh and blood ;
His daily labor won for them a home, and clothes, and food —
And, as they broke their daily bread, he taught them Heaven was good,
And bade them eat in thankfulness — good man of the olden time !
" But when election time was come — who then too rich or grand
To crowd that humble peasant's floor, to seize his rugged hand,
To ask his vote and interest, and swear like him to stand
And peril life and liberty for faith and fatherland !
For he was " a real staunch Forty" — the pride of the olden time.
11 But times were changed — the fight was fought— the struggle overpast^
And lost the power the Forties used so bravely to the last.
Like broken swords these dauntless men aside were falsely cast ;
That hearth was quenched ; that cabin's wall in ruin strewed the blast :
And where is he— the " Forty" — the heart of the olden time? "
The Reform Bill of '32 brought the Whigs into power, and along
in '-M Dan made a splurge for " Repeal." But his motion met with
such a hostile reception that he quailed — knocked under — and made
the "Lichfield House compact" with the Whigs.
This disfranchisement of the Forty-shilling Freeholders was
a public- calamity, second only to the lord-made famine of '47. It
affected the whole Island. It ruined all poor tenants, Protest-
ant and Catholic alike. Discontent springs up, and there is need
of a coercion law. The Tories were then in power, and the des-
potic law would enable them to transport to a penal settlement
any man in a "proclaimed district" who might be found outsido
of his cabin after the sun went down. Dan shook both Hemi-
spheres with his denunciations of this inhuman law. But such
laws are asked only for a time, at the end of which time
they "expire by limitation." When this law so expired the
Tories were out, and the Whigs were in and demanded a renewal
of this atrocious law. What did O'Connell do? As a part of
his contract with the Whigs will he sustain them in this demand?
He has forty * of his relatives and adherents in Whig places.
Will he sustain them with his vote? Aye — and with his speech,
too. O'Connell spoke and voted for this atrocious law which five
* I had this t';n-i troi» Mr. Collins when he was J'rivat^ Secretary of
Joseph Hume. M. P.
OR, THE SPI1UT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS, 71
years before he had so vehemently and so righteously denounced,
Those facts did not strike down the popularity of the man, and
when I was in London in '36 and '37 Dan was invited to Demo-
cratic meetings in that city. I was present at one of those, and,
among other things, he used this figure of speech : " The sweat
of your toil, my friends, streams over your brow, and you can.
with soap and towel, wash it away ; but there remains behind a
brand that you can't wipe away in this manner. It is the brand
of slavery; and that can be wiped out only by the soap and
towel of universal suffrage." To which there was a loud re-
sponse of applause. Now it was remarkable that in all his pro-
grammes and speeches to the Irish people the word " universal
suffrage" did not ever pass his lips. By its use he kept the
English Democracy on his side; but a night was approaching
that would settle the account between him and the Beformers
of England. That night saw the defeat of the Factory bill in-
tended to relieve the factory children. Those little ones had
been worked destructive hours and debarred from education.
The friends of the children had introduced to Parliament a bill
for their relief. This bill the Manufacturers resisted. The op-
posing forces, for the bill and against it, assembled in the lobbies
of the House of Commons on the night fixed for the debate.
"Don't lose time with me," said Dan, to the children's lobbyists.
" Look to those that are uncertain, me you are sure of. Not
only are the children secure of my vote but my humble voice
shall be raised in their behalf." He had yet to pass the Manu-
facturers' lobbyists. They got hold of him, and, whatever con-
siderations they urged upon him, he wheeled right round, and
he not only voted but made a "sympathetic " speech against any
change in the conditions of the lav/. He " had come down to the
House," he said, " determined to vote for all that was claimed on
the part of the children ; but he fortunately was shown that the
parents of those children could not spare any deduction from
the wages they earned, and so, in justice to those parents, h«
must vote to keep the children at their work as usual." Such
was his explanation : but a more authentic explanation appeared
the following week. The Manufacturers subscribed one thoue-
and pounds sterling to the "O'Cormell Tribute.^ I should have
previously stated that immediately after the Catholic rent had
ceased was commenced the " O'Connell Tribute,1' and it reached
72 THE ODD BOOK OP THE NINETEENTH CENTURY;
some seventeen thousand pounds in a single year. This trans-
action was denounced by the Reformers as the "Sale of the
Factory children ; " and dimmed, but for a time only, the popu-
larity of Dan,
About this time the Duchess of Kent (Victoria's mother)
couldn't live on £30,000 sterling a year and free palaces. So she
ran in debt, and application is made to the Commons to relieve
her distress. The Commons refused to do it. Dan exhausted
his eloquence in vain, and then he said he would " raise a sub-
scription in Ireland, and even his barefoot coutry-women would
tush in from glen and mountain, and club their sixpences rather
than see their queen's mother in embarassed circumstances ! "
By and by the queen got married, and it was proposed in the
Hon. House to grant Albert £20,000 a year. Dan leveled his indig-
nation against the proposal. It was " a beggarly allowance," and
he moved to amend ten thousand pounds to it. The House was
again obstinate, and to Dan's disgust the poor prince had. to sit
down with the " beggarly " twenty thousands pounds a year.
Dan now discovered that the royal stables were not fit for the
new-comer's horses. So he sustains a modest grant of £70,000
to build new ones. The eloquence of Dan failed once more, and
f he prince had to put up with the existing stables.
It is '37, and the Canadian Assembly has refused to pay the
government officials, till certain grievances are redressed. Lord
Tohn, then premier, won't redress them. On the contrary, he
Brings in Resolutions to seize upon the Canadian strong-box, and
pay the officials out of it. I was in the strangers' gallery that
tight, and heard the debate. Dan spoke against the Resolutions,
and voted against them— told the minister that this would pro-
duce bloodshed in the Colony, though the minister might think
the prophecy " a fairy tale ! " The measure was passed however,
and many a Canadian died in opposing it — many a homestead
was leveled by the flames — and many a gallant American bor-
derer was hanged to death for attempting to do for Canada what
Lafayette did for his own Republic. Could Dan have prevented
this ? Let us inquire ?
Parties in the Commons were nearly balanced at the time.
Dan, with his " tail of forty joints " held the balance. To affect
thia Canadian question, be well knew that it was utter-
ly useless for himself and all his followers to vote against it,
for the whole Tory side was sure to vote with the government.
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 7i<
What then could Dan do ? Simply take Lord John aside and
«peak to him in this way : " You gave those poor waifs in Cana-
da a Constitution, and now you are going to violate it because
they ask a small matter of redress, which is not very unreason-
able. Take my advice and give them the trifling boon, or if you
don't ! " Lord John needn't ask the meaning of this " If you
don't ! " He knows its meaning right well. Knows that Dan
can oust him from office by voting with the Tories on the very
next close division — on the Malt Tax for example, or any other
trial of strength. This word resolutely spoken by Dan would,
as I believed on that night, and have ever since believed, have
saved all the slaughter and sorrow that ensued in Canada, and its
border. And this is the only inferential charge I bring against
him. Judge whether it is reasonable. All the others are direct
substantial facts.
Then comes the burning of the American steamer " Caroline "
on the Niagara river, and the murder of her watchman, Durfee,
by a Scotch McLeod. Dan presents himself again. "Let
New York touch a hair of McLeod's head," he exclaims, " and
fire and sword will rouse her midnight homes."
When the dispute about Oregon arose, Dan spoke to hia
followers in the spring of 1845. Let her majesty do "Jus-
tice to Ireland " (whatever that meant.) " Then Ireland would
start forward with all her chivalrous and manly daring under
the banners of Queen Victoria — then would Irishmen show their
devotion to the throne." This, too, from the man who would not
purchase the " greatest revolution with one drop of blood," but,
to shield the loyal criminal McLeod, he would spill any quan-
tity that might be desirable. Yet hear him again, in the same
breath.
" We tell them (the English government) from this spot, that
they can have us, that the throne of Victoria can be made per-
fectly secure, the honor of the British Empire maintained, and
the American Eagle in its highest pride brought down, and the
British Lion put up in his place. Let them but conciliate us, and
do us justice, and they will have us enlisted under the banner of
Victoria, Oregon shall be theirs, and Texas shall be harmless."
And now at the close of every session of Parliament he held a
meeting to beg another year's trial for the Whigs. He organized
the " Volunteers, " " the Precursors," or " pray curse us " as
74 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY J
they were facetiously designated. Every year a new name
end a new organization. At every one of these the first and
last cry was send in the money, and you shall "have justice
next year or my head on a block." Next year came ; ifc
brought neither justice nor the "head on the block;" but it
brought many blockheads to sustain him for another year. At
a meeting in Cork a poor fellow called out, "but what about Re-
peal, Mr. O'Connell ? " Dan was equal to the emergency. " Is
there nobody there to put a wisp in that calf's mouth ? " This
was greeted with a roar of laughter and applause, and that " Ee-
peal question was settled."
"William Sharman Crawford was in Parliament in those days
— a . true-hearted man, whose principal object was to legalize
"Tenant Right," as it practically existed in several northern
counties. Dan was especially hostile to Mr. Crawford and this
law ; and as the character of Mr. Crawford was invulnerable to
attack, Dan put in buffoonery, and called him " Sharman Agrah I
with the white waistcoat."
Disgusted with this action, Father Kenyon, a Catholic priest,
came out in an eloquent letter, recounting Dan's crimes and de-
nouncing him. Dan was equal to this even. He made no re-
ply, I ut he went to the new monastery of La Trappe, made his
penitence, and presented it with £1,000. This brought the bish-
op down on Father Kenyon, and he had to " subside." Thus it
went for seven years. At last the Whigs are out, and have
nothing to give. The Tories are in and will give nothing. So
Dan raises his voice, and the long-proscribed "Repeal" echoes
over the world. This was in '41 or '42. Fergus O'Connor sends
in his adhesion and one pound ; Bronterre O'Brien sends his and
one shilling. Both Irishmen and leaders in England. Dan
throws the money back to them. He " will have nothing to do
with Chartists— physical-force disturbers of the Queen."
At the same time Robert Emmett, of New York, resigned the
Repeal treasurership in the following communication :
"Since our 1,-ist meeting I have read the report of the National Repeal
Association of Ireland, by the Earl of Charlemount. which was drawn up
In a com mittee appointed for the purpose, and dated the 27th of December*,
"In this document they have indiscriminately pronounced that the per-
sons who were engaged in the struggle for liberty in Ireland in 1798 wore
wicked miscreants whose crimes they detest and deprecate, and whom
they would consign to the contempt and indignation of mankind. And
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 75
those sentiments appear to have been adopted by that body without even a
murmur of disapprobation.
" Now I should bo sorry that this attempt, from such a source and on such
an occasion, to stigmatize the character of men. to whose purity of -motive
even their political enemies have borne complete testimony, had not given
pain to many bosoms besides my own ; and I am aware that it has already eli-
cited the most decided and avowed reprobation tn>m many members of the
Repeal Association in this city. But the peculiarity of my situation renders
It lit that I should promptly free myself from the possibility of having it
ever imputed to me that I had passively admitted that such language mi«ht
be justifiable on any grounds, under any circumstances, from any quarter.
And I can perceive no mode of doing this decidedly, effectually, and con-
sistently, except that which 1 now resort to."
And then he resigns the Treasurership of the Repeal Associa-
tion. Let me here fix attention. If Dan had helped Sharman
Crawford at that time nothing could have defeated nor even de-
ferred a thorough Tenant-Right law. With such a law in opera-
tion the lives of the tillers of the soil would not depend upon that
one solitary resource, the potato. If the potato failed for a
season in America it would be felt only as an inconvenience. It
would have been no more than an inconvenience in Ireland in
the fatal year of '47 had Dan co-operated with Mr. Crawford.
Mr. Crawford had Ulster with him. Dan could have roused the
other three provinces. If he would not, and if a half million
perished in consequence, then was somebody to blame. Who ?
The two or three last movements of his life were in perfect
keeping with all the rest. When the monster half million meetings
of '46 swept over Ireland, till they came to Clontarf, the Lord Lieu-
tenant " proclaimed " that the Clontarf meeting should not be
held. With half a million of men, and all Dublin at his back, Dan
knocked under in the most loyal manner. He was imprisoned,
but the Whig law Peers let him out again. Great were the re-
joicings in Dublin, and it encouraged him. to propose his last
proposition. That was to form a " Preservative Society " to con-
sist of 300 gentlemen who would prove their ability to take care
of Ireland, by each paying down one hundred pounds sterling.
This would have figured up £30,000. But the 300 gentlemen di J
not make their appearance. Then came the last meeting or
nearly the last he ever attended. "They say I am growing old,"
said Dan, " but I'll give them a good deal of trouble .yet before I
die. My people keep their hair and teeth up till ninety." He
then insured his life for ten thousand pounds, and transferred
his heart to Rome immediately after. So the last haul he made
off the Insurance Company. All my early thought and feel-
76 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY;
ings were with O'Connell. But so far as I can judge every
should stand or fall — not by our feelings but by his own acts.
CHAPTEE IX.
A VOYAGE — ABCHBISHOP MCHALE — PERSECUTIONS IN THE LAST
CENTURY — A FEUDAL COURT — KILLYBEGS — SEA AND MOUNTAIN
SCENES — KOBBER ADVENTUEES — SPORT — CAPITAL — YARN MARKET.
IT is Spring, 1834. I charter a small vessel to run across to Killala.
The owner and one "hand " to navigate. I to supercargo. At the
last moment the ' ' hand " refuses to adventure himself on board. So
the owner had to be captain and myself the crew. It is grand to be
alone on the desert waters in a very small craft, when all is silent
eave the moaning of the waves, and all is dark save the pale star
beam dancing over them. And then to see in the distance, stalking
toward you, a tall ship holding on her way as lonely and as silent
as yourself. Such a ship had left Sligo harbor, and was heading
northward across the bay. By the nautical rules she ought to have
yielded to us the right of way. Expecting that she would do so, we
held on our course — almost a little too long! But no ! She stalked
from wave to wave, right onward, and we were just rushing across
her bows when my captain put down the helm — the crew (that was
myself) handled the mainsail — and we swung round just in time
to graze our opponent's side. Three seconds later and the lofty
ship would have commissioned us to the bottom — how many
fathoms ! There seems a fate in those things. The "hand " who
shrank from venturing with us that night was drowned just a yeac
after on the rocky coast of Mulloghmore, in the same bay.
Out of that voyage grew a fact that bore fruit forty years after.
L*et me briefly trace it here. My shipowner, who had charge of
my freight, employed a watchman, under who.se care about three
pounds' worth of my property disappeared.
After breakfast, in Mrs. * * * boarding house, came settle-
ment of his freight. I stopped the value of my lost property.
High words ensued, but not many — for, as reply to what I deemed
an insult, I jumped across the table where he sat opposite, and
bore both of us to the ground. We got up and (in deference to the
lady and her daughter) deferred the "issue" till we should meet
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVAbRY IN MODKllN DAYS. 77
where his vessel lay. He retired to the appointment at once,
and I " sedate by use," as Glenalvon says, sat down and wrote a
long letter home, and carried it to the post office. Then walked
leisurely down to the " trysting place." My opponent was well
known to a number of young men who worked in a large factory
fronting the dock. Those young men persuaded the combat off,
as a thing of no use to either of us. He was dead in a short
time after, and this peaceful turn saved me many an after re-
gi?et. It is a lesson. Remember it.
Returning by Ballina, I heard Bishop MacHale preach a sermon
in the Irish language. It is difficult to believe, but the following
is a true description written forty years after :
" In the spring of 1834 I had occasion to visit Ballina on busi-
ness. The new Cathedral (St. Patrick's) had been just roofed
in and was ready for dedication. I was naturally desirous of
seeing the man whose name had already became a household
word in Ireland. 'Twas true, he was to speak in the Irish lan-
guage, which I did not understand. But I did hear him, never-
theless ; did stand (there were no seats), for it may have been two
hours, enraptured with the oratory, one word of which I did not
understand. The picture is still before me. The voice still vi-
brates hi my spirit. Such a picture ! such a voice ! Now calm
and colloquial, as if a brother, not a father, spoke to the assem-
bled flock. Bat in the impassioned flow of his discourse, as he
cast his eyes upward, and raised his right arm aloft, I saw a
picture, I heard an eloquence, the like of which I never saw and
never heard since that day. Now in his eighty-seventh year,
with his mind and even his eye-sight doing the duty they did fifty
years ago, surely everything about him must be of deep and
even scientific interest. Was he a pure Celt ? Was the moun-
tain that overhung his father's cabin high or low, coast or in-
land? How near to it did the heather grow ? Was there a lake,
a stream, a rock or spring adjoining it ? Who of his kin joined
the invading French ; what did they do ; what suffer ? His rela-
tives are, doubtless, still numerous in that region. I met several
of them at that time. They were in the humbler ranks of life,
80 at least they remain in my memory.
I had realized ten pounds on my venture. Connuaght hospi-
tality kept me up that night till 2 o'clock A. M., and yet I was of?
at six — off on foot to save five shilling**, the coach i'aiv to Sligu,
16 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY;
a distance of thirty Irish miles. Though I had realized £10 on
my venture, five shillings was just what a laborer would earn
in a whole week, digging witli his spade. But the day was warm,
and in not a house by the wayside would they confess to a cup of
water because I didn't ask it in Irish. I was let into this secret
by a man who traveled with me three or four miles. Then I
asked not again, but walked up to the " dresser " wherte stood
the pail or "piggin" and helped myself.
Nor was this at all strange. Those people were descendants
of families who had been driven out of the northern counties in
the middle of the last century, by the cry— an Orange cry-— of
" To Connaught or hell." That terrible time when a notice
would be put on the cabin door, fixing a night in which the house
would be thrown down and the occupants driven away, if they
did not in the meantime take their departure.
"Manor Court " existed at this time. A feudal institution, the
Seneschal (judge) appointed by the " lord of the soil." I had
stopped the value of my lost property out of Captain John's
freight. He cited me to the Manor Court, and there got a decree
against me. I appealed it to the assizes at Lifford. It is midnight
—dark, and the rain falling in torrents. I am on horseback,
with 24 miles and Barnes mountains before me. To go alone
through that storm and that mountain. Well—
"Loss of ease, though it might grieve me sore;
Yet loss of pence, full well I knew, would trouble me much more."
But it was not the loss or gain of pence that decided me. It was
that a present pleasure is always dearly purchased with an after
regret. So I went, employed a lawyer, who, whether designedly
or not, was absent when the case was called. I took his brief and
had the case won before he returned, to the no small amusement
of the Judge and the audience.
KILLYBEGS.— The place is little known, though it seems destined
In the Great Future to be the chief point of departure to and
arrival from the New World, at least in the mail and passenger
trade. It does not lie so far west as does Gal way, but lies so much
farther north as to balance the western advantage of its rival,
if rival it can be considered, that has no haven better than an
open roadstead. Killybegs, on the contrary, has a harbor that
will vie with, if it does not excel, any in the British Islands. It
la entirely land-locked by high hills save at the narrow entrance*
OB, -THE SPIRIT OB- CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 79
•where high rocky precipices divide to form an inlet from the deep
sea, the entrance itself as deep and invariable. There is no
channel with its attendant sand bar, because no stream falls into
it, save a small one, draining a short and narrow space of coun-
try, and nearly dry in summer. The harbor is very spacious,
.averaging nearly two miles long from the entrance inward, and
over a mile wide. Nearly half of this area affords deep and all of
it secure anchorage. In crossing from St. John's, Newfoundland,
in a propeller, we made Cape Teeling, lying off Killybegs, early
in the morning and wore away the long summer day before we
<?ame abreast of the Galway headlands. It was midnight before
we cast anchor in the roadstead. We could have anchored in
Killybegs before mid-day.
As illustrative of Irish character let me relate one or two inci-
dents connected with this place." It is autumn, and a Regat-
ta has summoned a multitude of row-boats, and all the white
sails on the coast. Crowds occupy the banks, and make the
usual calls into the tents scattered over them. It is sunset and
the acquatic contests being over on the water, other contests be-
gin on the land. The blackthorns are in requisition, and some
fcur or five groups, with intervals between, are at work upon
ach other. These cudgel encounters are rarely, almost never,
productive of dangerous results, such is the crowding and the
Bkill of fence. But here was an unusual danger. The contests
went on within a few yards of the precipitous banks that shut in
the sea-waves. A slight change in the war might send the be-
iigerents overboard. "I'll pacify them," said my cicerone, a
smart young fellow, resident of the place. Swiftly he shot along
from group to group, whispering a few words in Irish to each.
Though I could not understand their purport, their effect was
an instant cessation of arms, till we came to the last group. In
reply, one of the combatants cried out in English, what " soit "
do you mean ? " I'll tell you," said a sturdy bye-stander, " if you
don't be quiet." I now found that the quieting words were an
appeal to their religious clanship. " Strike no man of your own
sort." That the querist was a Protestant, who subsided before
the implied threat — his " sort " being in a minority of about one to
ten.
Returning across the harbor every boat was loaded to extrem-
ity. In ours twenty-two people lelt about three inches of gun-
80 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CKNTUKY J
wale above water. At the oar on opposite sides happened to be
two of the late belligerents. About half seas over both in the
harbor and in drink, those renewed their contest. The least com-
motion in the boat would overset her, and half a mile from the
shore, with such a human freight, the prospect was not very as-
suring. " I'll bet on the bow oar," exclaimed my companion. " The
after oar for the best bottle of whiskey in McCloskey's," I retorted.
"Now boys!" Both stretched to their oars, we renewing our
bets and plaudits, and their combativeness spent itself in pulling
us with great rapidity to shore..
Eight or ten miles farther down it is summer, and we stable
our horses at the foot of Slieve League mountain. Teeling har-
bor is fringed with bright sand, and there is a boat with spread
sails and a procession— a crowd— approaching it. We also ap-
proach. It is what may be termed a living funeral. The Rev.
Mr. McNulty has fallen into a hopeless consumption, desires to
go home across the bay, to die in his native district. The scene
was especially strange and impressive, each man grasping the
departing hand, and .the " blessing" of the departing repeated to
every sorrowing individual. In the presence of death rises up
the deepest emotion of the unsophisticated heart ! But the sails
are out, and when the anchor is raised slowly recedes their white
form over the summer wave, bearing one at least to a port
whither we all must follow.
We cross over and ascend the mountain by zigzagging up its
side. We come to an anchorite's cell, with its stone bed strange-
ly fashioned more than half way up the mountain. Here we cast
one other pebble into the monumental heap beside it A pair of
large, beautiful, brown eagles, that had doubtless been luxuriating
at the foot of the mountain, attended our zigzagging path, some-
times sweeping past a little below us, sometimes a little above
us, but always traversing the salne path with ourselves, till the
two parties, the one on foot and the one on wing, reach the sum-
mit Then, what then?
Then my companion, who was also my guide, stood on the
edge of a precipice that descended almost like a wall sheer down
to the ocean. The height I cannot estimate, but, when lying
prone and holding on, I projected my face and looked down to
the water, a passing sloop showed like a . tiny pleasure boat.
This mountain has two nearly equal summits, with a connection
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 81
them which forms on the top a narrow Indian-til' !<ath,
with a lake on one side and the Atlantic on the other. This
path je frequently crossed, for
" if the path be dangerous known
The danger's self is lure alone."
HISTORY OF A CASE OF PISTOLS.
•• Purchase for me a small case of pistols— screw barrels. Ill
give you the price now." This by a medical student, a mere boy.
" We don't know their price ; will know it when I return from
Belfast."
I did return with the pistols— price, a guinea, which he paid.
Out to the garden, and tried on the garden gate. Drove their
bullets through, fifteen yards off.
" Now clean them up ; take them home ; they are yours."
"Certainly I will not. Mine ! Why should they be mine ? "
44 Because you are out on lonely mountain roads— at night,
too, when I am safely at home. Those little tilings must
keep you company.
It was so settled, and well it was so.
It is a summer day, and I am returning from Belfast through
the Glen of Monterloney. I am half way through the glen when
a gigantic man approaches and meets me. In his hand a
stable-fork shaft, shod with its iron ring. Stops right in
front of me.
" Fine day."
I assent civilly and try to pass. No ; I must wait and talk
a bit.
" How far do you travel ? "
" Up to N — , above Strabane, to visit an uncle that lives
there."
" Is there a market there ? "
" Oh, no ; its only a townland."
" What name is your uncle ?"
44 Jemmy Rogers."
M And what market are you going to ? "
"What is it your business where I'm going? What right
have you to question me or stop me on the king's highway?"
" Oh, nothing ; you can pass on."
And he passed on. We were on the top of a rising ground,
within view of a couple of cottages some half mile distant on
11
82 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY;
the opposite side of the glen. My road descended to a bridge
and a roofless house beside it. His along on the other side of
the height. I had some misgivings and had fresh primed the
pistols, when bob, bob, bob, up came the head over the interven.
ing height of the road. Up came the body, too, and rushing
down upon me with the fork shaft raised high in his right hand
to make one blow of it I wheeled round to him. My two pis-
tols were cocked in a second, and held firmly bne in each hand,
their butts resting cJose on my breast to steady my aim. On he
came down the hill with the club raised aloft as I have described
it, and each stride the longest that a man over six feet high
could make in a rapid rush down a hill. I am thus particular to
give an idea of what followed. He might be within twelve or fif-
teen yards of me before he noticed the two small brown muzzles
pointing to him. Instantly he pulled up, and nearly fell on his
back as he set his feet before him to stop his speed. I did not
move an inch to advance upon him, but cordially invited him to
come on till I would " let sun and wind through him." But I
reserved rny fire, and he ran up the mountain as fast as those
very extra legs of his could carry him. Alongside of the road
were bog holes some eight or ten turf (feet) deep. One of those
with its dark waters would almost certainly have covered up all
traces of me and my fate oily for the pair of pistols so singu-
larly and so providentially gifted to me by my young friend — the
most erratic, thoughtless young man I have ever known.
The man's purpose was robbery ; but robbery by such a man,
in such a place, at such an hour, could not escape detection, ex-
cept concealed by murder. It is true I was young, active, and
courageous, but not two-thirds of such a man as this antagonist'
His momentum and his murderous weapon could hardly have
failed to have borne me down at the onset. Indeed, any guard
I could throw up must have been shivered before the heavy
swinging blow of that iron-shod club urged by the ferocity and
the strength of such a man. If I had purchased .the pistols my-
self, and so prepared them for my defence, there would be noth-
ing extraordinary in this occurrence. But the fact that they
were urged upon me by a youth— one of the most thoughtless
and inconsiderate that I have ever known— that without this
most unexpected and strange providence on his part I would
have been without them, as before that time I always had been ;
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DATS. 83
It te Just here that I regard my safety as provided for by an
overruling power— provided for weeks before this danger ap-
proached me.
The life of this friend was singularly unfortunate. The only
chivalrous character I met in Ireland ; a physician of high repu-
tation and of a benevolence that labored as readily and cheer-
fully for those who could not as for those who could remuner-
ate him. He came to America, fell into the habit of drinking,
and, after a life hard and checkered and fitful, I saw him at last
quietly reposed in his mother earth many and many a year ago.
In that same Glen I had a kindred experience, more ludi-
crous and less dangerous than this. Owen Sweeny, another
"Chapman, Billie,J> and myself were within three miles of clearing
the Glen of a Sunday night-fall We passed a shebeen house, the
last house till we would reach " McGurk's," our stage for the
night. Some half dozen fellows were around the shebeen house
door, and my comrade advised quick motion. " If there be bad
characters in a neigborhood they are sure to be at the shebeen ol
a Sunday night." Quick motion it was then, and we had gained
about a mile, when tramp, tramp, tramp, came rapidly and heavi-
ly behind us. " I knew it," said, Owen " there they come." Now
Owen, though a very droll and amusing fellow, was the most dis-
tinguished coward in our " profession." " We are prepared," I
said ; under cover here (it was a misty rain) is what'll "take a
couple of pets out o' them." " So go ahead." We did at a fast
run and lost sound of our pursuers in a turn of the road. But
Owen stumbled and fell and before he was up again the tramp came
" Nearer, clearer, deadlier than before."
and Owen was off again, guarded behind and encouraged by the
two pistols. The chase continued thus with little change in the
distance between us, till we came to the end of McGurk's farm,
about a quarter of a mile from the house. Here I wheeled round,
and, heedless of my comrade's remonstrances, awaited the pursuit*
pistols in hand. He said I was mad, but he would stand by me.
Emerged from the mist, they perceived us awaiting them in the
middle of the road. There were six of them, and, after brief
counsel, four fell back into the mist, and two approach-
ed us. I suppose their theory was this. If all came forward we
would again betake ourselsves to our heels and make McGurk's
good before they could reach us ; whereas, if we waited for two,
84 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY ;
as was more likely, those could grapple with and detain us while
the others rushed up. However that might be, the two, came
running forward with " Why didn't you wait for company ? " "We
choose our company," said Owen, I swinging round on their rear
presenting the pistols. "You are prisoners or dead men" I
said, " on with you, you'll rest in Derry jail to-morrow. Shout
and it will be your last" And so they marched on in front of us
a distance of some fifty or a hundred yards, begging all the while
to be let go. Owen was of the same opinion ; " we could not spare
time" he said, "it would damage our business ; better give them
a few kicks and be done with them." I yielded, deputed the
kicking duty to Owen, still presenting the pistols. He performed
it in the most praiseworthy and ludicrous manner, and so dis-
missed them back to their companions.
Though quite successful in trade, it was impossible that I
should grow rich ; for if I had twenty or thirty pounds lying un-
used for a week or two, I conceived a most irrational contempt
for it. My energy and endurance — no, resistance to fatigue —
were very great. Walk fourteen Irish miles to a market, active
on foot the whole day, without breakfast, till it came by candle-
light ; then retrace the same fourteen Irish miles home again, not
to go to bed, but to manufacture torches out of dry bog fir, and
"burn the water," i. e.} spear salmon under the light, on the
fords of our beautiful little" " river " (we used to call it, though it
was only a stream easily waded through in ordinary times of
the year) ; firing an odd pistol shot to keep the solitary water-
keeper at bay, whilst we, I and Ward, my brother-in-law, pur-
sued our sport. How careless of consequences is youth ! Not
for gam, but for the mere sport of killing the salmon, how often
have we put our necks within the compass of a halter. Let me
relate one example of this kind.
The following is a conversation between Ward, as he eat
ehoemaking on his bench, and half-a-dozen mountain men in
whose wild region he used to sport in times gone by :
WARD — "Have you much sport out there this season? "
MOUNTAIN MEN—" Sport ! No. There hasn't been a * splunk '
lighted on the Ainey (a mountain river) since the winter set in.H
* How is that ? What has happened to you all ?"
"Troth, plenty. Jemmy Burns, and a strong guard along with
Him, patrols every night at Harrv Monaghan's Bridge, with fiat-
OE, THE SPIRIT OP CHIVAU&Y IN MODERN DAYS. 85
Tula of loaded muskets. Ah ! begorra, they'd shoot us like mag-
pies if we kindled the least light."
" D'ye think it would be hard to break up their parade an* put
things on the ould footing ?"
" No ; it can't be done. Jemmy's as wicked as the devil. You
know he was transported for 'levelling* seven years ago, and
lias just come back from Botany Bay."
" O ! I know all that ; but we'll settle him. Will ye meet u»
at the bridge o' Wednesday night ? I'll bring half-a-dozen along
with me."
" Yes ; we'll meet you with half-a-dozen more. But I don't see
the good."
This conversation took place between the aforementioned
Ward, who was an irreclaimable sportsman, and one of the
mountain men with whom he used to "poach" (they call it) in
the wild districts referred to.
So Wednesday night came, and saw eight of us on the march
to the scene of action. We mustered six guns and made show
of the other two by shouldering " quarter clefts " of ash. We
stopped at a sod house ; the house of Owen the thatcher ; but
let me describe :
A " Turncoat " and an " Informer " were the two things most
detested and the two names most dreaded as brands of disgrace.
The first for changing your religion, diverging from the track your
father had traveled before you. The second for giving informa-
tion against illicit distillers. The latter, indeed, was base and
criminal in the last degree. It was to bri»g destruction on the
property and imprisonment on the person ; in one word, ruin on
its victim. The abhorrence in which it was held was, indeed, an
honor to the people.
Owen, the thatcher, had been employed, I believe by Hector
Magee, and the contact led him into the toils of the Rector.
Owen immediately found himself more detested even than the
Informers, and so he retreated into the trackless moor that lay
near the mountain. As " Petersburgh rose like an exhalation
from the Neva " so did Owen's sod castle rise in a few days an
'* exhalation " on the face of the moor. Ward was too much of a
sportsman and had seen too much of the world to hug in hia
heart this prejudice against Owen. His love of freedom and field
sports, his defiance of landlord temporal authority, extended to
86 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY?
a semi- defiance of all authority, even to what claimed to bo
spiritual. So he chose Owen's fortress as his " base of opera-
tions " when invading the Ainey river. Thus it was when we ap-
proached the "exhalation" on Wednesday night. It appeared
in the dim light like a rugged, bulky, singular looking mound,
rising abrubtly in the face of the moor.
" This," said Ward, " is the place. We'll prepare things here.*
The door of wicker, quilted inside with a straw mat, opened, and
stooping we entered the " sod castle." It was sufficiently high
to stand in, had an aperture in the wall sufficient for light and
ventilation, and two or three panes of glass, a hole in the roof
above the fire place gave egress to the smoke. The moor was
all turf, and a blazing fire was on the hearth that lighted,
warmed and dried the edifice, which might be fifteen feet square,
and a month or two old. Here we prepared the torches and sped
on to set at nought the temporal authority over the salmon, as
Owen had set at nought the spiritual authority over the soul
Ward, commander ; myself his henchman, and second in com-
mand. Arrived at the bridge, our auxiliaries were nowhere to
be seen. But "Jemmy," the redoubtable Jemmy, had his men
mustered in a stone house three or four hundred yards below
the bridge. Our commander crossed the stream, shot up the
mountain in quest of the auxiliaries, and Jemmy, seeing the
crowd, marched out to attack us. Myself was now in command.
Advancing from the shadow of the battlements to a height on
the road, " Ground arms ! " " Give your brass butts a tear along
the rough stones to sound their metal as a warning." " Stand
off! — or you're dead men 1 " But Jemmy approached his forces
along the height, eight in all, themselves and muskets relieved
against the dull «ky. "Stand off!" Jemmy now was within
parley of us— threatened law and extermination ; but only got
this reply : " Stand to your guns, men ! " " Make ready ! *
Click went that cocking of each piece. " Now fire when I pro-
nounce 'Three!'" "Stand off!" "One!— two!"-— but before
the "three" came, Jemmy and his men wheeled and sought
once more the safety of their stone fortress.
Surely this was providential. Jemmy was a brave man, had
been a leveller, was selected to this charge for his headlong
Courage. If he had approached us — if he hadn't retreated, if
he had merely stood his ground — every gun in our party would
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRT IS MODERN DAYS. 87
nave been fire* at him ; and so sanguinary were the laws at
that time, and indeed yet, that the act of firing would have
brought every one of us under shadow of the gallows.
By this time Ward was descending the opposite bank with his
reinforcement of the mountain men. He knew their rendezvous,
and found them at once.
And now was held a council of war. So far I had been vic-
torious, and had no especial appetite for any more "glory.1*
But Ward gave a spring and an oath that he would never spend
a night and mnroh so far without having a little sport for it. He
had a "spunk" in his pocket, i. e., a live ember wrapped in a
large wad of dry tow. Out he pulled it — down on the margin of
the stream— and in a minute the bright flash of his torch shone
over the waters. " Fire at the light ! " is the word of the water-
keepers. "Jemmy" didn't forget it, and balls and slugs from
his eight muskets flew over our heads. I suppose the bridge
battlements prevented a lower aim. Crack and flame went the
guns of our men, now stationed on both banks, and up rose a
wild hurrah, " Tannawilly ! Tannawilly!" the meaning of which
Jemmy well knew, and he rapidly sought the shelter of his stone
fortress. Left to pursue our sport we had plenty of it, varied
by incidents that, though very exciting to ourselves, I will not
stop to relate here. I don't believe we comprehended the fact
that if one of the water-keepers had been shot, the law would
have adjudged us all guilty of murder.
A "CAPITAL" SCENE.
Neighboring the famous shrines of Lough Derg, and near the
Barnes range in Donegal, the road runs through an extensive
moorland without either rock or sudden acelevity for miles ex-
tending on either side, the surface one continuous layer of in-
tensely black and solid peat. But, unlike the ordinary bogs,
which reach anywhere between five and fifteen feet deep, this
peat averaged, perhaps, two feet in thickness— a little less or a
little more. Under it — all along under it— lay a dense bluish
clay. The two mixed together formed a soil which vindicated
our good opinion of it in a large, newly-fenced, newly-cultivated
field, I believe, by a resident curate or rector of the dominant
church. He had come ostensibly to do good things, but I BUS-
88 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY;
pect that the very best thing he did was the breaking in of that
ten-acre field on the edge of this vast moor.
Traveling along from thence over the moor afore-described1, 1
came to a nook, at the foot of the mountain, through which
flowed a stream. Here was found a comparatively well built
cottage and outhouse ; a garden, and two or three fields fenced
in, on which had grown oats, potatoes, etc. Night fell heavy and
dark, and I was glad to find hospitality at this remote home-
stead. A porridge supper is held in higher repute than one that
is founded on potatoes. Bnt there was no meal to make it,
What then ? Why there was a sack or two of oats. A large pot
was hung over the blazing fire, and a quantum sup of the oats
put in and thus soon kiln- dried. Down came the quearns, or
primitive hand mill, and all taking a twist at it, we quickly had
a dish of new meal (always most delicious), and, with a liberal
supply of milk — proverbially good in mountain regions — we had
a supper that ought to lift a sick man into health again. Where
this oats grew and this homestead stood was a lonely and un-
productive waste four or five years before, as lonely as the
" Wilds immeasurably spread "
that I had passed over in approaching to it, every acre of wtiich
could have been turned to the same account.
Who does not see the lesson taught by what is here written ?
And yet we are deafened and stunned with a continuous ory
about capital — " English capital ! " — to develop the resources of
Ireland. Here was the natural " capital " of the country at work.
Here, on a primitive scale was the effect it could produce, if let
loose over, the whole face of the country. But the impious
" landlord " won't let it loose ; he has it in chains, and keeps the
man and the moor alike uncultivated — alike bare and hungry.
Thus is the right arm of industry paralyzed. Thus is left in
primeval barrenness the site of many a beautiful lanscape- and
home of comfort and civilization, the thought of which calls up
Fitzjames' imaginative picture of a similar scene in Scotland.
Scotland ! also oppressed and depopulated by her " noble i **
" honorable," and " right honorable " criminals.
And " What a scene were here," he cried.
"For princely pomp, or churchman's pride,
On this bold brow, a lordly tower;
In that soft vale, a lady's bower ;
On yonder meadow, far away.
OB, THE SPIRIT OTf CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 8$
The turrets of a cloister gray.
How blithely might the bugle-horn
Chide on the lake, the lingering morn!
Hew sweet, at eve, the lover's lute
Chime, when the groves were still and mute,
And, when the midnight moon should lave
Her forehead in the silver wave,
How solemn on the ear would come
The holy matin's distant hum.
While the deep peal's commanding tone
Should wake, in yonder islet lone,
A sainted hermit from his cell,
To drop a bead with eY«rjr knell."
Suppose an aray of laborers and engineers and" architects
should appear on this now wild waste surrounding Lough
Derg. Suppose they came for the purpose of changing its
barren dreariness into the picture here so beautifully described.
And further, suppose Lord Leitrirn, or some other " lord," ap-
proaching, coming up to them, ordering them off, telling them
that God made all this wild land for him, and it must remain
wild. Suppose all this, and haven't you supposed a " capital '*
condition of things ?
THE OLD YARN MABKET.
I had up to this time been clerk to a yarn merchant My
duty to sit on the wheel of a stationary cart ; enter quantities,,
prices, and names as my principal purchased the yarn bunches.
This trade has now passed away forever. I cannot portray the
crowd clamoring and jostling, several voices at once calling out
their names, and my employer pronouncing price and quantity—
the same action and noise going on at twenty other points around-
me. The market was held in the forenoon, so that the sellers
might have money and time wherewith to make purchases IIL
the afternoon. It gave me a very sharp discipline, which was
of great service to me in after life. I was paid for this service
half-a-crown when I had become proficient, which was twice to
three times as much as most other boys got for the same ser-
vice. My father's reputation for honesty helped to this, for col-
lusions had been detected between clerks and confederates;
the one entering a false name and quantity, the other claiming
and receiving the price.
It is unnecessary to acid the yarns were spun on that neat and.
tidy machine the " spinning wheel," which had, not long before^
12
90 THE ODD BOOK OP THE NINETEENTH CENTURY ;
superseded the "rock and spindle" (distaff), till it was itself
superseded by the comprehensive machinery of the mill. Mill-
spun yarn, though spun a thousaid threals at once, is, strange
to say, greatly superior to the best produced on the spinning
wheel, though maoipulated by the most skillful hand, one thread
at a time. The following paragraph is in " Our Natural Rights" :
" Our raen easterly seek the most toilsome work at a remuneration of 6d.
to 8d. a day. Ourw.>men are si ill more industrious ; if the price of linen
yarn afford them anything above a penny for spinning a hank (3,240 yards},
an excessirely laborious day's work, the market id overstocked with that ar-
ticle. What a change would these energies produce if properly called
forth and directed ! "
CHAPTER X.
SKETCHES.— FEUDAL "CUSTOM" AND FEUDAL COURTS — MY FIRST
OMEN — REPRESSIVE LITERATURE — A WILD PICTURE — THE " LEV-
ELERS" AND " CARDERS "— TfiNPENNlES AND TlTHK— FUQU-
TIVE HISTORY — BATTLE OF NEW Ross — MRS. S. C. HALL — GLEN-
FIN— A STORM AND A STIMULANT— RECRUITING — "OuR NATURAL
RIGHTS " — STANDING GUARD — A FISH PHENOMENON — NIGHT PIC-
TURE OF '98— A STRANGE DANGER— THE VILLAGE BLACKSMITH —
MY COMRADE.
Low notes as well as high have their place in a " March " of mu-
sic. So with this book. It will strike some pretty high notes as
it goes along, just as surely will it strike low notes when the on-
ward "March " demands it. Rude some of those notes may be,
but never one of them coarse or indelicate. Even of rude not
many will be presented, and those only to glance in upon phases
of humble life that may interest, or to convey a lesson that may
be useful. Fiction — even of Scott and Dickens — descends into
hiding places into which facts have no business to follow.
SNAKES.
This is illustrative of a barbarism that was practised, and is
yet probably, by men who claimed to be intelligent and assumed
the rank of gentlemen. All our fields were fenced in with high
clay mound-walls, thrown up from trenches on either side.
Those are soon covered with a luxuriant vegetation. On one of
those fences Snakes were set and a notice of " Snakes here " to
keep off intruders. Those snakes consisted of a steel prong, set in
a short stake of wood, fastened upright and firmly into the
ground. The prong might be six inches long, projecting up out
of the wood, brought to a point with a barb on it, and as sharp
as a lane.p. In pursuit of small wild peas, I crossed this mound-
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 01
like fence and slided down on my back on the inside. One ol
those snakes caught me just behind the ankle and ran up as 1
descended to under the knee. Just opening through the skin,
without sinking deeper, as if incised by the most skillful surgeon.
I have ever thought this fact providential. The danger from such
things was very great and their use throws light on opinion as it
then existed and does probably still exist in that place.
" CUSTOM."
Major Nesbit, of Ardera, was the last to enforce this feudal extortion.
Cattle sold or exchanged were charged six pence. The Custom matt
stood at the entrance to the village fair with a book and a cudgel.
Then pay six pence or swear there was no trade. It is worthy of notice
that the country people who were not his tenants, and who numbered
thousands, submitted to this extortion, and that the " Chapman Billies,**
of whom I made one, resisted it. In ttie busiest time of the market the
collector would come round and pronounce the word " custom." It was
then "four pence or a fight." If you refused he caught the end of a
piece of good* : then a pull of strength, a volley of expletives, coming to
a conclusion or kicks and blows. The custom man was inspired only by
some two shillings a day, and though standing the tug bravely lor ft
year or two he finally yielded up the victory.
This Major Nesbit was the landlord and employer of the men who car-
ried gravel across the moor tor four pence a day (see " Our Natural
Rights" elsewhere). He acted in this way, too, when entrusted with the
distribution of a cargo of "eoaise oatmeal" donated from England in
one of our periodical famines about this time: Roads, bridges, and
beautifyings on his demesne were irade and the labor paid for by small
allowances of the coarse oatmeal, a large portion of which became un-
sound and went to the manure heap along in the autumn, though people
perished for want of it during the summer. It had been pleasant to
-Count over his ten or twelve silver pounds every fair night. This pleas-
ure was no more; and, brooding over his los's, the Major hatched a
measure of revenge on us. There existed au obsolete law, commanding
the liege "billies " each to pay for a license. In the name of this law he
sent the police down upon us, and seized every yard of dry goods ex-
posed for sale, bundled them up, tied them on a cart, and left them un-
der guard for the night preparatory to their consignment next morning
to the Custom House in Bally shannon. It is late; the sergeant and his
guard are watching the loaded cart at the barrack door. The Major
was implacable ; nothing could move him. But sometimes
" The best-laid scheme* o' mice and men gang aft aglcy,"
and so it befelkwith the Major. One of the " billies " was a crony and a
creditor of the sergeant, and paid him a friendly visit on his monoton-
ous watch. The " mountain dew " had a strong fascination in those re-
gions and in those times— perhaps has yet. At any rate a friendly
bottle was produced. Attention could not be fixed at once on the bottle
inside and the cart outside. Ropes are cutfibla. and men, inclined to help
themselves at least to their own goods, are quick of hand. The Major!
" He counted them at close of day.
But when the &un rose, where were they?"
Nowhere that the major could find out. And so ended his clutch at the
" Custom."
AN OMEN OF MY LIFE.
The first strife the world put upon me came In this way: Tom
Gallagher sought help to gather his crop of gooseberries. I thought ii
a lucky opening for a little praise; I had never earned any yet, and I
thought it would be very pleasant. So I uoirowed Tom's old conical bat,
D2 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY J
determined to carry off the championship. I sought a seclusion, lest
others seeing how rapidly I worked might do the same and snatch from
me the coveted honor. Son John came and urged me to come up
to the company, which 1 firmly declined to do. Tom also tried per-
suasion with me, but in vain. I never dreamed that they suspected I
sought the seclusion that I might eat their gooseberries. They sus-
pected it, however, and a day or two after they got a confirmation of
their fence; and with cruelty, because I knew no better, designed to
lime the poor birds. I met father and son returning to their cottage,
and I lingered till they were out of sight. Then darted up the tree hid
by the dense foliage, and set my sprig most wickedly across the bird's
nest. John returned and ran along the road to discover if I had passed
on. I had not. so he and his father sought through all the recesses of
the orchard. They found nothing and returned to the house; and I de-
scended from the tree and was just out on the road, leisurely walking
down it, when they turned a corner and confronted me. I must have
looked condemned, for I thought they suspected me, though for nothing
worse than snaring birds on their tree. I was mistaken. Two or three
days afterward I found I had the reputation of a prowler who made a
trade of stealing Tom Gallagher's gooseberries. Those imputation^
how exactly did they foreshadow the succession of similar imputations
that followed in their train— a little in Ireland, none in England, a tor-
rent of them in America. Those who accepted those imputations little
knew the world of romance and chivalry I lived in, in those very imma-
ture, boyish years. I spent all my waking hours out among the hilte
and streams, and in close companionship with nature— her sunshine,
shadow, storm, brake and copse, summer flowers and winter snows.
Theae laid within me— what ? " The deep foundation of my future life."
MISLEADING SCRAPS.
There was a sprinkling of lie-low-and-be-contented literature scat-
tered among us. " The Shepherd of Salisbury Plain," whose little rosy
Molly picked wool off the briers in the sheep-walk. She was so happy
at her dish of potatoes and salt— made more so by the suggestion that
other people had not even salt to their potatoes. Then came "Poor Eich-
ard " with his beggarly talk, and " The Pleasant Art of Money-Catch-
ing," telling you or the virtues of bread and water. The seduction of
rfcyme, too,
" Get what you can, and what you get, bold.
'Tis the stone that will tarn all your lead into gold.
" And when you have got the philosopher's stone you needn't complain
of the heavy taxes." And more insinuating.
"If ceaseless thus the fowls of heaven He teed*,
If o'er the fields such lucid robes He spreads,
Will He not care for you, ye faithless say t
Is He unwise, or are you less than they T"
And then came another canting, hypocritical voice with : '* I was young
and am now old, and never did I see the honest man ' an hungered,' nor
the seed of the righteous man begging his bread." This was a comfort-
able footing to put it upon ; it settled the whole dispute. Poverty was
only a proof of wickedness in your parents or yourself, so there was no
more to be said about it.
A "WILD PICTURE.
In the Bosses, an extensive mountain coast, county of Donegal ; nothing
is manufactured but stockings, nothing spoken but the Irish language.
The mode of knitting is here different from that in use elsewhere. The
*' needles " are plied under the fingers by the sense of touch only. The
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 93
process is unseen by the eye; arid, strangely enough, the work accom-
plished thus is about double as much as that which is operated above
the fingers and assisted by the eye. Connemara, the other great stock-
ing mart, resembles this one in all respects— product, wildness, and the
primitive tongue. At a great fair in the Bosses .my business was knocked
in the head by a faction fight between the Campbells and the O'Donnells.
Conspicuous in attempting to quell it were half-a-dozen gentlemen,
among them a magistrate or two. The faction leaders and the magis-
trates conferred on terms of more than equality, and, for the time, a lull
took place. But it is to be succeeded by a hurricane of paving stones
opened on both sides along the opposing lines. The gentlemen (including
Mr. Foster the magistrate) were nowhere — neither were the Campbells.
The victorious O'Donnells slept the night over their victory, and next
forenoon, under the leadership of a singularly powerful looking man, they
assembled and marched out some two miles (it was on my return home
path, and under safe conduct I was along with them) to where the cabins
of the Campbells were, some quarter of a mile off the road down a de-
clevity. They descended on them at a run. They were deserted, and I
was shocked to see them smash in the doors and demolish as far as they
could conveniently the houses, and I am afraid all they contained. This
was within three or four miles of the ferry house, the picture of which
is presented in " Our Natural Kights " contained in this volume. In pro-
portion to the wildness of the country was the ferocity of the people.
THE " LEVELERS."
The chronic rebellion passes down through the horrors of '98 to my
own time and the Levelers and Carders. Scarcity, if not actual want, is in
every poor man's cabin, and I remember to hear with joy that the "Card-
ers" hud made, by the application of a wool card to his back, Jemmy
Scrupe reduce his meal six pence in the peck. To this was added the
more humane action of the " Levelers." It is night; a heavy tramp is
heard in the village street; a column of men in semi-military array
march through to the eastward. They have done their work westerly, and
all the cattle pounds down to Glen Head are in ruins. Lowing and bleat-
ing prisoners have found their way home. But cui buono ? What good ?
The landlord has his eye and his clutch on them still : and they had, too,
the best of the poor " levelers." They had money, lesiure, troops, and
courts at their backs. The " levelers " had nothing; no defence but to
secrete themselves as long as they could, be caught at last and trans-
ported by the law and the " landlords." I think Protestants had most to
do in those things; farther North they had ail to do in them. Of our
levelers 1 only knew two personally, one a Catholic, Jemmy Burns, the
other a Protestant, Bob Henderson. His brother John, a very respect-
able man in his way, kept a blacksmith's shop. Bob had a wild reputa-
tion, was spoken of with disapproval and disrespect. And yet, who
knows but he was a better, more manly, noble, truly estimable man
than his brother John whom everybody respected ? The Levellers were
Knights-errant in their way.
TEN-PENNY TRADING AND TITHE.
The day is fine, and the trees are budding out their leaves as I pass
the gate house of Kev. Sandy Montgomery of Inver, a very good man In
his way, probably a close connection of a far better man, distinguished
In American history. The carriage drive is smooth, winding, and over-
Shadowed with trees. Admiring the value and the beauty of what I saw,
the thought, for the first time in my life, struck me that* all around was
merely material— every tree would •• rampeake" and perish by and by,
and that time would prostrate the tall chimneys and fine house which
now opened to my view. The house is quite hospitable. " No surly por-
ter stands in guilty state," and I march under its roof, am surrounded
by its inmates, and leave with rny pack a little lighter, and my purse of
silver tenpennies a little heavier. Across to the fishing village of Inver,
94 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTUBY J
being some half-a-dozen of low, rather comfortable houses built just
above high-water mark, with a hard, bright sand margin before them,
and beyond the bay, Doorin Head, and the ocean. The fishermen own-
Ing those houses deal with Nature, and as the " landlords " were not also
the " sealords," those fishermen could and did live in tolerable comfort
in reward of their adventurous toil. With them I had also a market,
and I believe they were ignorant enough to be perfectly content in their
way of living. The open season brought them work, and the winter
" barred the doors on frosty winds." All the more bright and warm
within contrasted with storms without.
Pat Donlevy is collecting rents from one or two hundred tenants. He
buys half-a-guinea's worth of my wares, calls for my bill in front of the
crowd. " Here it is, 10s. 6d." " Irish or British currency ? " " British;
the wholesale markets have been so those three months." He speaks to
the crowd : "You see this is now the lawful money of the United King-
dom. Pay or you'll get no receipt and you know what will follow." He
thus made them pay twenty pence in the pound more than he was en-
titled to, that amount being the difference in the two currencies. The
landlords throughout Ireland had a similar chance offered to them ; and
I knew one very large one who availed himself of it. Poverty keeps men
ignorant, and ignorance keeps men poor.
For many years the Tithe question had been discussed and denounced,
and dangerous resistance made to it. Quakers have heroically suffered
fine and imprisonment rather than yield to it. The great bulk of the
Irish people were the reverse of Quakers, and they resisted in their own
way, and a good sprinkling of blood was shed here and there about it.
•' I don't begrudge to pay the landlord his rent," said a recusant farmer,
" he gives me land for it. But the parson gives me nothing ; I don't go
to his church, and I'll not pay him any tithe as long as I can help it."
The man was acting up to the light within him ; he did not know that
he was uttering an unconscious blasphemy ; didn't know that the land-
lord and the parson stood exactly in the same boots. Just so much of
heaven as the parson could give, exactly so much could the " landlord "
give of the earth.
FUGT7TTVE HISTOBY '98.
I met with a sewed pamphlet, some seventy pages, nearly fifty years
ago, which was confined exclusively to a description of the battle of New
Ross— its preliminaries and result. The author was a loyalist surgeon,
•who, under shelter of a cockade and a protection from General Johnson,
was present at the battle. After the defeat at the "The Three Rocks,'*
the flying Royalists took refuge in the walled town of New Boss,
Bagenal Harvey, in command of the Republican forces, advanced and en-
trenched his camp some two miles in front of the town. There was no
investment of the place. The uprising people reinforced Harvey during
the ensuing six weeks, and Johnson employed the same time in drawing
in reinforcements from every available corner of the Island.
At the end of that time he had a force superior in p6int of numbers to
that of the United Men. My author, the surgeon, puts Johnson's force at
twenty-six thousand, and that of Harvey about two thousand less.
Baines, one of the British compilers, is now before me. He puts the
forces of the United Men up to thirty thousand, and takes a nought from
those under General Johnson— leaving them at twenty-six hundred !*
With these twenty-six hundred, if we can believe Baines, he marches out
to storm the entrenched camp of the thirty thousand men ! Those com-
prising the very men who at the battle of The Three Rocks chased the
redcoats for " ten Irish miles on a run ! " This fact I had from Jemmy
Gallagher, an itinerant tailor, who belonged to the Donegal militia, and
was present at the battle.
* The object of these falsehoods is to deter men trom revolting against their accursed
«way.
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 95
11 It was not on the force of arms," says a French author, " that Eng-
land relied for success. It was on gold to bribe, and corrupt literature to
mislead." Baines is an example.
And then my author describes the " ranks of war " marching to the at-
tack. The repulse. Renewed attack ! Repulsed again! A third time!
Driven back, and the Eepublicans dash after them across the trenches
into the open plain.
Johnson's cavalry are held in hand, to charge as soon as the melee
gets clear of the trenches. It is a critical moment. There is a wooded
ground or high hedges on their flank. Under cover of this a strong
body of pikemen, most of them outlaws from the North, come down like
a whirlwind on the cavalry's flank. It is another Oulart Hill. And
there is nothing for it now but a rush for the sheltering walls of New
Boss. Those who are left behind meet a sharp fate or join the Republi-
cans.
And then there is desparate fighting at the four gates of the town ;
but especially at the " Throe-Bullet Gate " and adjoining wall. Three of
the gates are forced. The United Men enter, and after some hard street
fighting, the broken columns of Johnson are driven to the other side of
the river. Instead of following him, the victors are content to "put a
guard on the bridge " and sit down to enjoy themselves.
Joviality, or anything to make them jovial, has been a stranger to
them of late, and now when it comes, all other things are forgotten.
Johnson understands this; returns and fires the town. Why dwell on
the horrible sequel?
On that day Ireland's battle was Won and Lost!
Thousands of the disorganized Republicans perish in the flames or
are slaughtered in the streets. The surgeon also relates this :
" Next day, accompanied by a youug acquaintance, I wal&ed through the several streets
watching the bodies of men falling from the burning houses. My companion said it was a
deplorable sight— those blackened corpses. A guard overheard him, and seizing him by th«
collar swung him round and shot him through the head with a pistol, and Singing him
down exclaimed: Make, you, one more among them."
"At mercy of the waves, wliusu mercies are
Like human beings during civil war."
No, Byron; you are unjust to the " waves."
STIMULANTS.
Glentin. was more wild than beautiful before Sir Charles Style took it
in hand, and Mrs. S. C. Hall outlined its " rundale " agriculture. It nes-
tles under the Barnes range, and owns a " decent " mountain lake in its
highest recess. I explored it only once from Ballybofey to Glenties.
It was in winter, in a snow storm, and I alone. The road lay across an
open moor, untouched as it was created. There must have been furrows
alongside of the road, but they were leveled up with the snow. I was
yet some miles from the hostlery, beside the lough, of which they had
told me. But just as I was perplexed by the immense white level, luck
came along in the shape of one of the natives, comfortably on horseback
in a "soogan" (straw saddle). An excellent pilot he was— knew the
turns and windings of the road and followed them. I could not keep up,
but before the tracks he left behind were closed with the falling snow
" smoke-flavored
my memory
. Here's a sample. I
have a heavy wallet on my back. There is a rising road of miles before
me. A glass of ale carries myself and my load comfortably over the
upward way. But beware !
OUB NATURAL RIGHTS.
With the manuscript in my breast I was returning from an unsuccess-
ful effort to have it printed in Derry. I rode a very tali horse, and dark-
96 THE ODD BOOK OF THE. NINETEENTH CENTURY;
ness had settled down as I urged him through the " gap " of Barnes. It
is unsafe to urge a horse to his full speed down a hill. Mine foil headlong,
flinging me what Christie of the Clinthill would call a " gads length out
of the saddle." I was neither hurt nor stunned, and as I gathered up,
putting my hand to my breast pocket I exclaimed, " here lies what saved
me," and even yet I am not sure but I was right.
However, I carried the manuscript to Belfast, when Tait, of High
street, had just discontinued some publication, and wanting a job for his
idle hands, undertook my business, 500 copies, 6d. the price, I takinsr 100,
he taking chance with the rest. I advertised it in the extreme liberal
" Newry Examiner," and began to fear it was not worth much, when the
editors took no notice of the copy I left at their office for review. I knew
little of the world or of editors at the time. In my native village any-
body or everybody would take a copy for nothing, but no solitary six-
pence did I receive except one— the purchaser a " Still-hunting police-
man,"—I suppose because his craft was mentioned in the text.
But I had, years before, devoted my life to an unceasing war against
Land Monopoly. Thus I said to my friends, " I have dragged up the long-
forgotten truth, that the land is the property of the whole people— that
those few men who call themselves its owners, are not owners, but im-
postors. The first Reform we need is a Land Beform. The first question
to be solved is a question of Inheritance. The Inheritance of the whole
people. A day is coming when I will lay my head on the death-pillow.
Will a thought then come like this ? " Coward ! when you had youth and
energy, you shrank from the great duty. Now your power is gone,
a green sod will cover you— your day of action has passed. A
great truth was given to you — you were not worthy of the mission,
die and bo forgotten, a recreant as you have lived." Such a thought, I
said, will not darken iny death bed. I will present this truth, as I
best may, in that great turbulent centre of thought, London, I will try to
win attention to it. I may succeed. If not, one success is certain, the
consciousness of having done all I could do,
STANDING GUARD.
We rented a hungry barren field about an acre and a half. It gave us
work, but no wages. Excepting some grass about the margins, we lost
time and labor on it. Want of room to store our potatoes, put vis on the
shift to " pit " them on the field in a pile covered with straw and clay.
This was broken into at night, and a part of the contents stolon. Next
night, my brother, myself, and another boy, concealed'ourselve.s near by,
and as it grew late we saw a tall man approaching with an empty creel
on his back. He crossed the fence, and throwing down the creel com-
menced to open the " pit." We sprang upon him. My two companions
soized him by the collar, I with my leveled gun covering him. So we
proceeded down the declivity toward the gap or entrance to the field, on
our way to town and the " black hole." When about h ilf way down, not-
withstanding the leveled gun was at his back, he gave a wrench, and
sprang clear of the hold, and ran at the top of his speed. I fired at
him, but the charge was bird shot, and did him no injury. It gave us
something to talk about, and that was something in those times and
places.
A FISH PHENOMENON.
It was quite an honor for the very common people to be permitted in-
tercourse with well-to-do genteel people. The Presbyterian mini
Hewston, was rather democratic. At least he joined seven or eight of
us (boys* on a row down the bay to fish with cod lines. Those aro of
strong whip-cord. A long narrow lead sink has a hole in each ond. On
one end you fasten the lino, on the other end the " snid," a fathom long
with a large baited hook attached. The line is cast down till bottom is
struck. Then you haul up a fathom so that the hook and bait Avill \
near the bottom. You then pull the line a foot or two up and down with
OB, THE 8PIBI1 OF GHIVALKY IK MODERN DAYS. 97
a sawing motion on the gunwale. When tke fish strikes you feel the
weight, and haul up rapidly with the prize. I speak of this because a
singular phenomenon occurred on this occasion. The day was cairn and
sultry, a bad day for " take." There were seven lines out, hooks, bait,
" snid," all alike'. Suddenly a " take " came to my line, and as fast as I
could bait and haul them up I caught seven fish. Not one of the other
lines got a nibble excepting one. The eight fish were all we caught, and
it just afforded one a piece to us. Who can tell what brought so many
fisn to my hook? Why did they prefer it to all the other hooks equally
as tempting? Had magnetic phenomena anything to do with it ?
A NIGHT MAEOH, 1798.
My father, as we have seen, was a carrier. He happened to be in Dublin
when " the Rebels broke out at Kilcock, and in one night, by concert, dis-
armed all the military outposts over a sweep of twenty or thirty miles."
That was his account of it to me.
It might have been five or six months later when the French landed at
Killala, and opened the famous " chase " in that neighborhood. A general
signal was made for all the government forces to con verge on that point.
In the neighborhood of that grand and unique mountain pass, " Barnes
Gap," was a wayside hostelrie; carts loaded with furniture are at its
door, and the " thud " of a marching regiment is approaching. The
cart-horses are quickly unstabled, and hurried into a woody recess be-
hind an adjoining fence. The carts, however, betray the truth that horses
can't be far off, and so when the songs, and curses, and clamor of the
regiment gradually sank in the distance, the horses are sought, but are
not to be found. There is nothing for it but follow the advancing troops.
A Major in command of the rear-guard brings the owners and their com-
plaint before the " head Colonel." " Loads of furniture for the Rev.
sandy Montgomery and Rev. Mr. Ball of Drimholm." •' Very well, Ma-
jor, see that the men have their horses." Good news for the horses, for
each had two tired men on his back ; one was a teamster in civilian's dress.
This irritated my father, so he closed with the offer of " I'll knock him
oft' if you give me a shilling." A dig with the butt of the gun— down
came blue-coat, and the shilling was earned. Hats were off, and thanks
bowed to the Major. " Stop," said he, " let the horses drink at this
stream." Up comes half a dozen stragglers, and thus the Major : " Boys
I knew you were fatigued, so I have procured these horses to help you
along." " The Lord bless and be good to your honor ! " and jump, jump,
in a moment the half a dozen are on horseback. But the Major enlight-
ened them with a cut or two of the long cartwhip, restored the horses to
their owners to the great amusement of all hands. Even the unhorsed
went off " cursing and laughing." Returning down the road they meet
another straggler running to regain his colors. " Luck at last," 'he ex-
claims, jumping on one of the horses. He was instantly overmatched
and hauled down again. But he had his revenge. " Lord love ye, boys, I
wouldn't touch your horses, but if you don't hide them someway there's
a dozen coming up, mostly drunk, and they'll be sure to seize upon
them." The moor was level, and the wag had the satisfaction to see man
and horse crossing it at right angles, through knolls and "slunks" to
get out of view of the crowd that was not approaching.
A STEANGE DANGEB.
In the hollows of the mountains are " shaking quas," (quagmires) col-
lections of water overgrown by vegetation. Enter, and if you don't sink
through it, the whole surface undulates to your tread. It forms a trap
not confined to Ireland and its unheeding cattle. In a similar trap near
Newburg N. Y.. was discovered perhaps the most perfect specimen of
the mastadon which we possess. It had gradually sunk, and was found
undisturbed and undistorted, in a standing posture, as the mud quietly
closed over it. The shaking qua is known and guarded against. But
13
98 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY;
there is a kindred danger vory little known, at least, that I had never
even heard of, 'till it was on the point oi claiming me for its own.
I am traveling alone. It is a breezy summer day, and I am on my way
to Glenties. To go round by the road is a stretch of three or four miles.
To cross straight over the mporland it is about half the distance. No
path, no house, rocky acclevities and hollow swamps diversify the sur-
face. But then there is variety in it, and so I shoot up the mountain side,
and with an easy energy bound from one point to another of the ine-
qualities. The heather, thick, and tough, and high enough to form
almost my sole impediment. There's a smooth, hard looking spot, en-
tirely free of heather. I bound upon it. No ! not upon it, into it. In, up
to my middle at the first plunge. It is a thing of which I had never
heard the existence. Of such a tough, paste-like consistence, that I am
held fast in it, and I quickly realize the horrible fact that I am gradually
sinking, and that any motion I might make to extricate myself only
makes me sink the faster. Its bottom was probably fathoms deep. If I
remained motionless it might be half an hour before I would be sunk
over the head. Any attempt at motion would sink me in half that time.
A slender twig of heather grew on its margin within reach. Its root
just edging on the drowning mud promised little strength of hold. If it
gives way death is inevitable, and all traces of it undiscoverable. I had to
pull on that twig gently, and only to get such help as would inclince me
a little from the perpendicular— lean me forward on the mud a little at
first, then a little more to the horizontal which lessened my sinking
motion, for I was slowly and steadily settling down. But I had to in-
crease the pulls, and the anchoring of that slender twig was all that
could save me from a death the most horrible. It held till I got near
enough to clutch with my other hand the ground beneath it. I was saved !
That twig of heather ! I remember its form distinctly. It was branch-
less to near the top, and no thicker than the pen I write with. If it had
given way another hour had not struck till the soft mass had closed over
me, leaving no trace of my existence. Keep out of unfrequented places
if you are alone. A youth known to me named Allen went to the " big
woods " near New York a chestnutting. He fell from one of the high
trees, so fractured his limbs that he could not move, and no one within
sound of his voice, he lay there till he died.
THE VILLAGE BLACKSMITH.
Cheerful amusements are conducive not only to bright, but also to long
life. " Dan Crilly is the best company-keeper about all the Bridge End."
It was a high encomium. With it came the couplets :
" The Bridge End boys they are going lads,
And search the whole town there's none such to be had;
II the bridge had but teeth and a tongue tor to speak.
It could tell that same night what was done at the wake.
Derry down."
Outlandish practical jokes were played outside of the wake-house.
Dan was the son of a Bridge End blacksmith, and became heir to the
»nvil and sledge. Heir also to the "blacksmith's tithe." Whilst the
sheaves were yet on the field, Dan and all such Dan's borrowed a horse,
and went forth as a \v elcome tithe gatherer. He had mended the plough-
irons—was ever ready to mend them, and the "tenants" around were
just as ready to hand over as many odd sheaves of oats as made each of
the Dan's such a " inelder " (see Tom O'Shanter) as carried them on till
the corn grew again. Exercise and love of fun have kept Dan luring-
and at work to this day— a life now close upon eighty years.
WATER KEEPING.
John Gallagher was our most formidable Water-keeper. He would
charge on us with an expletive that we abbreviated into " Hilt," by which
name only we dealt with him. Four pounds a year couldn't keep him
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 99
always watching;, and when he didn't watch we did. A tributary flowing
into the river forms an angle — the favorite haunt of the fish. The initia-
ted aware of this, met the fish on their own terms at this angle; hence
probably the epithet "angler" at first designated a skillful fisher, but
now degenerated into a common name.
At any rate I am a very little boy at the point of the angle, and John
is a very active man at the centre of the hypothenuse. If I run down the
base line I am cut off and caught. If up the perpendicular I am a little
more so. But worse than caught I can't be. So my fish are in the grass,
and my tackle In the flood, and I off at a run expecting the big hand on
my shoulder every moment. But it didn't corne, and looking round
John was nowhere to be seen. Has the earth opened and swallowed him!
Something of the kind. The ground is • low holm intersected with
narrow, almost bottomless drains to keep it dry. The late rains have
prostrated a heavy growth of 9ats across the drains covering them up,
and making pitfalls, out of which I see John emerging streaming with
water, and covered with mud. I am safe, interrupt my tackle as it floats
down, and in duo time return for my finny spoils. The fall and submer-
gence had a cooling effect on John's ardor. I think he gave up the em-
ployment, and didn't trouble us any more. I mention this trifle, to say
never give up." and to show the absurdity as well as the roguery of a
villainous " lord " standing between even the fcttle boys and their natural
prey, and natural amusement. The dangef « it, too, when boys grow
up to be men as we have seen.
A CONVIVIAL SKETCH.
" Ho has arrived, and has brought along both Moore and Byrtjn. Won't
we have a night of it ? " It was Campbell, the bookseller, who iiad just
come along with his enormous wallet of wares on his back.
And so night came, and the parlor of the haunted house browght us
together just as the twopenny caudles chased out tke last gray glimmer-
ing of the twilight.
There was big George, the brother of the landlord, and Httle Daniel
the second, as wo used to call him at once doctor and druggist, whose
emporium of (what's this you call the Goddess of Health) lay next door.
Then there was Lynch, the chapel shoolmaster, whose smooth and ready
eloquence always brought him into the scrape of being elected chairman.
Doctor M., — no, the doctor was only a boy keeping store for his falser
at this time — the abilities and the follies that distinguished his afterlife
were just budding out. J.B., afterward the J'amou* author otf "Shaa$y
Maguire," a mere boy, had just returned from Lefwrkenny school, and
was preparing for M^ynooth. On this night he made the first essay of
those brilliant talent* that shone forth in ""Sfeandy Maguire." A work
worthy of Scott or Burns. A boofc that gjvflS'yft once immortality to his
own name, and to the beautiful libds to«D that has the honor of his birth.
Big George was a young man *l some fifty summers— always welcome
wherever he showed" his undesigning and good-natured face. " He was a
merchant, a farmer, and a smuggler. And sometimes, when the friends
around him were very select, he would throw off the picture of a broad
blue sea, with the moonbeams jumping along the waves from one crest
to another. The splash of oars — the long narrow white coast-guard boat,
shooting toward them— the trumpet voice, ''Heave to," and then a flaw
of wind. The man at the helm, he alvvavs maintained, couldn't help it.
But, so it was, a sudden tack of the "Nancy of Flushing," fairly ran
down nine bubbling men, and their gray, lead-color boat along with
them. "Ah, well!" he would interject, "if I had known that my old
school-fellow, Pat Kogers, was aboard of her, that flaw of wind never
"would have struck our sails."
It will be seen by this that George could converse and tell a story as
"Well as another man. A fact he well knew, and presuming on it he got up
"'o make a jpeech in honor of twelve empty tumblers that had been just
100 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY;
drained to the perpetuation of his " health, body and soul, here and'
hereafter."
But leaving the conversational, which he knew, he plunged into the ora-
torical, which he did not know. He was not made aware of his rashness
till he had got as far as " Gentlemen, gentlemen, gentlemen ! " three
times. He was fast— firmly stuck in the oratorical bog as ever any of us
had been in the natural one.
But he didn't stick long. Turning around to the Chairman, he ex-
claimed : " D n it, Lynch ! why don't yon help me ? " To which em-
phatic appeal the Chairman responded iri tins wise:
" Gentlemen, our friend is so overpowered with his feelings that he can
find no utterance for them. It is, gentlemen, because we do not feel as
strongly as he does upon this memorable occasion (great cheers) that
we are enabled to retain that coolness and self-possession which our
friend has lost. To my mind, gentlemen, it adds, and should add, and will
forever add, to the deserved popularity with which our friend is regarded
by all classes of men and especially by the ladies." As George's tame
in that direction was unrivalled, one loud shout of merriment interrupt-
ed the speaker. " Well, gentlemen," after the explosion had died away,
" I find you will not permit me to do justice to this great subject. There-
fore I will close by proposing one other bumper, and nil it high to Mr.
O'Flaherty's maiden speech ! "
The applause and the glass jingle died way, as all things earthly must
die away, but George came to life again— and this time he didn't get on
his legs. "I'm glad," said he, " to see you all so amused, and should be
glad if you would show us what you can do yourselves in the plow
traces. I move that every gentleman round this round table shall fol-
low my example and show what literary stuff he's made of." This was
agreed to. Every man did show his stuff, and poor stuff it was in all
conscience. I remember only two brief snatches. One of them my own,
and the other by the iar-famed author of "Shandy Maguire." His (re-
markable coincidence with his early death) was a paraphrase on the
" Wandering Boy," ending with these two lines :
"My limbs all relaxed, In the cold grave shall lie
The remains of a poor little wandering boy."
Mine had nothing of dying in it. Heaven grant that it, too, may b*
prophetic. Here it is :
We want to shake vonr parting hand,
John Ball,
And to give to you a starting hand,
John Bull.
But when you j?o to KO,
If we find that you are slow.
We'll give you a touch o' th' toe.
John Bull.
We have tried what sort of stuff you are.
And we find its very tough you are,
John Bull.
3e you tender, be you tough,
Be you smooth, or be you rouph,
We have nursed you long enough,
Johc Boll.
'Twas the devil brought you over here,
John Bull,
And you happened into clover here.
John Bill
I suppose you'll jump and rear.
When we slart y< u Irom your lair.
But hugaeth arvdhgrirl* ^^ ^^
"•Itevrare'of the sharp, thing.
OH, TilK WiJIKIT OF CHIVALRY IN MCYDliRN;
TfcETOTAL.
About 1830, Eev. Dr. Edgar of Belfast originated the first Total Absti-
nence movement perhaps on record. Jonn Hamilton, of whom see
" Thrushbank." and who yet survives, one of the best of his class, car-
ried the thought into Donegal. Aided by Prof. Niblaek, a Presbyterian
ctorgy man— also one of the best of his class—he convened a meeting in
the session house. Many of the young mon joined the movement, my-
self among the rest. But old Mr. Early, the parish priest— ho was very
0}d — was persuaded that the whole thing was a lishing for proselytes.
This was a mistake, but it was fatal to the movement. He denounced it
from the altar, and all of his creed at once withdrew. I owed no allegi-
ance to either church or king, and so strictly did I hold on to it, that Jor
just twelve months, though living half my time in public houses, I <iid
not encourage them by even the purchase of a glass of lemonade. Our
object was to teach by example and influence. It did not make an inch
of headway, and so I left it at the end of the year.
"TOMMY DOWNSHIRB."
It Is a smooth frost, and I alight at a blacksmith's forge near Killyleagh
(county Armagh) to get " frost nails " in my horse's shoes. I speak* of
landlords— never miss an opportunity. "Landlords," said he of the
sledge hammer, " if one of them attempted to put another shilling on the
land in this part of the world we'd pay him the difference with a few
inches of cold steel. The scoundrels ! ' He came out on the road, pointed
with a sweep all round the landscape. " Do you see that ? Every acre
that is there is under the shield of Tommy Downshire." It is late the
same night, and I am proceeding from Armagh to Tanderagee. A body
of marching men turn a curve just in my Trout. They fill the whole
road, but civilly make way for me to pass. Coming to the hotel I relate
the circumstance, and the landlord remarks, " Tommy Downshire is out
to night." The way Tommy administered the law in those times will be
found a few pages onward in Chapter 8 of " Our Natural Eights."
Next day happened what is noted in the following memorandum : Billy
Bluff was a very unique, grotesque, and telling sattire, published in " The
North Star," Belfast, 1796 " The Nortn Star " was suppressed by the gov-
ernment. But some judicious hand preserved "Billy Biuff and the Squire,"
in the form of a small book. Ttiis, too, was hunted out of all the book-
stores, and out of all the stalls. A copy of it somehow got into our
family, whilst I was yet little more than a child, and many a winter
-""*- around and reading its
las I grew up to manhood
satire it contained— but I
never expected to see it more. Luckily my business led me frequently
to the neigoborhood of Belfast. My inquiries among the book reposita-
ries were continuous, but always baffled— always in vain. One market-
day, in Tanderagee, I made the usual inquiry. "No," said the chap-
man, '* there is not a copy can bo procured anywhere." This led to a
conversation in which I found that the chapman was a republican and
sinner like myself. "Well," said I, at parting, "try all your skill, and
if you succeed in procuring me a copy, I'll pay for it whatever price you
ask." " Stop," said he, and putting his hand under the large canvas on
which his wares were deposited, he brought forth the object of my long
and diligent search. This was forty years ago. Nothing that then be-
longed to me remains with me now, save this brown time-worn copy of
Billy Bluff. I shall always regard it as one of the most fortunate cir-
cumstances of my life that I have been able to preserve it through the
changes and vicissitudes of so many years. Some may regard it only
as a rare literary curiosity. I regard it as a great deal more. It brinars
us back to the times immediately preceding the contest of Ninety-eight
It is, indeed, a graphic picture of those times. The heart that dictated
and the hand that drew the picture has long since mouldered in tka
102f * TH3-mD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. J
dust— the picture itself, outlawed by the government, was fast passing
away. I consider it one of the important circumstances of my lite that!
had the fortune to preserve it. '
EEOEUITING.
There was no need of Conscription in Great Biff Britain. " A dear loaf
is the best recruiting: sergeant, was the motto. And they kept the loaf
dear, kept it up to nearly double price, till Cobden, and Bright, and Ebe-
nezer Elliott got at them. Once, in the scare of the French Bevolution, a
draft was ordered in Ireland. It acted as a per capita tax, and the local
magistrates made money by exemptions sold at a guinea a head. But
the chronic famine created by the land rents clears the way for the crimp
sergeant, and he does the business a great deal better. He is an actor,
an orator, and a statesman, as well as a military commander. He has a
corporal, two privates, and a drum and fife in his command. A circular
cockade on his hat, many bright colors, with streaming ribbons, floating
from it yard-long in the breeze. It is market day, and he sallies from
the rendezvous— a third-rate public house. " Patrick's Day " is a good
tune as it rushes out from the fife and up from the drum. The " Sprig of
Shilelah " is better, but " Garryowen " is best of all. After circling round
and stirring up the crowd, the drawn sword gracefully poised in front of
his shoulder, the sergeant signals " silence," and every one crowds to
hear his harangue. " The French have been driven from Flanders by
Lord Wellington the other day." This is the first of August, and her«'&
a verse of the song that is already made about it :
"On the twenty-second ot July the French they marched away,.
Eight over the river clearly— remarkable was that day;
His lordship followed alter them, being fighting all the way,
He laid them down on every side, in thousands tliey do say.
And with Wellington we'll co, we'll go, with Wellington we'll f<K
We'll cross the main, right into Spain, to face our daring toe.
And we'll never be faint hearted, but boldly plow the main;
We'll trade again in Ireland— we'll wrack the French in Spain.
And with Wellington we'll go, etc."
So much to hook in the recruits. There stand a couple of loose-looking-
young fellows. Each has a " ticking " trowsers and jacket on him. Last
year's shoes, too, though they are little down in the heel. A " bent " bat
sewed out from the neighboring rabbit warren, and a "touch and go"
shirt with a pin in the neck of it. Each had thirty shillings for the last
half year, which, out into arithmetic, makes five shillings a month, or
two pence sterling a day. It is possible that something better may have-
come to the employer's family, but potatoes and buttermilk is what falls
to them. The day laborer has Sunday, but " the servant's a servant every
day— Sunday and all." Their hours of work "come and go like a
market stocking," but generally 18 hours a day. The two boys confer
a little — shake hands with the sergeant. In to the rendezvous, and out
with a " three-go " of whiskey inside and a stream of ribbons outside of
their heads. A month after they are cooped in a transport, cleaving the
blue to the sun sodden climate of India, whence one out of ten of them
never return.
But there is opposition to the recruiting songs and the recruiting ser-
geant. There was a rebel muse and a song in this way:
" I had a cousin called Arthur McBride,
We both went a walking down by the sea side;
Looking for pastime whate'er might betide.
The morning being pleasant and charming.
M As down by the water we went on our tramp,
We met Sergeant Napper and Corporal Crampft
<OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. \OS
Likewise the wee drummer that beats up the canap,
It being on a fine Christmas morning.
" He says, * my gay fellows, if you will enlist.
Five guineas of goold I'll drop into your flst;
And a crown to the bargain to Kick up a dust,
And drink the king's health in the morning.'
** ' Good fellow,' says Arthur, 'just Keep your advance.
If we were to take it we'd have to run chance;
You'd only be wanting to send us to France,
Where we would get shot in the morning.'
" * No, no,' says the sergeant, 'we have a fine life,
Every town we inarch into we get a new wife;
And our debts are all paid without struggle or strife.
With the tap of the drum in the morning.
" ' Our coat and our coutrements all neat and clean,
When we take a walk out we are fit to be seen;
While other young fellows go shabby and mean.
And eippiug burgoo in the morning.'
••• ' Well, sergeant, now, what makes you brag o' your clothe.t,
You have but the loan of them, everyone knows;
You dare not exchange them— no, not for your nose.
For lear of your back in the morning.
• '** ' An' tell us, agrnh ! what becomes of your pay,
That dirtythirteen, don't they take it away;
For your breakfast and dinner — two meals in the day,
An' wait for your supper 'till morning.'
•' ' Be hanaed,' says the sergeant, ' it 1 take such chat,
From an conceity and upsetting brat;
So now, my good fellows, no more about that.
Or I'll cut off your heads in the morning.'.
" But Arthur's shilelah came over his crown.
With a kind of whisper that bade him * lie down; *
We made them touch timber while twisting around,
To grope for their swords in the morning.
" The wee little drummer that beat the row dow,
We made a foot ball of his tow-a-row-row;
Kicked it into the water to rock and to row.
And frighten the flsh in the morning.
" As tor the bit ' kij))>ins ' that hung by their side,
As far as we could we threw them in the tide;
' And the devil go with you,' says Arthur Me Bride,
To buy you a check in the morning."
Deserting bothered the service a little. And they attacked it in songg
like the following, set to very lugubrious music :
" My father reared me tenderly, I was his only son,
H« always knew I was inclined to follow the flte and drum,
I courted a maid both tall and straight until she won my heart.
She first advised me to enlist, and after to desert."
Then the song scrapes him through thickets of misfortune till it leaves
him in a strain like this :
THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CTCNTURY t
" Once r thought I never would be in this rejected state,
A poor forlorn effigy, bound up to hardships great;
It a bird but flutters on a tree, the terror strikes my heart,
Each star J see alarms me, O ! why did T desert,
•' My brother is a seaman bold. He knows that I am here,
Aloud, aloud to him I cry, to bring the small boat near;
Unt. the title forces her away, he cannot bring her to,
And here in sorrow I remain, and know not what to do.
" But to conclude and make an end of my deserting eons,
I hope to shine in armor bright, and that before its long;
My sergeant and my officers have clothes for me in store,
If they would combine and pardon me, I would desert no more."
So much for that make up. Indeed there has been far less said or
sung about this same recruiting: than it deserves. One other light
flashed in upon it is all I remember. A victim thus talks about it:
" 'Twas on a certain Tuesday, to Armagh I did go,
Meeting with some small offence, * that filled my heart, with woe;
J met wilh Sergeant Arcuson in Market street jr-hi^ down.
• How would you like young man 'he says, 'to he a light dragoon.'
" ' A soger's life, kind sir,' T said, ' with me would not agree,
For I am light and airy, and at my liberty;
I'll live as h«»ppy as a prince, my mind does tell me so,
Bo fare-ye-well, I'm going home my shuttle for to throw.'
•' ' O ! are you in hurry? ' he this to me did say,
• Are you in a hurry, or are you goiug away ?
Or is your dwelling nigh this place, as I would wish to know;
Likewise your name young man,' he says, ' and tbat before you go.'
•' I answered him, immediately, ' my dwelling's not *ar off,
My place of habitation's within six miles of Armagh;
Churles Higgins is my uamo, iroin Oaledon town I came,
And I think I never done the crime, I should deny my name.'
•• He says, ' my cousin Chales, I think you might do worse,
Than to go see yonr country boys, and list in the light hors«.»
And by his great persuasions, with him I did agree,
To go and see my country boys, ^nd quit my liberty.
" First we marched to Tullamore, where there 1 called to min*,
Thinking of sweet Caledon town, and all 1 left behind}
Farewell friends, and father, and mother also,
Since I have quit my liberty, I am obliged to «o."
Goldsmith supposes a case, and says :
11 Tbe only art her griefs to cover.
To hide her shame from every eye ;
To bring repentence to her lover,
And wring his bosom, is to die."
On the very same principle the young: man does not " die," "to wring
the bosom " of his mistress. But he enlists, which gives a " wring" near-
ly as painful. So Charlie's mistress felt— so she wrote to him— so Charlie
deserted. Back to Caledon, back through her back garden, to a mutual
flood of love and sorrow at the cottage gate. A reward is placed on
Charlie's head. It is placarded all round. " Your'e the man," says a
* Thore la quite a romance attached to this sou. That "small offence
wit* hit wwtb9.rt. And such "small o«mc«i"dW much fo7 the ^r^t
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IK MODERN DAY!. 106
big Peeler, meeting Charlie at the grey dawn one morning. '• Come with
me." But under the load of his griefs Charlie is as strong as two of him,
and hurls him to the kennell. The Peeler holds on, crying for " help,
help!" and vengeance against some early laborers who will not help
him. Charlie escapes, and stag hunts are out after him over the coun-
try next day, and for several days. In vain. The people are on his side.
Counsel, protection, money are furnished him, and the next thing we
hear is a meeting between him and his affianced on board the brig " Dis-
patch " from Derry quay, to the New World, taking another item from
old Morld strength, and adding it to the new. What a villainous system !
What a bad, stupid aristocracy !
MY OOMEADB.
He was a peacemaker, a "bet"-er on the bow oar— a cicerone up the
mountain. He was my buon comarado when I ventured down there. But
one thing puzzled me. He loved solitude, and it was such a solitary
suburban walk— that shore pathway. Its only drawback, a tasteful two-
story hermitage, embosomed in trees and flowers, fortified by an unget-
overable white wall, and a gate through which you may look, but must
not enter. That was all. I didn't like it. There was an esplanade in
front of the hotel that attracted myself, and I began to suspect that
there must be some kindred attraction lurking in that green hermitage,
and I began to hum—
" Solitude where are the charms.
That sages have seen in thy face."
But it wouldn't be quite so bad—
" With one to whisper • solitude is sweet,' "
pointing significantly to the green hermitage. " Have yon seen her ? "
he said. " No, but I have heard." " Are you curious ? " " Not much — a
your
them there— in that hermitage— and if you get in its doubtful whether
you'll ever get out again." "I'm not afraid." "Try." "But hold. If
you succeed, you might suddenly recollect that a paper like this is an
inconvenience in your side pocket ?" "Certainly. Is that all?" "Yes,
that is all." And so I am at the festooned gate, with a tinkle at the ring-,
and the paper in my pocket. Half back swings a Venetian, and half ap-
pears— such a face ! Up goes my cap, and down goes a rather quizzical,
beseeching kind of a bow. Archly returned, as if to say : " I know, and
I will," and a tripping foot is heard on .the stair-carpet, the gate opens,
and I am standing in paradise, with Eve in her girlhood and a summer
dress right before me. •' I know about it," she interjects ; " come in, you
shall see." Such a little alcove, tapestry, flowers, pictures— a wilderness,
but all on the tiniest scale. I suddenly recollect. " This happened into
my"- -"Yes I know— it is the most harmless, amusing thing; do you
ever write poetry?" "Never." "But let us see." She opens, reads,
"Embalm." O! that is good— " Moonlight, and roses, and wreaths of
snow." "Do you think he stole those things?" "But look! 'power,
bower, hour, flower, lower, shower, and turn ower.' Just you read."
" Thank you." •« It is mine— it is addressed to me. It is his heart he's
talking about."
" Emhalra it in the music of thy sighs,
And sun it in the starlight of thine eyes;
O'ershaclow it with that oright wavy hair.
Repose it on thy brow, as moonlight lair;
Caress it on thy cheek's transcendent glow,
A moss rose bursting through a wreath of snow;
And when you have it fairly in your power.
Admit it for the moment to your bower:
Sport with its leelings through the vacant hour,
Breathe vernal airs around its budding flower;
Nor let one cloud above it seem to hover,
Tiien down upon it, like a thunder shower.
, Turn ow«rl"
14
106 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY ;
" Well, do you know that is not so very bad, but isn't it Scotch ? " **Nu
indeed ! There isn't a word here but Irish." Listen
" My heart went a jumping tip to her large eyes,
For like stars they attract in proportion to size;
And all of its danger was qui'.o unaware,
Till it found itself spider-web'd up in her hair;
Yes, her hair ! And, in troth, its a troublesome place toe
As e'er summer fly of a heart run a race to;
For once it is caught, it may flutter and bizz too,
And write what it feels in the lines of its phiz too;
But however it flutters, its little she cares,
The owner of those pretty curl'd silken hairs;
So let me get from them as fast as [ can.
Or faith I'll be coming away a dead man;
And what are those strange little things that appears,
Justin under her hair ?— 'Pon my conscience they're ears:
Such curves, heights, and hollows ! Well, is it a wonder
Such wonderful tbinjrs make a fellow knock under?
There's a HOCK, too, so lovely, so smooth, and so white,
And just the right roundness to make it all right;
That neck! Why there is something so charming about it.
Her all other charms would look nothing without H ;
Then her shoulders so round. (No, they arn't 'round shoulders,*)
That they strike with surprise the admiring beholders;
And a waist! When set free from the toil? ol the toilet,
Its symmetry rot even marrittge would spoil it;
Skip we clown to the feet, and the ankles above them,
Such feet! and such an&les, o:ie couldn't but low them;
Then how graceful the gait: How enchanting the motion.
Never talk of the undulous swell of the occ;iu ;
Never talk of the musical moun of the tree*.
When they bend to the kiss of the vagabond breeze ;
But ' you will talk! ' Well, faith you'd have reason for talking.
If you saw this fair dame in the hurnor ot walking;
But talking of walking, reminds me to say,
It is safest and best to be walking away.1'
I got through. And it was no easy task to keep a grave face on It, aad
w, ;'-h the lights and shadows, the frowns arid the laughter, chasing
e?.eh other over that child-like, queen-like face. But I did get over it
quiotly, and she did not. One of the merriest and most musical peals
founded oft the emotion. And rising she put that little fairy hand on my
HiK-i'.lder. " Do you think he is rnad V " •* Well, yes ! I do— think— he is
imi'l in love with somebody." "You are going now. Tell him he must
do ponanee for this at moonrise this very night. I'll teach him ! " Didn't
I fall down from Heaven when I came back to that youth. It is moon-
rise, and passing by, just by accident, I see through the branches that
she is hanging her whole weight on his arm, and otherwise subjecting
him to " capital punishment." Perhaps there is not one critical eye that
may glance over this sketch more aware of its objectionable presence
than I am myself. But I give it because it is FOUNDED ON FACT.
A SKIRMISH.
The human mind as well as the human body demands action. Men
living in remote mountains, and wholly illiterate, have not much exer-
ciftf; for the mind, and they are put to shifts to keep it from stagnation.
Ono of the shifts, and a principal one, is to provoke quarrelling adven-
tures. A stirring adventured this kind will furnish them with conver-
sa' ion for months or years to come. To make this laudabie provision, a
OB, THE SrilUT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DATa \0l
party of the adventurers attended the annual Regatta at Killybcgs. I
am now keeping: store there, and some friends come to visit me and see
the Regatta. Intending to return immediately, their jaunting- cars are
at the door, but
" Social mirth and glee sit down
All joyous and unthinking,"
as poor Bob has it And though not at all " transmogrified,"
" We were all very merry after coming o'er the ferry,
For all our men were drinking •»
a little, and singing too, it must be confessed. Along came the adven-
turers from the mountain. " Here's something to talk about, we'll take
a ride on those jaunting cars." So the first thing we hear is an unlocked
tor rattle of the cars, and out we rush to the rescue. The enemy is driv-
en off, and the cars re-captured. But they have no thought of carrying
home a defeat to talk about. They know whore to find reinforcements.
They find them, and return to retrieve what Ossian would call "their
fame." They arc young men, but a man of a thought born of forty sum-
mers leads them. It did not suit my purpose at all to make enemies of
the clans around where I lived, so I tried to persuade this man to " let us
have peace." I did not make much progress, for he understood little
English, and I understpod less Irish. We are negotiating in this way,
when crack! crack! his party has attacked my friends some twenty
yards distant. He had a heavy oak cudgel, and raising it fiercely with a
r' honimon dhoul! " made a rush to help his associates. With the sudden-
ness that was iny habit, I dashed upon the cudgel, and swung it out of his
hand — just in time, for turning to the help of my friends. A bareloot fel-
low (it was early morning, and he had been started out of bed) was rush-
ing forward with two or three formidable stones on his arm, and one In
his hand, which he was just letting fly. It was at the head of our biggest
champion, who then was engaged with two or three assailants. I
made a loud shout as well as a rush at the missile-man, which so discon-
certed him that he threw three stones all wide of the mark before I got
near him. Then turning he fled with great rapidity in his barefeet. I
never excelled in running, .but this time I overtook him as he turned to go
up a lane. He fell under a blow of the captured cudgel, and I rushed back
to the help of my friends. They were already victors, for six strong,
resolute men are an overmatch for three times their number, if less
strong, and less resolute. But the trouble wasn't over. Their friends in
th« neigiiborhood were numerous, and we were comparative stangers.
The street soon became crowded, and the jaunting cars, with my visitors,
were at a stand still.. In my store were scythes for sale— each a two
handed sword. My wife's brother and myself rushed to the store, but
before we had the scythes in hand, his sister had the store door locked,
and the key secreted. We had no alternative but dash up stairs and,
uscasing a window, make good our descent to the street. Fortunately the
crowd gave way before the scythes, and let the jaunting cars with our
friends pass on. When roused in this way men are men no longer, they are
wild beasts. We escorted pur visitors to a safe distance, and the
scythes brought us home again, safe and sound. But not for aye. Some
weeks after, six of those men waylaid me in the (*Nick of the Balloch," a
.mountain pass, on my way to the yarn market of Ardera — wounded me
dangerously, and only for one generous young fellow in the gang who
took n e under his protection, probably would have killed me outright.
In tl ose encounters I found that the heaviest blow of a cudgel does not
pr duo ) pain — but, strange as it may be thought, a shock of warmth —
why snould I not add a. distinct pleasurable sensation— for that is just
the ic'.'iing.
AS a literary scrap I don't like this sketch. I had no pleasure In writ-
Ing it. The reader will have less in lookipg over it. But it shows .that
the spirit and the deeds enshrined by Ossian stiH lives on. A natural
result of isolation and ignorance.
"OUR NATURAL RIGHTS."
WHEN AND WHY IT WAS WRITTEN.
FOB two or three years previous to 1836 my mind was deeply
absorbed by the question of Man's true relation to the soil All
political discussions that I came within the range of, and even
all ordinary topics of conversation, were directed, if possible, into
the foundation question of the ownership of the soil. This gov-
ernment succeeded that — Whig succeeded Tory, and Tory "Whig.
Still no relief, no change, save that rags grew raggeder and dis-
tress more intense. I had, however, advanced far beyond the
standard that would refer the evil to the advent of a Eussell,
and the exit of a Peel. I had ceased to wander so far abroad in
search of the causes of the squalid misery I saw around me, and
of which I was the victim myself. I saw that the earth, if vig-
orously tilled, would yield plenty of the comforts of life. I saw
that jthere was abundance of willing nerve and sinew. The ques-
tion was too plain and single— willing labor, and a fertile soil,
would produce plenty to eat, drink, wear. That this plenty did
not exist was sufficient proof that there was something wrong
in the relation between that labor and that soil This train of
thought once awakened, it was no easy matter to lull it to sleep
again. Was a criminal executed, was a young girl seduced,
did a merchant fail in business, were ten thousand men left on
the battle-field, others might refer the causes to what they
pleased, I regarded them as the effects sprung, either directly
or remotely, from the absolute monopoly of the soil.
My business required that I should travel pretty extensively.
My intercourse with the farming and laboring population was .
unbounded. I began to treasure up facts : What caused this
man's hut to be wretched, and his farm to be neglected. Fami-
lies driven out homeless on the highway, what brought the ruin
upon them ? In brief, when I saw any evil standing out from
among the common order of things, I traced that evil to mono-
poly of the soil by a few, and exclusion from it o£ the many.
OUli NATURAL BIGHTS.
And so I wrote and published " Our Natural Rights "—my first
and I think my best work.
Catholic Emancipation was now law. Its fruits, a score or
two of Catholic lords and lawyers, thrown into Parliament One
hundred thousand forty-shilling freeholders thrown out of their
homes — Thrown out ! — all to suffer, mariy to die.
For must not the landlord manufacture the new class of ten
pound voters? Must he not keep up his power in what is face-
tiously called the "House of Commons ? " What if the highways
become darkened with these wretched men and their forlorn
families? What if they die, as they did die by thousands?
Cannot the landlord do what he likes with " his own?"
But this brought people's thoughts back to the subject of
Landlords and land. My own thoughts were still more forcibly
arrested to the subject by the following circumstance :
Adjoining my native town (Donegal) .lay certain fields — " lord"-
ed by the Earl of Arran, and "tenant-"ed by "Minister Craw-
ford," a curate of the Established Church. The earl and the
minister got to legal loggerheads about those fields. Pending
two or three years' litigation, the fields became a practical com-
mon, and the grass grew as heartily as if there was neither a
lord nor a minister on the face of the earth.
There were plenty of lean, hungry cows in the neighborhood.
Those got in upon the grass— they grew fat and sleek, and it was
wonderful how much milk they gave. The Jubilee of the Israel-
ites (see Leviticus) had come back at last, and every man " re-
turned unto his possession."
Well, if the twenty or thirty acres thus made free diffused
around so much benefit, what would twenty thousand acres ac-
complish ? I began to work the problem, and I found out that
every hungry man would have far more than he would be able
I- > eat, and every hungry horse and cow would have more than
they could " roll in."
And then I began to collect facts and arrange them together.
The result was a pamphlet. The " contents of which — the follow-
Ls a copy :
OUR NATURAL RIGHTS.
"OUR NATUEAL BIGHTS."
INTKODUCTION.
CHA3*. 1. British Constitution. The People Utterly Powerleaa Under It.
" Whose freedom is by sufferance, and at will
Of a superior, he is never free."— COWPEB.
CHAP. 2. Great Practical Evils of the British System— Mainly Founded
on Monopoly of the Boil— American Revolution— French Revolution-
British National Debt, a forgery on the People. Motto :
" Truths that you will not read in the gazettes,
But which 'tis time to teach the hireling tribe
That fatten on their country's gore and debts."— BYRON.
CHAP. 8. The Way the British Taxes go. Rapacity and Meanness of the
Aristoorao jc Motto :
" 'Tis avarice all ; ambition is no more.
See all our nobles begging to be slaves.
See all our fools aspiring to be knaves."— POPE.
CHAP. 4. Glance at the Political History of Britain from the American
Revolution Downward. Irish Volunteers. United Irishmen. Catholic As-
sociation. West India Slave Question ; True Merits of all These. Motto :
" Who can tread the memorable fields,
Where freedom's battle has been lost and won,
Nor feel thy mighty spirit. Independence.
Great in his bosom."— HETHERINGTON.
CHAP. 5. Absolute Ownership of the Land the Foundation on which Rests
the whole Superstructure of British Society. Reform Impossible so long
as that Ownership Exists. Motto :
" It's hardly in a body's power
To keep, at times, from being sour,
To see now things are shared."— BURNS.
CHAP. 6. Showing the mighty evils produced by Land Monopoly in
Ireland. Reflections thereon. Motto :
" Such dupes are men to custom, and so prone
To reverence what is ancient, and can plead
A course of long observance for its use,
That even servitude, the worst of ills.
Because transmitted down from sire to son.
Is kept and guarded as a sacred thing."— COWPEB,
CHAP. 7. The Nature of Land Ownership Discussed on Philosophical.
Historical, and Scriptural Grounds. Its Absurdity and Impiety. Motto:
" Nature affords at least a glimmering light,
The lines, though touched but faintly, are irawn right."— POPE.
CHAP. 8. Spontaneous Risings of the Irish People Against the Oppres-
sions of tae Landlords. Interesting Facts, Proposed Reform and its Con-
sequences. Motto:
" As to a man's farming his own property it is a heavenly lifo: but devil
take the lifo of reaping the fruit that another must eat."— BURNS' T*:TTEB
TO MRS. DUNLOP.
CHAP. 9. Intention of God and Nature in making man Hungry, and Bid-
ding tho Earth Produce. Solicitude of Nature to provide us with all our
natural reijuiromonts. Tho "Divine Right" of Landlords a Ridiculous
Hoax. Tfieir whole liven one Social, Moral, and Religious Crime, Motto:
" Our noe.lful knowledge like our needful food,
UnhG'ltfnil lios OPMII In the common field.
Yon scorn what lios l>ofore you in the page
Of Naturoand Experience— moral truth.
And Jlvo in s«M"nc«» for distinguished namei.
Sinking in virtu«»ns you rise in lame;
Yonr learning, like the lunar beam, affords
t, but not heai."—
OUR NATURAL RIGHTS.
A WARNING WORD TO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE.
This I got printed in Deny, in large-sized hand bills. And?
in the various towns where I did business I would fasten one up-
near the market-place, and when a crowd came to read I would
stand by with apparent unconcern, and listen to their comments.
One tall, mechanic-looking young man read it aloud in Armagh,
and discouraged and offended me greatly by exclaiming " It is a
d d nervous production." I thougt nervous meant weak,
as " nervous debility." I did not know that the word could mean
at once both strong and weak. Such and so limited was my
knowledge of language at the time.
The Derry printers would not touch the work itself. But I
did not lose faith.
Commenced at a boyish age, and published over forty years
ago, I think it dealt more thoroughly with the land questoin than
anything written by me (and I have written what would fill vol-
umes) on the subject since. Though the work of a very inex-
perienced hand, in a remote unlettered neighborhood, it anti-
cipated or went a little beyond the boldest thoughts that now
stir up the public mind on this great subject. I may safely
present it, therefore, as, at least, A L1TTEEABY CURIOSITY.
OUR NATUBAL EIGHTS.
(TiiT, High Slreet, Belfast. 1836.)
To SKABMAN CRAWFORD, ESQ.. M. P.
SIB: In availing myself e-f the honor you allow me. I regret that (hav-
great principle I have asserted, but to be the first landlord that will set a
practical example of the important change that must soon take place : and
I am confirmed in this opinion by a review of the manly, disinterested,
aye. and unfashionable part you have taken in the cause of our mueh-
wronged peasantry.
That every occupier of laad has an inalienable right in the soil he culti-
vates is the essential principle, the soul and spirit, of this tract. I have
tjndeavored to show that he has been unjustly deprived of that right, and
inat it could revert to him without any' infringement on the right— proper-
ly BO called— of property, or the slightest interruption of social tranquili-
ty. In deeming that you, as a landlord, would countenance such a princi-
ple, I supposed the existence ot a virtue rarely to be met with in these de-
generate times.
Disclaiming every private and individual motive, I dedicate this treatise
to you on public grounds alone. You have fearlessly grappled with abso-
lute ownership— that monster which has long devastated society, and ren-
dered it one scene of desolation and misery ; and I am proud that it is in
my power, even by this slight testimony, to mark my deep sense of your
well directed and uncalcu'atina patriotism.
I have the honor to subscribe myself
i'our most obedient,
And most obliged servant,
THE AUTHOR.
CUB NATURAL RIGHTS.
INTRODUCTION.
The main object of the following work is to show that ownership of
load cannot be absolute and unlimited, like that of other property, and
that on this point, mankind have fallen into a destructive error — an
error which has produced, and, if not rectified, will virtually perpetuate
the worst evils of society. I am aware that this question involves an
•ntire change in our social relations ; and I almost hesitate to bring a
subject of such great importance before the public.
We may reasonably presume that whatever accords with Justice has
been ordained or permitted by God. Thus, if absolute, ownership nf !and
accords with Justice, it bears the impress of the Most High, and b/> has
given His sanction to criminal luxury on the one side, and gnawing fam-
ine on the other. (Absolute ownership of land must ever produce these.)
Dare we think God capable of acting thus ? We dare if we acknowledge
the Right and Justice of " absolute ownership." This thought ought to
put every reflecting man on inquiring into its merits, and a very sligh'
inquiry will demonstrate that it is as unjust in its very nature as it is mon-
strous in its effects ; that no earthly power could confer, nor earthly de-
sert merit, absolute ownership of the land. "The land is mine, (saith the
Lord,) for ye are strangers and sojourners with Me."
The atrocity of the present system is, indeed, sufficiently obvious ; but
the mistaken notion of its sacredness, and the groundless dread of a gen-
eral scramble, have hitherto preserved it in its rampant growth. I have
undertaken to show that the system is neither sacred nor just, and that,
in avoiding the whirlpool of Anarchy, we need not dash ourselves against
the rock of Despotism, whilst the safe and sunny course of Limitation lies
between the ruinous extremes, equally distant from either.
There is not an evil of society but has its root in absolute ownership of
land. Correct this, and you destroy all our social evils. Limited owner-
ship could not deprive the landlord of that moral influence which natur-
ally belongs te a good man, but it would take from him the power of
coercing his tenant's vote. Thus, " the Ballot," which, after all, is but a
skulking expedient, would be rendered unnecessary. Limited ownership,
by giving the occupier a perpetual property in the soil, by securing to him
a large portion of the fruits of his industry, and by keeping him to his
duty, would fertilize our lands, reclaim our wastes, and treole the agri-
cultural products of the island. We then would require no Poor Laws.
Limited ownership, by exacting a duty * of the landlord, would destroy
the bad effects of Absenteeism, the worst— perhaps the only bad— effect
of the " Union." Under Limited ownership, the Tithe Question could be
settled to the benefit of the farmer— now it cannot. Limited ownership
would soon and easily deprive the Peers of their unnatural power. Its
operation would civilize and relice the people, destroy intemperance and
crime, root out misery trom the land, add to our strength and impor-
tance as a nation, by keeping at homo the flower of our population, who
now go to perish in the American wilds. In fine it would effect every
social good and be unattended by one political evil.
Let us rouse 9urselves to the moral strife, and we will find leaders
among the enlightened and the Influential. It is impossible that an
O'Connell, a Hume, or a Crawford could view the momentous struggle
and not join heart and soul with the people; and even if they should de-
sert us, leaders will start from our own broad ranks, and demonstrate
that intellect does not depend on the quality of a dinner, the swing of a
coach, or the jargon of a college.
*The duty of the landlord nhould he well defined, and, like the merchant's, might b« per*
formed either by .himself or by i»»»x.y.
(112)
OUR NATURAL BIGHTS.
CHAPTER I.—FOR THE LEARNED.
Ot God above, or man below,
What can we reason but from what we know T— Por«.
There are data given us, In the search of Truth, a certain knowledge of
some things on which to ground our inquiries in matters the truth of
which is not so evident. If men took this knowledge for their data, and
wrought the problem by the plain rule of reason, society would not be
confused by the irreconcilable opinions which at present diversify and
disgrace the human mind. But, instead of pursuing this certain and,
indeed, obvious path to truth, men generally follow the path which edu-
cation and prejudice point out to them, or take the opinions of per-
sons for whom they entertain respect{ and adopt those opinions for their
own. Though this is, generally speaking, the fashion of the present day,
yet, as I intend that my little work shall have, at least, the merit of sin-
gularity (no easy matter neither, amidst the
" Twice ten hundred thousand daily scribes.
Whose volumes, pamphlets, newspapers illumine as,")
I shall go on the principle of my motto, though I confess It is rather a
stale and exploded one just now
First, then, we know that labor and industry produce plenty and com-
fort: hence, according to my principle, plenty and comfort were destined
as the reward of industry and toil. Secondly, we know that the diyine gift
of intellect has been dispensed by our Great Author to man, in every
grade, promiscuously ; hence we must see that the way of education to
wisdom should be aliue open to all. Thirdly, we know that virtue and tal-
ents are the offspring of immortal part of man, the breath of God, and as
such, infinitely superior to the gross adjuncts of property and wealth, the
mere supports of our corruptible tenement ; hence our motto would lead
us to conclude that esteem and reverence are alone due to talents and vir-
tue, whilst wealth and property may fairly claim for their owners that
respect which is due to a herd of cattle or bale of merchandise. Fourth-
ly, we know that every man is, by nature, subject to the same wants and
necessities ; hence we at once see that the supply of those wants should
be pretty nearly equal, and perceive the enormity of the system which
gives one individual the supply of thousands, and leaves those thousands
in want of the support which nature demands.
These are truths which reasoning from what we " know " points out. I
admit that they are not incontrovertible to such of the learned as can
prove black to be white ; who hold that the proper method of manuring
a field is by arranging straight, well-built dung-hills in regular order—
who admire the rank and useless weeds those noisome mounds produce,
and view with complacency the starved and stunted herbage which eve-
rywhere surround them ; who, if you talk of spreading the manure over
the barren waste, raise an outcry about "spoliation" and "anarchy,"
appeal to your feelings on the beautiful regularity and waving greenness
of their dung-heaps, and, finally, stop your mouth by exclaiming—
" Order is Heaven's first law."
Not caring to enter the arena with this class of logicians, I leave them,
for the present, to the enjoyment of their enlightened and comprehensive
views; and, in return, I must crave their forbearance whilst I honestly
avow that, to me, few are the charms of such dung-hills, and that I
would n >t feel much remorse at spreading abroad at least a portion of
their putrid contents, nor would I be apprehensive of much evil follow-
ing the change. But, as a portion of the learned (to whom this chapter is
especially addressed) may here stop, and cry "Pshaw! we know all
these, things already; and acting on our knowledge, we have achieved
Emancipation, we have battled for Ket'orm, and we are steadily pursuing
great objects, the attainment of which will make the people free and
15 (113)
OUK NATURAL RIGHTS.
happy. To us, therefore, there appears nothing new in your chapter."'
I cry the patience of those personages, and beg- to tell them that part of
the chapter is yet to come, and that they will mid in it something not
only new but the novelty of which will astound them.
A man, though endowed with a friendly, conciliatory disposition, may,
without much mental pain, quarrel with those whom he regards as hy-
pocritical saints or licensed robbers, but to be compelled to disagree, on
many and important subjects, with fchose for whom he feels respect bor-
dering on reverence, must, to such a mind, be painful in the extreme. In
venturing to assume the name of author, I am forced into this dilemma,
though I perceive that it will in some degree militate against my
success.
A considerable portion of the public think that the democratic leaders
of the present day are driving society with lightning speed ctown the
steeps of destruction. The great majority of the community think that
they are aiming at neither more nor less than the equitable rights
of mankind. And few, if any, think them too slow in their motions, or
too moderate in their demands of improvement. This is, if I mistake
not, a correct estimate of the public mind in its present state; and it is
difficult, if not dangerous, to attempt steering my rude and untried skiff
over such adverse waters; but if it go down let it go; many a nobler bark
shared the same fate, though never a nobler cargo !
The singular opinions which I am about to submit to the public, in the
following work, are not altogether the result of abstract reasoning, still
less are they grounded on sentiments hackneyed and worn-out by the
public ; of tnis they bear evidence, pernaps, too clear. They were, ifi fact,
*thj:ust, as it were., upon my mind by a combination of circumstances.
.The tales of oppression and innovation to which my childhood listened
with horror, rooted in my mind an early and intense, though undefined,
Jove of country, and hatred of oppression. Subsequently, witnessing tile-
sufferings and privations of the peasantry of my own district; and, per-
haps, more than all, a full participation in those sufferings, forced me
to look sharply into the nature of the anamolies which I saw and felt iu
our social system, and examine eagerly the plans proposed for their re-
moval. In pursuing this inquiry I necessarily became acquainted with
the great political questions of the day— Keform, .Retrenchment, Aboli-
tion of Tithes, etc. The value which these objects really possess, and
the additional lustre with which they were clot&ed by the talent, patriot-
ism, and genius of the age, for a time convinced me, in common with
.others, that they were all-sufficient to remove the evils of society, I re-
joiced in the great spirits whose superhuman power was paralyzing the
tyrant's hand, and shaking from its unnerved grasp the plunder of ages.
But the bright illusion quickly vamsned before the earnest thought
which the fore-mentioned sufferings and privations compelled me
to give the subject, and in its stead I beheld the fixed, the " cold real-
ity." Namely, that not only all that has yet been achieved in the shape
of freedom, but also all our prospective improvements, are a bubble on
the sea compared to the vast change that must take place before wo caii.
have a social system worthy of rational beings. A change which, ac-
cording to the rate of our progression, cannot take place for centuries to
come, and which does not appear to be even contemplated by our most
sanguine patriots.* Of that change, its necessity and consequences, my
opinions are contained in those pages throughout.
* This was written, tbougli not published, before Mr. Crawford appeared in tbe public-
councils.
(114)
OUR NUTURAL RIGHTS
CHAPTER H.— WHICH THE LEARNED MAY NOT READ.
Whose freedom is by sufferance, and at will
Of a superior, he is never free.— COWPEB.
Having addressed my introductory chapter to the learned and affluent
, icrsons, with whom I have little community of purpose or feeling1, 1 pro-
. cod to dedicate the remainder of the work to my brothers of industry
and toil.
And as I am aware that many of these do not rightly understand
what sort of hotch-potch our social system is, farther than to know it
i>ud by its effects, I shall commence by laying down an outline of its
iorm; and first, of the constitution of our government— King, House of
Lords, and House of Commons.
The kinglv office is hereditary. The principal powers vested in the
Crown u re those :— Choice of the ministry, which conducts the govern-
ment; prerogative of convening, proroguing, and dissolving the House of
Commons ; of creating new members of the House of Peers ; and any
measure, though passed by both Houses of Parliament, cannot become a
law without having received the Royal assent.
The House of Lords is principally composed of the hereditary nobil-
ity, the King seldom exercising the power of creating new Peers. It is
the prerogative of this House to alter any measure which may have been
passed by the House of Commons, (but so altered, it cannot becoome
a law, without afterwards receiving the sanction of the Commons,) or to
linally reject it, by which it is quashed for the Session then being, it' not
brought forward in an altered shape. This House makes our Constitu-
tion a negative oligarchy; but as it opposes itself to every kind of
national improvement, it.- is likely to be new modeled, or entirely borne
down, by the reforming spirit of the age.
The House of Commons is electiye by registered voters. Of these
nine-tenths are to be found in the middle and what is termed the lower
classes of society; hence, we find, as its very name implies, that this
House ought to belong to the common people.
But the aristocracy have long usurped all power and authority there.
This they formerly effected chiefly through means of the " Rotten Bor-
oughs." And now that an Indignant people have prostrated those
strongholds of the robber, they quietly effect the same purpose by the
absolute ownership of the land. This gives to the landlord the power of
driving to poverty and destitution any tenant who might dare to vote
contrary to his directions. Effectually is this ruffian power exerted, and
it is infinitely worse in its effects than the "Rotten Borough" sys-
tem. That laid no sin to the unfortunate peasant, but this violates his
conscience, takes from him his honesty, and leaves him " poor indeed."
The House of Commons is composed of 105 Irish, 53 Scotch, and 500 Eng-
lish Representatives, in all 658 members. To it belongs the power of
imposing the taxes, and voting the amount to its several uses. In it most
laws are formed, subject, as has been said, to revision or rejection by
the House of Lords.
I have observed that the House of Commons, of right, belongs to the
common people. If any man deny this, it is plain that that man would
allow the people no power at all in the State. The King, the principal
gentleman in the realm, will, naturally, be favorable to his brothers of
the aristocracy; and his power is very considerable. The House of
Lords will, of course, have a tender feeling for themselves, and their
power is absolute, inasmuch as no law can be enacted without their
sanction. And if the people have no preponderance in the House of Com-
mons, then they have no power at all in the State, but are completely at
the mercy of the gentlefolks, and must obey whatever laws these same
gentlefolks choose to enact. Whether the people have, or have not, that
tins to bo examined.
(115)
OUR N AIT UAL lilUHTS.
A very brief examination will load us to the truth of this matter. The
House of Commons is divided into three parties—Tories, Whigs, and
Radicals. The Tories are for continuing1 tithes, taxes, and every species
of peculation that tends to aggrandize the rich and beggar the poor.
This class holds the opinion (exemplified in the speech of Sir Kobert Peel,
on the vote by Ballot, June, 1835,) that one man, possessing fifty thousand
nnds, is equal to ./we hundred men, who may be possessed of only one
dred pounds each. Money, the vile creation of man, according to the
Tories, possesses all discrimination, and ought to possess supreme pow-
er in guiding the affairs of the State. And man, the noblest work of the
Almighty, ought, according to the same authority, to possess no power
at all. By the way, Sir Kobert Peel is one of the most moderate, as he is
unquestionably the most talented, of the Tories.
The Whigs profess to be the friends and servants of the people, and
certainly, they are better rulers* than the Tories ; but still they are aris-
<?rats, and as such their feelings and interests are at variance with the
rights of the people. We see a remarkable instance of this in their op-
* position, as a government, to the " Vote by Ballot," which, by screening
the people from the tyranny of their landlords, would give them the free
exercise of the elective franchise. Indeed, if we take a general and dis-
passionate view of the conduct of the Whigs, we cannot but perceive that
there is not so much difference between them and the Tories as is gener-
ally supposed to be. The Tories bestowed useless places and unmerited
pensions on their friends at the cost of the public. The Whigs refuse to
do the people justice by aboloshing those places and pensions. Instead
of collecting forty-eight millions sterling annually off the people, as
would the Tories, the Whigs by great economy, might contrive to do
with forty-seven and a half millions. The Tories would have withheld
Catholic Emancipation. The Whigs strained every nerve to achieve that
measure; but mark, they were not losing by the change. They wore
on the contrary, strengthening their party in the State. The Tories
would allow the people no power at all in the House of Commons ; the
Whigs would allow them a small modicum of power, important only
when assisting themselves to beat their old foes, the Tories, but totally
incapable oi effecting any good against the wishes of the master Whigs.
If any man thinks that the \Vhigs are the staunch friends of the people,
that they woul.'i fain be considered, let him scrutinize their conduct, and
then hold his opinion it' he can.
The Radicals, the the third party in the State, are chiefly delegated by
the people ; but so few are they, in comparison to the Whigs or Tories,
that they rarely venture to push any question that is not approved of by
the master Whigs; indeed, their doing so serves no purpose, save to
show their OAvn weakness and the strength of the aristocracy. Perhaps,
the number of out-and-out Radicals that represent the people in the
House of Commons, is not above fifty or sixty, certainly not one hun-
dred; hence it is evident that the people have no effectual check over
their own House, and. consequently, are the slaves of a plundering and
vile oligarchy.
And the Radicals ! What did they do for the people V Why help the
starvation Whigs to establish the Bastile Workhouses.
*I did not know 'the Whigs when thai was written.
<U6)
OUB NATURAL RIGHTS.
CHAPTER III.
Truths that you will not read in the gazettes,
But which, 'tis time to teach the hireling tribe
That fatten on their country's gore and debts.— BTRON.
Having seen that the aristocracy are possessed of all power in mak-
ing; the laws, we come to inquire how that power is used.
First, by it they have confirmed to themselves the absolute owner-
ship of all land, and water too, as far as they can throw their chain
about it; they collect the produce of the entire, leaving to the unfortu-
nate occupier what is scarcely sufficient of coarse food and wretched
raiment to keep him alive to work for the next yearly supply.
And for what purpose is this wealth collected ? For what great end is
the virtuous and industrious cultivator handed over to degradation and
distress V That his landlord may be enabled to prosecute high researches
and ennobling discoveries ? No ! but that he may be enabled to fling hun-
dreds on the harlot's lap, and thousands on the gamester's table. That
i .0 may support a troop of worthless, soulless dependents— a crowd of
vagabond singers and dancers, who pander to his idiot pleasures, and
i'eed on him as vermin on a putrid carcass, that that wealth may filter
through all the ramifications of a city, and "support its every vice and
crime?' These are the vile objects, to attain which he hands the poor
cultivator over to rags and hunger! Whether he has a right to do
so shall be examined hereafter.
As the same precious brood of landlords possess (as has been seen) all
power in the government of the country, it is no way strange that the
same reckless and plundering spirit pervades that department. Though
six millions * annually would (according to Mr. Hume, the best authori-
ty in the empire) support a good and efficient government, yet there are
forty-eight millions annually collected off the people of these realms.
This is raised by a duty on almost every article of use amongst us. Were
it not for the duties, we would have
Tobacco for one halfpenny an ounce, or growing in our fields, affording employment to
thousands of our starving population; tea tor one penny per ounce; sugar, three p'ence a
pcund; spirits and beer for half their present value; window-glass for perhaps a fourth
of vrhatitnow costs; superior Norway timber for tar less price than we now pay for in-
difle rent Canadian; papers and b; oks tor half, and newspapers for far less than half the
money they cost at present; wine could be had for a mere trifle.
The latter article is not, I admit, essential lo the comfort of the commun-
ity at large, but, in the decline of life, a moderate quantity would, ac-
cording to medical authority, both prolong existence and contribute to
bestow health and cheerfulness to the last; and yet the policy of our
lawmakers forbids the poor man ever to taste of it, though bending be-
neath age and infirmity, and tottering on the brink of the grave!
The above is barely sufficient to give an idea of our taxation, and how
it deprives the vast inajority of the community of man 3^ of the comforts
of lire, by so raising their prices as to put them beyond the reach of the
people. As it is a forced and unnatural system, so it is difficult and ex-
pensive in its operation. Bear witness, ye shoals of coast-guards and
revenue cruisers, ye swarms of land officials, from the Commissioner of
Stamps to the still-hunting Policeman. These all, all* must be supported ;
consuming much and producing nothing, in order to keep the enslaving
system in operation— a system which makes property of the industry
and persons of the people. If there existed no other means of support-
ing a government for the regulation of society, man would certainly
have a right to give up a portion of his industry for that purpose. But
there do exist other and legitimate means— the means by which all gov-
ernments were originally supported. An inconsiderable levy off the land
* And this is an estimate for upholding order in our present monstrous and absurd social
system. In a rational state of society, 'one million would be more than sufficient
(117)
OUB NATURAL RIGHTS.
hich God has bestowed upon us would support a vigilant and efficient
government. And as the proprietors, or rather chiefs (for I deny that
they are, or can be, proprietors f) of estates, would be the tax-payers,
the collection would be cheap and simple.
Let us now take a view of the uses to which this yearly forty-eight
millions are applied. In the first place, about twenty-eight millions
sterling go to pay the interest of what is denominated the " National
Debt." This debt, amounting to the astounding sum of eight hundred
millions sterling, was contracted by our government at different periods
during the last 150 years, for the purposes of war. Was there an
enemy landing on our shores to destroy us ? No such thing. The
French people wished to have a particular form of government.
Oar Lords and Gentlemen would not allow them to enjoy that
particular form; so they purchased hundreds of thousands of
fellow-beings, and sent them over to France to butcher and be butch-
ered.:}: Our Lords and Gentlemen likewise hired all the foreign troops
they could procure to help to butcher the French. To do all this they
required money, so they borrowed it of such as had it to lend ; and for
every fifty or sixty ppunds which they borrowed, they, by a Species of for-
gery, gave the promissory note of the people for one hundred pounds,
without the consent or even the knowledge of tho great body of the peo-
ple. Hitherto they have compelled us to make good this forged coin-
pact — whether they have a rignt to do so common sense will decide— but
this I will venture to say, that if we had money for throwing away, we
would not apply a single penny of it to such purposes of unnecessary
war and fiendish slaughter.
Look at the first American war. In a consultation of Lords and Gen-
tlemen, they determined to charge the Americans a certain sum for the
privilege of drinking tea. The Americans thpught themselves at liberty
to drink tea when they pleased, without paying our Lords and Gentle-
men for their permission; whereupon our Lords and Gentlemen wax
very wroth, and send thousands of British soldiers over with a qommfo-
sion to slay the Americans.
And here I must remark, for the edification of my simple readers, that
itis no sin to kill any number of our fellow-beings, provided our Lords
and Gents give you authority to do so !
But the brave Americans grappled with them on the shore, and sus-
tained the death struggle with invincible resolution and vigor, until the
hireling phalanx, exhausted, sank before the virtuous and firm ranks of
independence. This was the first ray of freedom that shot across our
political horizon for ages. The dark tempests of ambition and the me-
teor lights of glory had long involved and bewildered degenerate man,
and led him back almost to barbarism.
At last this beam of the west arose, to guide him on the way to truth
and happiness. And from whom did it emanate? From the learned
divine or the profound philosopher ? No, " but from the nature-taught
peasant of Ireland and the North of Scotland." || In this unnatural
struggle many a father met the death-blow from the hand of his son —
many a brother seared his soul with the crime of Cain. A work of this
kind should not be taken up with any detail of this scene of blood ; but I
\My reasons for this in the proper place.
JThig war lasted, with little intermission, for twenty-two years, cost England seven hun-
dreu and fifty millions sterling, and sacrificed two millions of people, the very flower of
Europe.
| A. D., 1773.— About this time the common people of Ireland and the Nortli of Scotland
were so cruelly harassed by their unfeeling landlords, who raised t!ie rent ot tho land
upon them witliou. considering whether they could pay it, that t;ey emigrated to America
in preat numbers; and of these, it is said, was principally composed ihttt army whic2i first
began the war in that pnrt of the world, conducted it w ib. such : eraeverancc, and did uot
conclude it until they had rendered ihemsc.ves and their new adopted country independ-
ent ot their old masters. Oppressed subjects, when driven to extremity, becon.e the moat
dangerous foes — they are actuated by a spirit ot revenge agains.1 their former tyrants,
which cannot be supposed to influence the natives of a foreign country.— GoHsmft/V/t £fag~
JancL—ScJiool Edition.— {Truly here i:, a lesson for our absolute l.indlorils.-»Tbe Author.]
(118)
OUR NATURAL RIGHTS.
cannot forbear pausing to sigh over the fate of that youthful and gallant
band, the Maryland regiment (composed of the finest young men in that
province — self-devoted volunteers), who were almost to a man cut off in
oppos ng the iast landing of the British troops near New York.g I re-
peat, therefore, that if the Christian people of these countries had gold
for throwing into the ocean, and human blood as cheap and plentiful as
the mountain stream, they would spill neither one nor the other on such
unjustifiable slaughter. And that same people, apathetic or misled
though they may now be on that subject, will yet rouse themselves and
judge whether they have a right to pay what others borrowed for such
unchristian and inhuman purposes.
But it may be said that every penny of the debt was borrowed by con-
Bent of Parliament, and that the people consented to it through their
representatives. Let me ask who had the representatives V The people
had none; they have few even yet. But this profligate debt was con-
tracted under the " Rotten Borough " system, when the House of Com-
mons was entirely composed of the nobility and their nominees. It is,
therefore, indisputably a debt of the aristocracy ; and I think it will puzzle
them and all their hireling writers to prove that the people have a right
to pay it. But it is nonsense to talk of payment, as it has been compu-
ted that all merchandise, chattels, gold, silver, and every inch of ground
in the empire would not be sufficient to pay off tin's monstrous debt. If
the people fairly and honestly owed the money they could do what a
private individual would do in the like circumstances, namely, turn bank-
rupt, and settle it in that way. But if the people did not contract, and
consequently do not owe a penny of it, the case is altered completely,
and the path they have to pursue is plain and obvious.
It is all nonsense to talk of the inviolability of the national faith, and
the ruin a breach of it would bring on thousands who have vested their
fortunes in the government debt. To such cant I reply that the " national
faith cannot be broken, as it never was pledged: and in common deal-
ing if any man purchase a bad article, he must bear the IOBS it brings ;
or if a forged bank note be foisted on him, can he compel the bank to
give him payment of it ? I think it is both law and common sense that
he must pocket the loss or follow the forger.
But it will by no means be so bad with the fund-holders ; agitation of
the question will, like the rumor of war, tend to lower the price of stocks
by slow degrees, and when it is reduced to a certain level, a reformed
legislature may in some sort indemnify the then holders by a mulct on
our Dukes and Lords, regulated according to the number of votes exer-
cised by each in contracting this infamous debt. In the interim, any in-
dividual fund-holder, who so wishes, may get rid of the falling concern
at an inconsiderable loss, and those who, bat-like, cling to the rotten fab-
ric, will richly deserve to get a shock in its ruin.
CHAPTEB TV.
" 'Tis avarice all; ambition is no more:
See all our nobles beting to be slaves.
See all our fools aspiring to be knaves."
Let us now examine what sort of value we receive for the remaining
twenty millions sterling, which are collected off us annually. I have
already glanced at the " swarms " and the " shoals " that are employed in
guarding and collecting the duties. The expense of supporting these is
enormous. A large sum is next required for the support of the army
and navy. These, in the present state of society, when a thirst of slaugh-
ter and 'plunder— to which we contribute our full share— is a glorious
vice, may be indispensible to our existence and saiety as a nation ; butlefc
good and rational government once become general, and an army and
navy would not be worth two and six-pence a year to this or any other
state, as the unchristian and inhuman trade of war would sink into total
$ During this war two hundred thousand men were slain.
(119)
.OUR NATURAL RIGHTS.
disuse, and its name only go down to posterity, steeped in the contempt
and disgust of all succeeding ages.
Another very large sum goes to support the government offices. There
are the Premiership, the Chancellorship, the Secretaryship, and a score
or two of other offices, which cost the country from tive to twenty thou-
sand a year each. With all due respect for the abilities and integrity
"which the " right honorables" bring into these offices, I may venture to
remark that these same commodities cost the country a little too dear.
The whole wealth of Cincinnatus,* was a farm of seven acres, which he
tilled with his own hands; yet at three different periods he held the
office of Dictator to the Koman Commonwealth; an office of absolute
and unlimited power over all law. Having, by his wisdom and virtue.
Saved his country from impending ruin, he laid down his authority and
retired to his little farm, without any reward save the approval of his
own heart and the blessings of his country. Lord Byron, in addressing
Wellington, has said:
" The hiah Roman fashion, too, of Cincinnatus,
With modern history has small connection."
It has, indeed, small connection with the history of such modems as
Wellington and his Whig and Tory caste ; but man is endowed with the
same inherent nature now that he possessed in those early and virtuous
times ;"and shall we allow -those to trample over us who continue, by their
influence and example, to degrade and pervert that noble nature ?
There are also innumerable offices under government, at salaries of
£500 to £5,000 a year. Many of these are sinecures— that is to say, there
is no duty to be performed in them ; and the persons tilling these offices,
receive their salaries for doing nothing. There are other offices which
require the performance of service. These, you may think, are conducted
on straightforward and honest principles. No such thing. Lords, or tlie
relatives or hangers-on of lords, hold these offices at £500 to £5,000 a year,
clap in deputies at £100 to £500, to do the duty and honorably pocket the
remainder. Can there be more downright robbery than this V Yes, the
openest, the most barefaced robbery remains to be mentioned in the state
pensions. You, my friends, do not perhaps know what state pensioners
are. I'll tell you ; they are precious gentlemen, and ladies, too on whom
our rulers have thought proper to bestow yearly incomes out of the pub-
lic purse. These folks have nothing to do but order their servants, call
their coaches, wear silks and jewels, eat the choicest delicacies, and get
drunk with select wines; every quarter-day brings them a sheaf of bank
notes wrung out of the hard earnings of the people, to support their idle-
ness and luxury. Is this not shameful ? Is it not sinful ? Can the pepole
who must labor for these idle vagabonds call themselves free '( No, no;
the placemen, the pensioners, and the holders of the government debt,
have dared to assume an actual property in our persons, and if permitted
their worthless, effeminate descendants will assume the same property in
our unborn offspring for all succeeding time. Away, then, with the name
of freedom ! To us it is all delusion ; we are slaves, and let us not, by as-
suming the name of freemen, stamp ourselves idiots too.
CHAPTER V.
Who can tread the memorable fields
Where freedom's battle has been lost or won,
Nor feel thy might3' spirit. Independence,
Great in his bosom i1— HETHEKIMGTON.
Having given a slight outline of the principles of our government, I
proceed to take a retrospective view of the events which led to the pres-
ent state of affairs in these countries, examine the great political ques-
tions of the day, and discuss how far they will or can remove the evito
of society.
« Livy, the Roman historian, baa poured a flood of doubt Into my mind with retereo««
to this same Cincinnati).
(120)
CUE NATURAL RIGHTS.
The people of these realms seem to have evinced no rational idea of
freedom previous to the year 1782 : and probably the American struggle
served to give them a knowledge of its nature -and importance. Beiore
that period their disputes were principally caused by the restless ambi-
tion of their chiefs, or tended merely to a change of masters; but, at
that memorable era, the Irish Volunteers took up arms to protect their
country from foreign invasion. Those gallant bands soon turned their
attention to the deplorable state of slavery to which that country was
reduced by the despotism of England. At this time, and up to the Leg-
islative Union in 1800, our own nobility were not the unfeeling aliens
which they have since become. They then had a country and their pride
was hurt at her humiliation; nay more, they lived amongst their people,
and had not learned to entirely disregard the voice of nature and nu-
manity ; but the Union
•• ha3 made tnern what we well may liate."
At this period (1782), we had a Parliament in Dublin, or rather the
mockery of a Parliament, as it might spend six weeks in framing a law,
and, after the whole trouble, an English Secretary could, with one dash of
his pen make a jest of the whole affair. The Volunteers, brandishing
their drawn swords, protested against this monstrous and contemptuous
stretch of power, and they succeeded in putting it down. Other griev-
ances in which their leaders partook were fiercely denounced by the Vol-
unteers, and immediately redressed by Government; but the principal
grievances, and in which their leaders (men of property) did not partake,
namely : rents, tithes, and their attendant evils, were kept smouldering
in the public mind until they broke into open flame in the rebellion of
1798.
That the ultimate intentions of the United Irishmen were to shake
off English connection, and establish a Republic as in America, admits
of no doubt; but rents and tithes were the original causes of their com-
bination ; indeed, one of their mottoes was " Half rent and no titJie."
The result of that struggle is fresh in the memory of Irishmen. In it
one Hundred thousand of their brothers fell. Of these not a third per-
ished in the field; the platoon fire, the halter, and the torture of
There is a sickening sympathy which we
premature death even of a guilty per-
hardened in crime, that he deliberately
took the path to the scaffold, is not sufficient to reconcile us to his
hapless fate. What, then, must have been the feelings of the desolate
mother and widowed wife at beholding their high-souied, virtuous, pro-
tector dragged to the clog's death? what the maddening bursting of hia
awn brain as, manacled arid helpless, he stood, the scoff of his cold-blood^
ed executioners V
" With not a friend to animate and tell
To others' ears that death became him well;
Around him toes to forge the ready lie.
And blct life's latest scene with calumny."
Immediately after the suppression of the rebellion, the measure of
tfhe •' Legislative Union " between the two countries was effected. It is
not my intention to discuss the merits and demerits of that measure,
farther than to observe (what cannot be disputed), that it promoted Ab-
senteeism to an extent unprecedented at any period, or in any part of the
world.
The reluctant assent of the Irish Catholics to the Uniftn was to have
been paid by Emancipation; but Mr. Pitt, the then Premier, either would
not, or could not, effect.that measure, and in C9nsequence resigned of-
fice. Then gradually arose .the " Catholic Association." This body must
be considered the most important that ever existed in any age or coun-
try, not because it achieved Emancipation, but because it discovered the
omnipotence of moral power; that power which can fling tyranny from
its high place, whilst it presents nothing tangible to its deadly gripe.
Look at the history of Reiorm in England. Before the Catholic Association
16 (121)
flogging to death did the rest. There is a sickening sympathy which we
feel at beholding the violent and premature death even of a guilty per-
son; the reflection, that he was hardened in crime, that he deliberately
OUii JiATl'UAL
grew into Importance, we find the Reformers butchered in the streets ol
Manchester by the king's troops. Afterwards we find them constructing
Political Unions, on the model of the " Catholic Association," which made
even Wellington quail before them, though holding the reins of Govern-
ment, and backed by all the Tory and military force of the Empire.* I
have taken this retn spective glance in order that the uninformed reader
may be enabled to form an accurate notion of the present state of affairs
in these countries. Emancipation made Roman Catholics eligible to
Parliament and other high offices, but as the attainment of these is natu-
rally restricted to the very highest and wealthiest of that profession,
the middle and lower classes are " exactly where they were, save, in-
deed, the honest pride they must feel at being no longer a dishonored
and degraded caste. Reform shut against the aristocracy the Rotten-
Borough road to oower ; but a road still lies open to them through the
absolute ownerership of land. Look at the Corn-Laws. The manufac-
turing and commercial population have a certain sum to lay out in food ;
the landlord says, " You shall not go where you please to lay out your
money ; you must buy from me and I will charge you only double what
you would pay elsewhere," and the people must submit to this extortion.
Where then is the freedom, the popular power about which we hear so
much fuss and noise V The creations of a fevered brain, they vanish be-
fore the first glance of returning reason.
Another act of our Whig and Tory aristocrats was the voting of twenty
millions sterling to the kidnappers of the West Indies. A horde of anti-
Christian, inhuman planters seize the poor negro on his native fields,
compel him to work by the cruelest torture, and deprive him and his
children of their liberty forever. If a thief steal your horse and is de-
tected, not 9nly what he has stolen is taken from him, but the law pun-
ishes his crime with transportation or death. But the thief planters are
detected, and what is the punishment awarded them by our Whig justi-
ces ? Why, twenty millions sterling out of the pockets of the British
people.
OHAPTEIJ VI
It's hardly in a body's power
To keep at times irom being sour,
To ate how things are shared.— BaMfe.
i now come to examine the great political questions of the day, and dis-
cuss how far they can remove the evils of society.
The most important questions which at present occupy the public
mind are the " Vote by Ballot," " Corporation Reform," and the tough-
and-bloody " Tithe Question." The " Vote by Ballot," by far the most im-
portant of these, has been opposed and defeated by Whig and Tory com-
bined. A stinted reform of the English Corporations has been wrung from
the reluctant Lords, and a breaking up of the Irish boroughs is likely to be
effected. This will, to a certain extent, be an undoubted benefit; but the
" Tithe Question," I really cannot perceive how that can be settled to the
advantage of the poor farmer, whilst the landlord retains absolute own-
ership of the land. Every plan that has hitherto been proposed for
settling this question was founded on the principle of the parson losing
part, and receiving the remainder partly out of the landlord's income,
and partly out of the public purse. This plausible remedy seems to have
satisfied the great body of the liberals, and even Mr. O'Connell, who
warmly recommended it.t By the last Tithe Bill (and the present, 1836, is
a mere revival of the last), the parsons were to lose £26 15s. per cent, and
to receive the remainder. £68 5s., off the landlord's income, and £5 out of
the public money. By these means the farmer would be momentarily
• My inexperience led me into a grave mistafce here. Moral force will do nothing with
an onjtLst government, nnless physical force stands behind it to show fair play. D., 1577.
t Vide his letter to the Irish people, 1834, placing the " Repeal of the Union " in abey-
ance.
OUR NATURAL JUG UTS.
relieved ; but when we contemplate the damning tact that landlords have,
in the last fifty years, doubled, aye, quadrupled, the rents of land, we at
once perceive that, by a gradual rise in rents, they can easily transfer
the burden of the parsons from their own gentle backs to the bleeding
shoulders that have hitherto borne it. Nay, the landlord would have it
in his power to pocket the £26 15s. which the parson loses, and the £5
which he receives of the public money ; as the farmer, eased to that
amount, would, by bringing him to the old level, be able to pay thin
money in the shape of rent. And what is to prevent this state of things
from actually taking place ? The conscientious forbearance of the land-
lord ! Oh, save me from such a safeguard ! Short leases will be short
protection to the farmer. Long leases are rather a scarce commodity,
and as the landlord has a great aversion to lessening his income, the re-
lief to leaseholders will in all human probability be added to the burden
of the yearly tenant, already the most oppressed member of the com-
munity. Such a letter as this from an absentee to his agent would not
in these times be very extraordinary :
LONDON, Sunday morning.
" Jack, as usual, I took a peep in at the hells t last night By a cursed run of ill-luck I
lost £700. to Rifle the celebrated French pamester. This put me so devilishly out at elbows
that I had to borrow a fltty for a freak with a fine o era girl. My Irish estate was wortn ten
thousand a year before this d d Tithe Bill, which ha? reduced it to nine thousand. But
as 1 canLot afford to feed the black cormorants, you will have to raise the rents and send
me the original.sum. I am sorry that we cannot touch the leaseholders for the present, but
when the leases drop-we will have fair play at them; meanwhile, my yearly tenants must
make up the deficiency. Youra etc., SQUANDER."
As it may be supposed that good or ordinary landlords will do noth-
ing like this, I shall relate a fact that lately fell under my observation,
and which bears directly on the point. A Scotcn gentleman (Murray of
Broughton), who possesses considerable property in the neighborhood,
and who enjovs and, comparatively speaking, deserves the name of a
good landlord, paid a visit to his property in the autumn of '34. In an
arrangement with his tenantry he took upon himself the payment of
all tithes on his estate, but so raised the rents as to leave a nett profit in
his hands after paying the parsons. This, it is evident, left the tenant as
ill or worse off than before.
But it will be said that this is an evil which cannot be got rid of; that
the land is the property of the landlord, and as such he can d9 with it
as he pleases. If this doctrine be true, farewell to all hope of raising the
people to freedom and happiness. Talk not to me of relief from the bur-
tithes ortaxes, while the landlords have power to lay on- as much addi-
tional weight as we can bear. The money which we would save by a re-
duction ^1 Church-livings, taxes, etc., would certainly make us richer;
but as this money now goes to the aristocracy, in the shape of places,
pensions, etc., the change would make them proportionally poorer, so
that this change would create an ability on the part of the people to pay
advanced sums for the rents of land, and a necessity, or excuse, on the
part of the landlords for exacting them ; this would be quickly done, and
the people would be reduced to the old level of ra^s and hunger.
CHAPTER VH.
Such dupes are men to custom, and so prone
To reverence what is anc'ent, and can plead
A course of long observance lor its us:
That even servitude, the worst ot ills, '
Because transmitted down irom sire to soi.,
Is kept and guarded as a sacred thing.— COWPIB.
Thus It is plain that if landlords possess absolute ownership of land, the
people never can become really independent. Either the landlords have
a right to absolute ownership, or the people have a right to independ-
ence. One of these two rights must destroy the other; both cannot exist
at once. This forces us on the question : Does this urjimited ownership
t The appropriate name of the noble gamin? houses in London,
(123>
OUK NATf'KAL lilttliTS.
rightfully belong to the landlords? This is a question of awful impor*
tance; on it rests the freedom and happiness of the human race.
The landlord answers: "I purchased it with money, or my ancestors
bequeathed it to me as an inheritance." To this I roply, you could not
purchase what no man has a right to sell — nor could your ancestor be-
queath to you what could not, and did not, belong to himself— namely,
unlimited ownership of the soil.
Before we investigate the right of absolute ownership, let us examine
how it actually works; for the good or for the evil of society. Alas, we need
not stop long on this inquiry. The splendor of dress and equipage, the
thousand luxuries, the ease and sloth, which this power basely kqeps to
itself, and the shapeless dirty rags, the miserable shelter, the continuous
toil,* and the wretched food which it ruffianly assigns to its victims,
show us in a moment its villainous effects on society. Instead of land-
lords being the promoters of improvement and civilisation, which,
under just and proper restrictions they would be, they are now an effec-
tual drag-chain upon agriculture, arid, consequently, on every other kind
of improvement; instead of being the regulators, they are now, iu fact,
the derangers and disturbers of society. As
"Facts a-e cbiels that winna dinf
And downa be disputed,"
1 shall here mention one out of many such that came under my own
ouservation.
Not long since, purchasing hay of a small farmer, f and observing that
his little meadow had produced a very bad and scanty crop, I was not a
litt-e severe on him for his indolence, particularly as I saw that his farm
aftowled many facilities of fertilizing the spot. " I have no lease," re-
plied the poor man, " and why should I labor to improve when I know
that my rent would be raised to the full value of my improvements.
This is the true secret of our want and mh^ry — this fhe great blight,
which hanging over the land, keeps iu a state of nature our reclaimable
wastes,! and blasts with comparative sterility our most fertile vales.
Every shilling of capital, and every day of toil that the occupier may
*3xpend on improvement is forfeited to the landlord; and should his
condition approximate to decency, instead of approval or encourage-
ment, he hears tha agfnt growl forth, " that fellow can li ve as well as
myself." There is, then, a new valuation held, and a few pounds added
to his rent reels him back to the level of wretchedness.
And is this the tenure by which land must be held ; this the feeling
under which it is to be cultivated ? And must barrenness and desolation
spread over God's earth, and discontent and misery dwell with His peo-
ple, that the landlord may indulge in his lust of unnatural power and
•in traveling over a mountainous district of Donegal, some years since. I observed a
xmmber <•! men at work repairing the highw iy. They were carrying gravel on their DUCKS,
across a moor, in which they sank almost up to the knee at every step. Never before had I
Keen human beings subject.! d to such brute and excessive labor. On inquiry. I found that
they weie employed by theirlandlord (a resident gentleman, of consiaerabie prooe'-ty); that
if they refused to engace in the wors he would thrust them out of their miserably homes;
and, hear it England! hear it the world! that he allowed them for this labor your pmce a
*»*/
t The Profestnnt is equally oppressed with the Catholic. This man was a Protestant, and
bis ancestors probably curne over wiih William Hi.
| On our extensive moors, beside the hut of the cowherd, I have frequently intertwined
the luxuriant corn-stalk with the henth-shmb 'hat srrew beside it, without even a fence di-
Tiding t"em. Those cultivated patches were too <mall to te.npt the voracity of the land-
lord: o- flourishing in the tar waste they probably escaped bis cognizance. Tne corn might
be worih six or eight pounds an acre, whilst the immeasurable waste lying round, though
easily susceptible of tiie same improvement, was not worth in proportion as many pence;
•ad yet economists, by a strange Infatuation, continue to insist that we require the assist-
ance ot EngiUh capital. Ireland has inexhaustible c:ipi al running to waste in h r t-em-
i«g soil, and the vigorous industry of her sons and daughters. Our men eagerlv seek ihe
most toilsome work at a remuneration ot 6(1. to 8d. a d iv. Our women are still more in-
dustrious; if the price of linen yarn afford ttiem anything above a penny for spinning a
bank ^.24 i yards), an excessively lubo iou-i day's work, the msrket is overstocked with
that ariicle. What a change would these energies produce it properly culled turtfc aol
(124)
OUB NATUBAL BIGHTS.
wallow in degrading; luxury? The advocate of absolute ownership
damns his name anal authority by stamping them on the vile and dis-
icture.
erent, how beautiful would be the natural state of things. The
occupying tenant, secure of his little farm forever, for a trifling rent:
then, indeed, might he improve, certain that he and his children would
enjoy the benefit of his industry; then would he, (undrained by heartless
extortion, be enabled to render his field fruitful and his cottage comfort-
able.
What a change to behold the landlord residing among his hapyy peo-
ple, receiving from them just a sufficiency for his reasonable wants,
comprising the real elegancies of life ; and, in return, stimulating their
industry by his advice and encouragement, and civilizing and refining
i them by his intercourse! What a happy change for the landlord him-
Belf, from a life of worthless indolence and criminal excess, to one of
useful, virtuous activity? It would, indeed, raise him from being the
curse of society to be its blessing. This beautiful and happy system
would be rendered complete by prohibiting the holding of more than a
limited quantity of land by any individual farmer, and forbidding the
letting of any land at a higher than the landlord's rent. Should other
regulating details be necessary to its perfection, they would suggest
themselves in the working of the system.
But it may be thought this would be only a partial benefit to society,
affecting only the occupiers of land. Now, it is quite evident that the
industrious man who holds no land would come in for a full share of the
benefit. In such a salutory state of society as this would naturally in-
duce, and of which at present we can form no exact idea, he would find
ample employment and liberal remuneration for his industry, whether
laborious, mechanical, or commercial.)) He would be enabled to realize
capital with which he could easily (if he pleased) purchase a piece of land,
where every farm would be a freehold. I shall hereafter show (if it be
not, indeed, self-evident,) that this change could be effected without the
least confusion or evil of any kind : that it would be subversive only of
luxury and sloth, and productive of refinement, virtue, and happiness,
I shall now proceed to show that the landlords have no right to withhold
their co-operation from the good work ; and in doing so I shall not at all
*efer to Christian morality in support of my view of this question. The
votarist of that beautiful law is commanded to part with what really does
belong to him, for the general good, and the landlords would, I doubt,
ecoff at such doctrine ; but if I can prove that these same landlords have
Jbong kept what does not at all belong to f/iem, the common laws of society
will compel them to give it up.
CHAPTER vm.
N«ture affords at le»«t a glimmering lizht,
The lines, though touched but faintly, are drawn rijfht.— POFB.
To reduce the foregoing question to its most tangible shape, let us
take the very best title to land that is to be found in these kingdoms,
and see how far it entitles a landlord to the unlimited power which he
now exercises over the land. Now, the best title that can possibly exist
must be that which was handed down from the patriarchal and
pastoral times, and confirmed to its possessors by the different dynasties
that held sway since those ancient times. If thore be any title more per-
fect than another, it is this; and if it be rationally proved that even this
title is subject to restrictions and limitations, it follows that every other
f An inevitable conwquenc? of this hapr>y change would be an improvement in the cloth-
ing, food, and oilier domestic comforts of the people. Suppose every in.iiviinal in Ireland
•ould afford to expend two additional pounas annually on these necessaries; this by adding
Afiqen additional millions to our home cons -caption, would ra se a very unusual stir
aniCTiz our tradesmen and ehop-fceeners; and rurther, country people, comfortable and
happy at home, would not be so reaay as they are now to rush into towns, sad starve
the trade ot fhop-keepers and mech&a os.
(125)
OUR NATURAL RIGHTS.
title is subject to at least the same limitations and restraints. In order
to come at the real nature and extent of this title, we must commence
our examination at its first rise in the patriarchal and pastoral times, and
If it appears that the 9\vnership of land was not then absolute and un-
limited, we must inquire when and how it became so. The first owner-
ship of land was unquestionably that of the patriarch who settled with
his family on a certain extent or un9ccupied soil. From the moment of
his occupation, he naturally acquired a property in the land; and if
another settler afterwards came to the same spot, he at once acknow-
ledged the right of the first occupier, and withdrew to an unoccupied
place. But mark, if the first settler should claim ownership of what
he had not in occupation, the incomer, would, very naturally, refuse to
recognize any such claim. These were the circumstances under which
the first ownership of land was asserted and recognized, and occupation
alone gave that ownership.
In the lapse of time the family of the patriarch became numerous, his
children and grandchildren grew up around him, and every branch of
the family had the " go" of its flock and herd on. the common territory;
the unnatural thought of giving the entire property to his eldest son,
never entered the head of the good old man. Indeed, any attempt of
the unnatural thought of giving the entire property to his eldest son,
never entered the head of the good old man. Indeed, any attempt of
the kind would only have produced anarchy and ruin in the little com-
monwealth, as Nature would impel every member of the community to
rise up against this unjust and unnatural decree. Well, then, we see the
little state increasing in numbers and importance, their petty jealousies
and disputes (if they had such,) referred to their parental magistrate;
we see the person of their common father reverenced, and his word law;
we see him " gathered to his fathers" and his eldest son, their second
father, and of course the most experienced man in the community, called
on to act in the magisterial capacity of his father, still having the " go "
of his flocks on the common property, and nothing more, save the honor
and respect due his station. In process of time, the family becoming
more and more numerous, forms a clan, of which this magistrate or his
successor is the chief.
The labor and attention necessary to regulate the affairs of the mul-
tiplying people, and dispense justice to all, is daily increasing, so that
the chief in attending to it cannot pay the necessary attention to his
flocks, herds, and other domestic concerns. Whilst his time was thua
employed in the service of the community, it became equitable and
necessary that the community should support him and his family.
Then, probably, it was that each member of the clan first contributed a
sheep or bullock towards the support of their chief, not as recognizing
any right or property on his part, to the soil in which the cattle pas-
tured, but as a just and indispensable return for his services in regulat-
ing the affairs of the clan. It was, in fact, neither more nor less than
wages for service done.
Let us suppose for a moment that the chief refused to perform his
duty, that ho removed himself and family to another country, and de~
to be sent to him for
the clan to the vaga-
country support you.
For us, so far from contributing to your support, we alienate and ut-
terly deny your blood, and you shall never more make one of our
family." They would follow up this renouncement by electing a new
chief, and giving to him the honor and emoluments-jjvhich the othe prof-
ligate had abandoned.
If such was the title of the ancient chief, and if such would have beea
his treatment should he desert his post, let us inquire what has altered
the case as regards his successor or the present day. In this inquiry, it
is above all things necessary that we be cool and impartial. If there haft
arisen or possibly could arise, any circumstance or event in the lapse of
ages, that could fairly and honestly do away with the original right of
the occupiers, and vest an absolute and unconditional right in the chief,
(126*
OUR NATUEAL RIGHTS,
^M
him the unlimited ownership which he now assumes I sav that in thL
rtstc* fj-id+- thn fn — ~-f-v.u^vi ^fi*u vioowiniauu culu utJcitn i sun*>
SSl Sftte 5SSVPq°f hhe la^d' C°uld^e 8eize it;» in Opp^sitSn to tS
/5!iiH fiS P PHu buc,h a seizure would be death-deserving robbery
Oould the people themselves bestow it on him in reward of WserviSt
^rltH7\Chap' **V' * 23'-MThe land 8ha11 not be ^W forever; for tbe land is Mine, salth
tfoe Lord, for ye are strangers and sojourners with Me.
«~ffnth tai,aU ,lhe laDd °f y°Ur P°s8e8siou' y«a shall grant a redemption for the land
.rotter be waxen poor, and hath sold away some ot his possession and if anr
ot Ju. km come to redeem it. then shall he redeem that which his brother sold
ST-Then'let him council n°"e *° ™*™m "' &M hmSeU ** able tO redeem **•
' restore
ay return unto his possession
. , ay return uno s possession
I! JV'i?1' to re3t°re " to bim' then that wnich is 8old 8na" "main in th«
nt and hm.!h * * * antU *e year °f the Jubilee- and *» the J^ilee it shall go
<mt, and he, (tbe original possessor,) shall return unto his possession."
Sl^fH11110 °/f ?.emarcation drawn between land pro-
h,fSject to rwutoiwns and restrictions, and private
V Sam° authority> is ^ to the absolute will of
ner '
regulation it was impossible for an indi-
Kefor^He^rffit0 l°m*' m WWch W6 at present «roan- "»*
M?-e"8flMdVhJ^er,rtindHIsi,?IInK'forye,are6tranSrers and sojourners with
tte ?™Sn of tr,,?h ' WH ^Irt5aUy acknowledge that the landlord is
r
(127)
OUtt NATURAL, RIGHTS.
its rise in the barbarous middle ages of tho world, from villainous en*
croachments, and the " stand and deliver " force of arms. Perish such
authority !
Having digressed into an imaginary picture of great exploits and vir-
tuous services, and shown that even these could by no means purchase
absolute ownership of the soil, I now turn to the " cold reality," to the
encroachment of the cheat, and the sword of the bravo.
We le it the patriarchal chief performing the duties and receiving the
wages of his mages terial office. So far all was perfectly fair and just;
but as power begets ambition, and affluence generates indolence and
profusion, he (or his successor) gradually increased his demand of
contributions, and began to give wav to negligence arid caprice in the
discharge of his duty. Any person that has observed the ideal superior-
ity and ignorant pride of the strippling aristocrat, will easily perceive
that the son of the chief, surrounded by attendants, and served with a
greater share of respect than fell to the lot of his compeers, very natur-
ally imbibed the seeds of pride and arrogance, grew up a worse iuaa
than his father, and, of course, made further encroachments on the
rights of his people.
In the lapse of ages, and the absence of written documents, the origi-
nal compact between the people and the chief became indistinctly re-
membered or entirely forgotten. The annual sheep and bullock contin-
ued to be paid, but whether for the magisterial service, of the chief, or
his supposed right in the soil, does not appear in these dark times to be
perfectly understood or much attended to. Then came domestic war or
foreign invasion. In these commotions, some one chief, superior to the
rest, obtained sway, and, on the return of peace became king. The neigh-
boring chiefs who acted with, or were subdued by him, formed a union
under him, and bound themselves to support his government with sup-
plies and men. The new made king, in return, confirmed to them the
possession of the land on which their respective clans dwelt, and it is
probable that it was at this juncture that the chief first claimed " owner-
ship " of the soil. But whether it was at this juncture, or before it, or
a-lter it, the claim was alike unjust: his own dishonest encroachment
could not give him such ownership, neither could the king give it; in fact
what • Tar the king only a chief swelled a little bigger than his fellows—
" A pagoti thing of sabre sway.
With front ot brass and feet of clay.'
And I cannot see that such a " thing " had any right whatever to deprive
the occupier of his property, and bestow it on the chief. But, however
the right may have been, we find the feudal chief in possession, not only
of the soil, but of the very lives and limbs of his people. The remuner-
ation for his services he fraudulently and impiously perverted into a pay-
ment for the soil and the seasons; and the natural duty of every man to
arm in defence of the community, he, by the most villainous encroach-
ment, corrupted into a warlike service due to himself, when his ambi-
tion or caprice chose to call on it. In fact, the history of the nobles, an-
cient as well as modern, is one scene of wrongs and oppressions practiced
on the people, and yet man, base, degenerate man! reverences the de-
scendants of these worthies, themselves as worthy, merely because
" Their blood
Has crept through scoundrels ever since the flood.*1
But man will yet break through his mental thraldom, and such worthtea
will receive their due in the contempt and scorn of a regenerated
people.
Scrutinize the -i i^tion in all its bearings; turn it round and round,
and examine it in « very possible point of view, and we find that nothing
could give unlimited ownership of land, except force or fraud, and the
times are, I trust fast passing away in which these could give a suffi-
cient title.
(128)
OUB NATURAL RIGHTS.
CHAPTER IX,
•' As to a man farming his own property, it is a heavenly life, bnt devil take the life «
reaping the fruits that another must eat."— BURNS' LETTER TO MBS. DDNLOP.
Before dismissing the subject, another question remains to be disposed
of, namely, can any people be independent or happy under the system of
absolute ownership ? It is useless to waste time in discussing a ques-
tion, the merits of which are, indeed, self-evident. Independent they
cannot by any means be, even though permitted to hold their land at a
shilling an acre; and the happiness that exists only by the sufferenco of
another, is, at best of a very doubtful quality.
Tis true there are in Ireland some districts comparatively prosperous
and independent, such are the Northern manufacturing counties. And
are those districts prosperous and independent under the " absolute own-
ership " of the landlords ? No such thing. The industry and skill of
the people of these parts would be of little service to them, if the landlord
were not checked in his career of extortion by the deep undergrowl of
the people. Our hereditory despots may talk as they will of the insub-
ordination of other districts of Ireland ; but in no place has their greed
been so effectually resisted as in the North. Who has not heard of
" Tommy Downshire." * The manner in which he enforces his right is
not, perhaps, the most unexceptionable, but the principle he vindicates
is the purest and best, and it ought to be contended for in a manner
worthy of itself, morally and constitutionally, like any other great po-
litical question.
If a ly man doubt that things are managed thus in the "North," let
him take the following fact as a sample of what is doing there : '* A gen-
tleman resident in the county Donegal, some years ago, employee! an
efficient agent on an estate which he possesses near Lurgan (county Ar-
magh). This hireling, agreeably to his orders, set about raising rents
and harassing the tenantry. Instead of patiently submitting to his
" absolute " power, the tenantry assembled in thousands, at noon-day,
breathing discontent and vengeance. Under the influence of bodily fear,
the agent requests the presence of his master to allay the dangerous
discontent. When the landlord arrives on the ground, he is presented
with a memorial, in substance like this : ' The discontents of your ten-
antry do not arise from any disinclination to pay a fair and equitable
rent for the land, which themselves and their ancestors have occupied
for centuries ; they beg to refer you to the rate of rents charged on the
neighboring estates, and they will cheerfully pay as much as their
neighbors.' The landlord replied that he did not wish to be considered
an oppressor, that he would reduce from 40s. to 28s. an acre, but that he
would sell the estate rather than make further reduction." These terms
were agreed to. The tenantry pay 28s., whereas, had they quietly sub-
mitted to the 40s. regimen, it is very likely that, in a country so rich and
fertile, the regulation would ere now be £3.
This principle is in general operation in the Northern counties. It
effectually curbs absolute ownership : and so far they hold their prosper-
ity by a direct departure from the settled state of things. They can now
enjoy the fruits of their industry ; but who would enjoy those fruils if the
landlord were permitted to fleece them as he pleased V The sturdy in-
habitant of the North would, I doubt, in that case, be allowed the hunger
.and persecution which now fall to the lot of his rugged brother of the
* The name assumed by the agrarian regulators of Armacrti and Down, and other oortb
«m counties*. (.Physical force looking on to see lair play. 1877.J
17 (129)
CUE NATURAL RIGHTS.
As the principle of "Tommy Downshire" is a very natural one,
springing- out of comm9p sense and common justice, it is no way
strange that it has manifested itself in various parts of the country,
but, like the good seed that " fell amongst thorns, it has, except in tha
" North," been choked up by inefficient combination and isolated resist-
ance. The people are already aware of the vast importance of this
principle; let them direct their attention to its manifest justice, and there
is a moral power abroad that will ensure its complete and speedy
triumph.
Indeed when we consider the diversity of human character it appears
most strange that among the crowds of landlords, or blackmailers, who
infest Ireland, there could be found only two or three examples that,
even approach the teachings of justice and humanity. Laying aside all
the obligations that the divine and beautiful law of Christianity imposes
upon us— and oh ! these should not be entirely disregarded— what an
honest fame could an individual landlord acquire, what a glorious name
would he transmit to posterity, by being the first to come forward and
do his duty, or what appears to him to be his duty — the duty that he is so
well paid for doing! How simple and, to a benevolent mind, how de-
lighthil the task! Imagine the tenantry convened, and the good man
addressing them in language like this :
" MY FRIENDS— It is acknowledged on all sides that the present system of society ia pro-
ductive of many evils and many are the plans and measures proposed lor their removal.
' Kcpeal of the Union,' '• Abolition of the State Church,' " Poor Laws,' 'Public Works,' and
no forth, are alternately in fashion. None of these can be effected without difficulty ami
delay, and it effected, they would, I fear, rather alleviate than rtmovc the evils of society.
" Amid all these proposed reforms and remedies, a thought has struck mo, that itis in the
power of every landlord to make his tenantry comfortable, independently of legal enact-
ments, and I intend to try the experiment forth with.
" I will reduce my rents to a fourth of their present standard, and grant perpetual leases
of all my land— to every tenant a lease of what he now occupies, except where the farm
may exceed twenty acres; in which case the overplus will be given to those whose holdings
are least. I will reside amonx yon and it will be my pleasure and my pride to improve and
refine you. But you shall not be permitted to sell your interest IL the land, save under cer
tain restrictions: neither shall you be allowed, in any cast, to sub-let at a dearer rent than I
charge. 1 shall also require you to fertilize your farms anjl improve your dwellings, anfl.
in doing so, 1 shall be happy to lend you all the assi -tance in my power. I have employed
a skillful agriculturist, and his business shall be to give you whatever instruction you m»y
require. Your fields must and will be fertile, and your cottage neat and comfortable.
. " You, my friends, may suppose that I am sacrificing my inclination and convenience, in
order to promote your good. 1 have no such merit— it is no sacrifice to quit the follies of
fashion and the sensual gratification of luxury. My days were lost in pursuits unworthy an
Intellectual and useful being, and my nights sought an escape from apathy and discontent
in the whirlpool of amusing lolly. 1 saw mv wealth wasted on the worthless, the profli-
gate, and the vile, and I reflected that my conduct involved a virtuous and worthy people
in penury and distress. From that moment I resolved to devote my energies to other an:i
coLler pursuits, aud I am now come among my people with a fixed determination to makv
them happy."
This speech appears in the early pages, but it is necessary here. It is worth repeating.
If It be heeded, it may save a great deal of very great trouble.
What evil could possibly result from a change like this? On the contrary, what beau-
tiful order would it not produce; what an impetus would it give to agriculture; what a
vivifying spirit would it spread over the land ? Fondly does the mind picture, to itself th»
be-iuty, the happiness that springs lorth under the regenerating gysvem. The renovated
fertility or the fleld, the wuviug lolinge o; toe hedge-row, the smiiing gaiety of the new-
modelled cottage, its garden of vegetables, fruits and flowers; it? ' l>ee hive's hum;' it*
•hadowing poplars: that cottage no longer the receptacle o< privation and misery, tut th«
»bode of re.quitted industry ami enviable content.
(130J
OUB NUTURAL RIGHTS.
And shall that picture be realized ? Shall joyous Independence bound
over the land, bringing plenty and comfort to every fireside, or shai
unnatural tyranny continue to shed its withering: blight over God's cre-
ation, and dole out to dependent j man the wretched boon of rags and
hunger ? OUBS is THE CHOICE ! What is the power of a bloated aristoc-
racy when arrayed against the will of a great and intellectual people ?
Let the public mind but rouse itself and send forth its written decree, and
strong though tyranny may be, entrenched in the prejudice and plunder
of a thousand years, it will sink beneath that decree, and right and jus-
tice will again reign over all !
OHAPTEB X,
CONCLUDING— ADDRESSED TO THE WISE AND WEfcL-ENOUGH,
Our needful knowledge, like our needful food,
Unhedged lies open in the common field.
And bids all welcome to the vital least;
You scorn what lies belore you in the oago
Ot nature imd experience, moral iruth.
And dive in science lor distinguished names.
Sinking in virtue as you rise in lame:
Your learning, like the lunar beam, affords
Light, but not heat— YOUNG.
Though the Inherent principles of our nature undoubtedly l^an to vir-
tue and philanthropy, yet man, in the present incongruous state of so-
ciety, will be found much wrapped up in self, and seldom lastingly
affected by the contemplation of ills that cannot reach that darling ob-
ject. Hence I anticipate the hostility of the well-enough portion of socie-
ty to my views and opinions. But in the retreats of toiling indigence
certain wants and necessities will second those viws and demonstrate
the accuracy of those opinions. To those whose wisdom and wants, too.
are satisfied with the present " order " of things, I leave the task 01
proving, first, that Nature, in yielding tbe necessaries of life only to the
hand of industry, intended those necessaries for such as perform no in-
dustry at ail; second, that in producing the supports of life in economi-
t Th re is what is termed " du/y worfr." In the mornings of Spring and Autumn, you will
meet droves of the ragged, wretched peasantry, e-.tcb. bearing the badge ot ori«i al sin ta
spade) on his shoulder, hurrying to the demesnes ot our landlords and agents. Many of
these unfortunates have to travel a journey ot sixteen to eighteen Irish miles, and, of
course, the same distance in returning home, to perform a day's work that naves tnolr
task-masters no more than (3d. or bd. I once had tbe curiosity to go to see these worse than
alaves at "duty," on the ground ol an Absentee's aerent. It was m Mav; an immense cal-
dron ot potatoes had been boiled for their breakfast: but as the buds germiuating shoots—
?oiiie of them hali-a-yard long— had been suffered to remain on them, it would take an
irishman to tell whether they were potatoes or merely a mass of concreted weeds. These,
with half-roasted salt-herrings (and no over-supply of them) was the breakfast of which all
partoos eagerly, with the exceptipn ot one young man, who declined eating at all, and
kept walking ahout the ground, no'tin the best possible humor, if could augur »uzht from
his knit brow and compressed lip. I could perceive that the domestic menials had better
food alloted to them, and, in particular, a couple ot stout young telrows, whose business it
was to lead on the serfs at the labor; and lest they might not " lead" well enough, there
was an overseer apfo'nted to1' drive"1 them; not. indeed, with the ^art-whip, but with a-
good national blackthorn. The meal over, all were on fieir sp.ides, straining and striving,
and led O'i by the two stout domestics, the driver urging on the hindermost by threats and
Mow* / u It's a great shame, Puddy, that you don't put the conceit out o' them fellows,"
said a middle-aged peasant, whose gaunt visage and bare l;ones sufficiently indicated why
he did not, ensraee in tl;e contest himself. The athletic young man to whom this was ad-
dressed—and who. I perceived, ha<i not partaken ot tbe hogs-metd— brougnt all his sup-
pressed chxrgrin to bear on his spade. The result was an obstinate struggle with the "lead-
ers," whom he flairly distanced to the top of the field. Another course was commenced,
but Paddy latrged behind. For some time the "driver " did not heed him, prob.ibly suppos-
ing that he would in a start take in his lost ground; but Paddy co" tinned to move t lowly
and tardily, far in the rear ot his .ellows. This was »oo much, and the hoarse voice ot the
driver rous°d him from Ids apparent lassitude. To the exclaimution of *l move on, sir, and
no scheming." Paddv replied, '• I'll move as I please." To bear with this would he to for-
feit his office, and, indeed, ihe '• driver seemed to be excited out ot his » rudence by lan-
guage so new to his ear. " Take that you scoundrel," i»nd a swinging hlow of the cudjrel
fell into the hand t <at was thrown up to receive it. " I'll take it. you do»; and give itto you
too," said Paddy, as hi* iron grasp masteied the bludgeon, and with the rapidity of a Bash
cringing it to bear on the driver's t<mple, left him sprawliuu in the furrow; then snapping
the bludgeon across his knee, he shouldered his spade and quitted the field. He was u ser-
vant to one ot the tenant*, and consequently beyond tbe vengeance of agent and landlord
(131)
OUB NATUKAL RIGHTS.
•
cal, illimitably-spread quantities, Nature intended that they should bo
consumed in pyramidio and wasteful heaps ; third, that in denying to
every individual the capability of actually enjoying more than a very
limited quantity of these supports, Nature intended that some individu-
als should collect and consume a thousand times the prescribed
quantity.
The wise and well-enough must prove to me the truth of these things ;
and further, they must convince me that the landlords have formed the
mighty earth and swung it on its eternal course ; that to them we owe
the vivifying smile of Spring, the creative warmth of Summer, and tho
serene, ripening virtues of the Autumnal sky; then will I acknowledge
their " absolute ownership," and agree, that to them belongs the produce
of the revolving seasons, whilst we, poor devils, should thankfully con-
tent ourselves with the gleanings of the ample field.
But if we may be permitted to divest them of their divinity, and con-
template them as human and social beings, we will find that it is a with-
ering error to suppose that they have no duty to perform. Yet this seems
to be a universally received opinion. Who will withhold the name of a
good landlord from him who treats his tenantry with forbearance, and
performs occasional acts of benevolence; yet this does not, by any
means, constitute a good landlord. Like every other member of society,
he has a duty to perform, an important and indispensable duty, and te
the non-performance of that duty society owes much of its crime, more
of its ignorance, and almost the sum-total of its misery. The merchant,
physician, and lawyer, the smith, shoemaker, and tailor ; in fine every
class in the community have a duty to perform ; should any of these re-
fuse to perform that duty, what a confusion would ensue 1 And when
the most influential class refuse to perform its duty, and leaves men lit-
erally to run wild without the necessary means of support, it is no way
strange that the result is a derangement of social order, ignorance and
degradation, misery and crime.
There is not a worshiper of the present " order " more averse to giv-
ing an uncultivated people irresponsible power than I. I know their
faults. I have been more than once placed within a huir's-breadth of
death by their ferocity, and I shudder at the idea of relaxing for a mo-
ment the iron girdle of law by which they are bound ; but I would civil-
ize them, and they would soon become another and better people. No
longer would they regard an infraction of the lartv as a deed of devoted
virtue because the law would protect their rights. No more would the
stripling, ere yet the down is on his cheek, pant to secure " his fame" in
the drunken broil; but, in the day spring of civilization, other views
would dawn on his benighted mind.* And never can the people be civil-
ized by any other than the landlords agency ? His influence pervades
all, practically any minutely. Could not that influence civilize and moke
iuman misery can be justly estimated only by those who fed It,
may appear a strange and novel doctrine, yet experience, that " teacher
of fools," has convinced me of its truth. In traversing the wilder re-
gions of Dongal, I frequently had occasion to cross the ferry (Guibara,) on
one of the estuaries of the coast. Here I witnessed the boatman's family
at their meal of bog potatoes, often without a relish of salt; never \yith
anything better. I saw his children, from five to ten years of age. with-
out any other covering than a piece of ragged flannel pending from the
waist? and on one, a child of about three years old, I n-rver saw a rag of
clothing of any kind, although I saw it many times, both in Summer
and Winter. It is now several years since I passed that way ; and why
is the scene of misery so deep in my recollection ?
•In the more remote districts of Ireland, the usual amusement of their firesides i* exag
Derated recitals ot the prowess of *urh-and-*u'-h men displayed in nirh-nnd-wh qunrrcls. TM
human mind must have amusement of some kind, and here these recitals nil np the void «f
useful information and rational amusement. Whoever is most prominent »a uiese tumult!
4* familiarly »tylecl " the bett man in the parish."
OUR NATURAL RIGHTS.
A sympathy, not so much for the miserable as for myself, stamped it
Indelibly there. Happening to be detained by a tempestuous water, f I
was necessitated to become the boatman's inmate for two days. Th«
couch of rushes, without any covering save the hovel's roof, and tha
scanty meal of potatoes, that srnelled and tasted of the turf on which,
they grew, were freely conceded to me ; and nothing better could be pro
cured for money, though several abodes of man were scattered along the
bank. At the close of the second day, as I crossed the water and stag-
gered to the next village, whilst my life blood delayed in all its channels,
I could then form an estimate of human misery.
And the poor boatman yet drags out a life of the same unvaried pri-
vation without one consolation, if he cannot derive it from the conscious-
ness of being surrounded by thousands as wretched as himself.
In contemplating the providence of Nature, we perceive the most
watchful Denevoience joined to the profoundest wisdom ; and is it not a
sin of no common magnitude to counteract that beneficence; to nullify
the decrees of that wisdom V In tropical climates, almost all water i»
impregnated with the sperm of insects, the use of which would soon
prove destructive to human life. Pepper, or spices of any kind, destroy
this spawn, and Nature, ever watchful and benevolent, sends them grow-
ing on almost every shrub. In our own country, Nature exerts the same
maternal watchfulness. If we have no spices growing on every shrub, it is
because our pure waters require no antidote. Wholesome food and drink,
and comfortable clothing and lodging, are what Nature requires to sup-
port us in health and vigor, and our tender parent has placed them within
easy grasp of our industry ; and shall we permit a few unnatural mon-
sters, the plague and curse of society, to wrest those necessaries from
our grasp— to counteract the good intentions of God and Nature— and
deliver us over to famine and disease.!)
Oh for a spark of superhuman energy to impress on mankind the mo-
mentous truth : that it is impossible to make a people free and happr
under the system of " absolute ownership ; " and that all that is bad in
our institutions and degrading in our morals would rapidly disappear
under the rational system — a system which, whilst it preserved tho
landlord hi the station in which he would be the blessing and ornament
of society, would give to the occupier the right of which, for ages, he
has been plundered— the system of limited ownership.
I may be charged with an attempt to subvert order. If so, I hurl the
charge contemptuously back on those who impiously counteract the
beneficent designs of God an Nature. Established abuse I am bound
to obey as long as it is established. But I am free to call the attention of
the people to its startling injustice; I am free to direct the electric shock
of the public mind against its colossal and blood-cemented bulwarks: and
if that people arouse themselves to a sense of their mighty wrong, I am
free to give them a second making up, in unconquerable zeal and inex-
i Glancing over a newspaper, some two or three months ago, I perceived the name of <mr
honorable and gallant representative, Colonel Connolly, linked to that ot the river in queti
tion (Guibara). ot cour>e I was on tiptoe to learn what plan he was about to adopt for
the improvement ot the wretched horderer.-: but I soon touud that his excursion to this
wnd region had a holier obiect. His WAS a plan for their spiritual welfare, by compelling
them, at the head of a large body ot military, to pay tithes into his own apostolic pocket.-
1 Not long since, as I loitered in the shop of a medical gentlemen, in a remote village <rf
the sea coast, a lenvile applied for advice in a disease of the stomach. " It is a prevalent
disease of the neighborhood," said the Doctor, "and I cannot be of service except rod
change to a better diet." I could perceive the Irish blood rising as she retorted, " 1 usu at
irood diet as any one in our parish.'' The Doctor prepared and handed her some medicine*
u Heiore using these." said he. " t >ke your breakfast ot porridge and milk." " Oh. flu -nol
where would 1 get porri ige and milk ? There is not a peck ot meal withi i miles of wherft
we live." " And what good diet d > you live uoon," asked she doctor. " Why. potatoes ana
(hesitatingly,) sometimes a dr^o ot milk, like our neighbors," was the reply. After she vvafc
gone, the Doctor into med me ihat vast numbers in the neighborhood were laboring uudef
•imilar diseases trotn the same cause. And yet 1 saw their scanty crop oi grain being *o a
lor export, at 6d. to 7d. per stone (fourteen pounds), and a< that was insufficient to satisfy
the landlord, their bliicit cauie sol I, so. ne ot them as cheap as eighteen shillings a head-*
things, the use ot which nature absolutely required to maintain *J>em in health— to
the w_nt," of the thirty thousund-a-year boys !
(133)
OUR NATURAL RIGHTS.
tlngulshable hatred of tyranny, the defects of limited abilities and an
Incomplete education.
I have, it is true, proposed a great and serious change. What of that
if it be as good as it is great, and as practicable as it is important 7
Many may think it too strong and sweeping a remedy for our social evils.
Well, I call on them to point out any other remedy by which they can be
radically cured. Some change of the kind must take place, or, monstrous
as is the system now, it will, in the lapse of time, become ten times more
monstrous. Why, estates in this neighborhood which, some thirty or
forty years ago, were not worth seven thousand pounds annually,
through the fertilizing improvements of the tenant, are now worth thirty
thousand a year. And though our Honorables will not expend a penny
in enhancing the value of the soil, yet, as soon as it is reclaimed, they
honorably seize the whole benefit. The soil will go on improving, till in
many districts it becomes live times more valuable than it is now ; this
improvement .will be effected (in Ireland at least), as it ever more has
been, by the labor and capital of the tenant; and if you leave absolute
ownership unchecked, the minion who now receives thirty thousand a
year will then have one hundred thousand extracted fraudulently from
the toil and sweat of the people. Nay, they have actually invented a
plan for compelling the tenant to improve the land for them under pain
of utter starvation. The hellish plan is expressed in a familiar adage,
eternally in the mouth of the landlord and his subordinates, " High rent
is the best manure ever land got." Now, what is the plain English of
this ? Here it is : " The present quality or condition of the soil does not
afford us more than a certain portion of produce; now we will exact
double the quantity of produce, and then the tenant must reclaim the
land for us or starve with his family ! "
I would never close this pamphlet if I waited to embody in it a tenth
of the wrongs and oppressions which crowd into my mind. The Earl
of Gosford, too, •' the best landlord in Armagh," as somebody styled him.
(" You're a sorry set, when I'm the best of you.")— the liberal Earl of
Oosi'ord could stand up in his Farming Society meeting, some four or
five years ago, and make a long speech, to show that the farmer ought
to keep no horse to assist him in his labor, and concluded a patriotic ha-
rangue by filling the goblet high " to spade labor, the poor man's best"
and he might have added, last " resource." But Lord Gosford, or any
other " Gos " among them, need not " lay the unction to his soul " that
such will be the poor man's last resource ; they will find to their cost
that he has other resources than stooping his shoulders to the horse's
labor, and bending the image of God under a burden of dung !
As the present wretchedness and the growing intelligence of the peo-
ple render a great and speedy change inevitable, what manner of change
would be best, and what the best means of effecting it, becomes matter
for the serious and instant consideration of the people. On the former
question I have given my opinions at length ; if the people agree with
these opinions, the latter is of easy solution. An English or Irish paper
will cost only fourpence ; every to wnland in the empire should take at
least one weekly paper, advocating the principle of limited ownership.
This would give to such papers as would espouse the people's cause a
circulation which would enable them to command the first-rate talent of
the nation. Association on association would follow, and that same
spirit whose waking start scared tyranny from the sin of intolerance
and the filth of Rotten Borroughs. would spring into active and vigor-
ous life, and establish and regulate the long trodden-down rights of
mankind.
This concludes the pamphlet, excepting " a warning word to
the Americans," and here it is :
The sole cause of American freedom is, that the energies of her people
and her political influence are not under the dominion of landlords. So
(134)
UUK NATURAL KKiliTS.
lory? as land can be easily purchased by the in-coming emigrant all shall
go on well ; but when it comes to be wanted for the absolute owners, farewell
to the plenty, and happiness, and freedom of the NEW WORLD, and welcome
the rampant, tyranny, the slavery and wretchedness of the OLD.
And will the men of America — those free spirits who quitted indignantly
and forever the lands of the tyrant — will they tamely stand to see a similar
tyranny established in the land of their adoption? Or will tho descendants
of those heroes that fought, and bled, and died to save their country from ,'
the pollution of the oppressor, permit a domestic oligarchy to grow up and
gorge upon the vitals of the country?
Why, to borrow a simile from their own great land, it would be destroy-
ing a den of snakes at the peril and loss of life and limb ; and afterwards
suffering a nest of these same reptiles to breed inside of the house, and
sting to death themselves and their children !
The last paragraph is not finished. The conclusion of it
is lost. It lies on my memory a sketch of the Imagination.
The Republic polluted with knaves, and Washington and
his great compatriots "bursting their cerements" — throw-
ing the light of their protection over their darkening land,
and "waving the sword of avenging justice" over the heads
of its growing Oligarchy. A picture, in short, that must be
realized very soon — though it may be by hands less worthy
—and possibly in a rougher way.
With the exception of the closing lines, "OuR NATURAL
BIGHTS " is here presented, word for word, as it was written
almost fifty years ago.
My resolve was now taken. I would devote my life to a
war against Land Monopoly — a war to the death — till either
one or the other should die. The best way I could commence
the war was to go to London and open the campaign at thai
great centre of Thought and action.
(136)
186 THE ODD BOOK OF THF MNMTKKNTH CENTURY;
CHAPTER XI.
ONE of my rivals for the prizes of our village school, E. 0. dot-
lias, disappeared for years, and returned with a treasure of Latin,
Greek, and aristocratic longings. His purpose was to become a
priest of the Catholic Church, was refused ordination, and
made his way to London, where he found employment on the
Foreign department of The Sun. This was a very substantial
fact in favor of my design, which was to remove to London in
order to carry on the war to which I had devoted my life. But
first I reconnoitered. Went to London. Found Mr. Crawford,
at his rooms in Cecil street, Strand. My brochure had been
already in his hands. He was perhaps the best aristocrat in
Ireland, but I found the superstition of caste slightly upon him,
and he rather discouraged my thought of removing to London.
One of my tutelary knights could not have been more sensitive
to coldness or neglect, and I said : " Well, sir, if I can't be useful
here— useful to Ireland— my path is straight to the United
States. Good morning." He followed me on the stair. " Hold !
Don't go to America, Ireland cannot afford to lose such men as
you." "Then Ireland shall not lose me. I will return to London,
and enter on the war ; " and I returned home, broke up house, and
returned to London with my family. In Liverpool we barely es-
caped the loss of all the money we had in gold. Left it in an
unlocked trunk out of which silver spoons were stolen, whilst the
money providentially escaped. The gold symbol was too weighty
to carry about my person. What bank notes I had were per-
fectly secure. Take notice !
I reached London, and Mr. Collins instructed, encouraged, and
introduced me. The threepenny stamp on newspapers had been
brought down to one penny. And The Constitutional was started
as a morning paper to inspirit and direct the democracy. To
me, fresh from the mountain coast was given the "Irish de-
partment " of that paper.
Up to this time all the daily papers of London were divided
between the two aristocratic parties, Tory and Whig. The Con-
utitutional professed to come out on the broad ground of popu-
lar rights. It was my duty to collate and comment npon the
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS.
current affairs and current news of Ireland. In doing so, the
landlords, and the rackrents came in for a good deal of my at-
tention. The evil news abounded, and I traced it all to its evil
source— the absolute ownership of land.
The stamp of my opinions quickly showed itself in the Consti-
tutional. And now let me relate a fact that has instruction in it.
I was at Mr. Crawford's rooms, when Wm. Smith O'Brien came
up stairs with a number of our paper in his hand; "Hillo!
Crawford, we have got help. Have you seen The Constitutional.
this morning? " "I have," replied Mr. Crawford, "and can pre-
sent to you the person who says he is author of the article you
refer to." A blended chagrin and disappointment came over
O'Brien's face to think the voice had not come from a higher
quarter. " Who says he is ! " It was an implied insult ; I could
feel that, the first, and indeed the last, ever offered to me by
men in their position. How could I resent it ? I believed them
to be the best aristocrats in Ireland. I believe so still. My
resentment found no voice. Better so. Far better. Ascerbities
are better avoided. They leave less or more of their bitterness
behind them in looking over our memories of the past. Without
Intending it, I got measurably even with both of these gentle-
men by and by, as shall be seen.
I am now speaking to the Democracy of England on that vital
subject which formed the object of my life.
My first encounter was, audaciously enough, with The Times —
The Thunderer. It came this way. Lough Erne, in addition to
being one of the largest and most beautiful lakes in Europe, is a
fine fostering field for salmon. Its outlet to the ocean is at
Ballyshannon, three miles down from the lake. At this point is
what must be one of the most magnificent "salmon leaps" in.
the world. Often have I
" Leaned me down upon a bank,"
watching the feats of force, agility, anl perseverance of the
salmon, as pitching from below, a height of (estimated) twelve to
twenty feet, they would reach the brow of the cataract, and by
sheer force of fin and tail fight against it, till they either won
and went on their upward way, or were driven down again into
" The hell of waters"
that boiled below, but only to renew the combat, and give over
only with victory.
18
138 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY J
The salmon fishery of those waters is, like everything else that
God made for His people, seized upon by robber " landlords,'^
measured and valued in money. And very valuable it is. The
particular landlord who claims it as his fief I don't know, but it
was then leased to the widow of Doctor Sheil, a man very
famous in his profession in his day. It is no discredit to Scotch-
men to say that they are enterprising fellows, and they proved
BO here, by planting stake nets outside the great sand bar which
juts up against the ocean. Those nets intercepted the salmon.
Bent had to be paid — the relentless rent ! — and there was noth-
ing wherewith to pay it. Word went around that the widow was
ruined, and one or two thousand men from coast and mountain
descended on the stake nets and left " not a wreck behind."
The event echoed itself into the Times office— what event does
not ?— and elicited a loud peal of " thunder," indeed, levelled at
the "agrarian rioters." Nor did it disdain to estimate the
"destruction of property" as well as the destruction of his
Majesty's " peace, law, and order." Now it so happened that my
relatives lived within ten miles of the " riot ; " knew all about it,
and had just written its whole history to myself. It was not
a hard job to throw the subject into shape, and give it a place in
The Constitutional. A few sarcasms about the new affiiliation of
the Times with marauders who "devoured widows' houses"
oame in naturally enough at the end of my statement. Sur-
prised, and it may be a, little stunned, by such an unexpected
attack, the Times took breath for the better part of a week, in-
formed itself on the subject, and then came out ; made a frank
amende to the Irish net-breakers, and to " one of our contempo-
raries," for having discovered the truth. It was a conservative,
preservative, and praiseworthy riot after all. But the Times
did not name the "contemporary," for that would be adver-
tising our new enterprise. The victory was with us, however.
The fact gave me a lift in the estimate of my employers, and
threw an especial brightness on my prospect of being usefuL
The work I had to do was not work, it was a pleasure — the
pleasure I would have chosen if all earthly pleasures lay at
my feet
At this time a tax was on salt in Ireland, and it was remitted
MB a premium on curing of fish. I had not seen, suffered, and
risked much in the trade of fishing, but enough to put me out of
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 1B9
conceit with it. The first horror my childhood listened to was
the " Drowning in Bruekless Bay," of the whole fishing fleet, I
know not how many boat crews, in one night, of which not one
escaped. Each succeeding year brought its average of drowned
men and destituted families. To this was added a fact still
more likely to weigh with the school of Politico economists.
The pursuit of fishing gave an adventurous habit, that looked
down with indifference, or contempt, on the plodding labor of
-spade and scythe. Worse, it gave a spending habit, a contempt
for small outlays as well as for small gains. On rare occasions
there was not perhaps an experienced fisherman on the coast,
who had not realized as much as a pound sterling by one night'a
lucky fishing. This could only be when there was a' very large
haul and a very high price,, and those two things so rarely met
together as to resemble gambling. But the golden memory
would remain, and it helped the public houses materially. There
is intense friendliness in the Irish people, as well as intense fierce-
ness. The readiest, most convincing way this friendliness can
show itself is by " Come in boys, and let us have a drop." Con-
scious of present inability to afford the cost, the next word would
be "the company's health, they're wagging their tails (i. e. the
herrings) will pay for this." And so the fishing, as a staple re-
liance, did, with an uncertain amount of good, bring very certain
amounts of evil. I published my views on the subject, in The
Constitutional, I wrote to the Executive in Dublin, urging to
change the premium on fishing to a premium on flax raising,
and reclaiming the adjacent heather lands ; pointing out the al-
tered homes and steadily increasing industry and gains that
would follow. To every communication on the subject, I re-
ceived a courteous, and somewhat hopeful, reply. Encourage-
ment to fishing, I believe, was withdrawn, but no land improve-
ment was substituted in its place. The "landlord," as he called
himself, stood in the way. And was he not both the " landlord "
and the law '?
The Constitutional was a re-model of the Public Ledger, which
was a continuation of the Public Advertiser, immortalized by
the letters of Junius. It failed, partly because the five estab-
lished papers would not admit it to the joint arrangement for
** expressing " continental news up from Dover. Telegraphs
were not in those days, and even railroads had only made their
140 THE ODD BOCK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTUKT ;
ilrst footing between Liverpool and Manchester. The Constitu-
tional employed a relay horse-express of its own, at a cost thftfc
helped largely and suddenly to sink it.
But a more potent cause of its failure came, I think, from an.
other quarter.
There was, at the time I am speaking of, a knot of very wise
men, in their own estimation — Hume, Eoebuck, Brougham, Col-
Thomson, etc., who christened themseleves " Philosophical Radi-
cals/' and took the field against the poor people, and in favor of
the poor landlords.
Between those quacks and The Constitutional it was agreed, OB
the one hand, that the new paaer would do nothing to add to the
odium in which the " Poor Law Amendment Act "—so called— was
held by the -people of England. In return, the influence of the
* Philosophical " was to be directed to the great benefit of the
new enterprise. This fact blasted my own prospects, first, and,
by and by, it blasted also the prospects of The Constitutional
For (now 1836 or '7) the government brought forward its plan
for a Poor Law in Ireland—a counterpart to that already fastened
on England ; the same in its prison workhouses — locust host of
officials ; imprisonment and starvation of the poor. The subject
relating to Ireland fell into my department. I prepared an ar-
ticle pointining out the evils of the proposed law — every clause
of it a distinct evil. I proceeded to set forth the millions
of acres of idlo and easily reclaitnable land that abounded
in Ireland, and presented the gaunt owners of a million of
idle bands vainly asking for something to do. The remedy
was simply to set the idle hands to work upon the idle land
One or two arces, and help to build a cottage would fix any
poor family in profitable employment for half of its time, leaving
the other half to work for hire. I urged that this would bo a
complete remedy — the machinery alike simple and inexpensive.
That article, though it never saw the light, brought upon me
great personal adversity.
The editorial " We " was, on The Constitutional at least, no
misnomer. The editorial corps was four or five in number, and
the contribution of each was, as it ought to be, submitted to
the judgment of all. All were Radical Reformers and true mei\
and no difference in judgment or action had arisen till now. Now
that my article " leveled a deadly thrust at the English Poor
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS.
Law through the side of that proposed for Ireland." " We will
not defend the new law, neither can we attack it."
These were the words of Laman Blanchard, editor-in-chief, aa
he urged me to expunge four lines from my manuscript.
I refused. " Those lines," I said, " are the soul ; without them
the article would be a ' dead carcase/ I left my home," I con-
tinued, " not simply to earn a living, but to diffuse truth as I
saw it." And I urged that this understanding with the Koebuck
fraternity would lead to a great misunderstanding with the
Radical Reformers of England, and the people^at large. Impair
the usefulness and peril the existence of the paper. Poor,
good Blanchard ! He tried to persuade me that the article was
very much to the purpose by merely showing my views of what
was needed, that my reflections on the proposed law could be
omitted without detriment to those views. But my keen, yet I
will confess mistaken, sense of honor would not assent to his
condition. I threw down my pen, walked out of the office, and
carried that dark night a darker gloom into my little household.
It was, indeed, a contrast. That very day I had been with my
wife along the Serpentine river— then quite rural— searching for
a desirable cottage near its banks. My income from the paper
was more than sufficient for my wants ; it was earned by the per-
formance of work that was to me a positive enjoyment, and I
looked joyfully forward to a long and perhaps a bright career of
usefulness. How was all this hope darkened in that dark night !
Looking back at it through the long memory, it seems an in-
credible, but a very painful dream.
For months I did nothing save instruct myself in language,
and the art of a reporter. I was coming gradually to the last of
my slender resources. My memories of London during this
time would fill a volume, and not without instruction, but it
would not be to my purpose to write all those memories here.
From the eventful night in which I left the office of the Con-
Mtitutional, I did not enter it during the time above indicated.
At the end of that time I called in the publishing office. Mr.
Dyer, who was in charge of that department, received me with
a good will that stands bright in my memory. Beyond a nod of
recognition as I passed through his office to the editorial rooms
up stairs, we had known nothing of each other. I might well be
surprised then, when he invited me into the back parlorf and
.142 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY J
(having learned that I had been so long without employment)
threw his purse of sovereigns on the table, and invited rne to
borrow from him what I might require for the present. I suc-
ceeded in assuring him that I had not yet come to my last
guinea. He was, I found, familiar with the circumstances under
which I left the office, and was pleased to say good things to me
which I did not at all expect to hear. " Mr. Blanchard," he said
" has often expressed regret that he could not find you out,'"
and on his suggestion, I appointed to call on that gentleman on
the following evening. " You were right," said he, as he took me
by the hand. " Our tacit assent to the new Poor Law has done
its work. We expire in four weeks from this time. Come, how-
ever, and earn a guinea with us so long as we remain in exist-
ence." "But you know my opinions," I replied, " and they ere
not altered." "Do as you think right," he said, " it is all the
same now." And at the end of the four weeks The Constitutional
ceased to exist.
And now I have to look back at a dreary effort to learn report-
ing, to practise the phonetic alphabet, invent short signs to indi-
cate long words and phrases, and to improve my knowledge of
language. I tried penny-a-lining, gave tolerably good sketches
of casual incidents and public meetings. Multiplied and
dropped them into all the journal letter boxes. To see next
morning vapid accounts of the same things published in them
all, and mine neglected. I did not know even that the editors
were not likely to insert anything I would send, not knowing
whether it was, or was not, authentic. And thus I floundered
on, not at all aware that I was ploughing the sand that hardly
ever could, under the circumstances, yield me any return.
One day I was in St. James' Park. William IV. was yet above
ground, and a file of mounted life guards were drawn up in
front of the palace. This indicated the coming out of the king,
and so not much of a crowd gathered to see how royalty looked
in its old days. On its appearance a tall young fellow threw up
his hat and raised a solitary cheer. Not entirely solitary, for it
was greeted with a derisive laugh all round the crowd. I trans-
mitted a sketch of the picture to the Weekly Dispatch, headed
" Royalty on the Wane," and had not the perception to go for the
pay I was entitled to on its publication. The Dispatch was a
professed Republican paper, and it ie likely mv extreme activity,
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DATS, 143
and my extreme views, and my extreme need, would have got
me a place on it if I had tried. Bat I did not try for it. I was,
indeed, very simple and very helpless.
With the little money I had remaining I bought wares and
sent them for sale to my brother in Donegal. And never was
missive more looked for than the return of his slender remit-
tance. But the capital was small, and the profits small, and as
we had to live, every consignment, and remittance back, grew
smaller and smaller, and finally disappeared.
There were four of us. What had we to pawn? Almost
nothing.
My Irish notes entrusted to Mr. Crawford had been returned
in English money and was all gone. I had written telling him
that I had left The Constitutional, and why I left it. He did not
answer my letter, but I did not write again to him, which I now
think was strange, as I concluded that he surely had not recieved
that which I had written. I thought of him, however, and hav-
ing in my posession some of his corresspondence with me, I took
it to Scotland Yard, to Col. Rowan, the Police Commissioner, and
a relative, I believe, of Mr. Crawford. He ordered my name on
the lists, and myself to the Medical Examiner. If the examiner
had rejected me, what then ? Aye, what then ? It is an easy
matter for political economists to write and talk. They never
sank to know what then fell upon me.
But he did not reject me, and day after day, I don't know for
how many days, I journeyed to Scotland Yard, living, all of us
living, the meanwhile half on hope, half on allowance. At length
a vacancy, 81 of the N division, stationed at Hackney. There I
reported, and I earned my first day's pay by stretching all night
under the Inspector's eye on a wooden bench in the station
house. Next morning I don the costume, and return home to
effect a transit to my new field of work or glory. But there was
sickness before me. A premature existence had escaped from a
trial of the world, I had outstaid my time, and when I returned
to duty the local authority bundled up my toggery, and sent
myself and it before the Commissioner. It must have been that
he took unusual interest in me as the correspondent of Mr.
Crawford. He spoke very kindly to me, and as he did so the
bitterness of my spirit came welling to my eyes. He spoke en-
couragingly too. In short, his good, kindly nature showed itself
144 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY ;
in such a way as brings, at this far off time, an emotion of regret
and gratitude to my heart. He restored me to life, for I had no
other means of existence, ssnt me back on the local command-
ers. Quite an unusual thing, I understood, and half conveying
a rebuke to them. The pay was 20 weekly shillings, of which
four went for rent of rooms ; luckily the new regulation of only
12s. for recruits was not yet established. It was one other narrow
escape. Luckily, too, it was summer, and my duty night patrol-
ing in a neighborhood almost rural.
But night waking and watching is a war against Nature. I
supposed that this was my fate, my life, and I set to with my
usual shallow simplicity to earn promotion by my active vigil-
ance. I don't know, the length of the beat assigned to me, but
it just took three- quarters of an hour to go round it. Every
sinuosity of lane, stable, or out-house had to be inspected in
every that length of time. Always just at twelve o'clock, as if
the sun were shooting sleep through the earth, as in the zenith
he flings waking down upon it, I could net keep my eyes open.
But standing was not permitted, so I had to walk on, though dis-
tinctly asleep for some time, and over some space that I cannot
now fix exactly. But as soon as the " wierd hour " was passed
I emerged into full life and wakefulness. Whether this was a
peculiarity of my own organization, or whether it is a general
law might be worth inquiry. I was not long in service till I
made an enemy of Sergeant Jones, the petty officer in immediate
command over me. It was in this way. Two men in the small
hours emerged over a yard or garden fence out into the street.
Of course it was my duty to confront them, I was paid for it; be-
sides in that way lay promotion. Sergeant Jones happened to
come up on his rounds, and I demanded that he should assist me.
No ! those men, he knew them, and he ordered me to let them go.
I refused, and someway we all got up to the station. My cap-
tives once there I returned to my beat, and heard no more of
them. Lucky for me, for instead of sleep, I would have had to
attend court in the morning. I speak of this because it is a se-
rious drawback on the policeman's immunities. This same Ser-
geant Jones was, shortly after, transported for life, for robbing
and attempting to murder his landlord by repeated blows on the
head with a hammer. He had entered the landlord's office on the
pretence of paying him rent. No doubt this bad man was *n
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. i45
league with my garden prisoners. I had just one other charac-
teristic incident whilst on this really well ordered force.
On line of my beat were some pretentious houses, inhabited
either by the upper middle class or the lower upper class I could
not determine which. It had rounded " the short hour," when
screams of " murder, murder !" and a sash thrown up made a pull
on my heart, and a pull out of my locust to interfere. The voice
and person were those of a lady, a fact confirmed by the style
of the house. •' What's the matter?" from myself, "Keep the
peace, and keep quiet, or I'll be in to take a hand." Go to h ,
you Irish , or I'll be out with you to take a hand." This
from a powerful looking gentlemanlike man just behind the lady
on whom it was clear he had not expended all his wrath.
" I want you to come out, I want you to the station house, "
was my invitation.
"Stop a moment, 1*11 station you," and vanishing from the
window with heavy tramp he rapidly descended the stairs, and
flung open the front door, to do, I did not know exactly what to
myself. And I never learned. Promptitude, a thought of the
old knights, was always my friend in such cases, and it was so
now. I was already with my back leaned upright against the
wall at the side of the door entrance. He opened, and before he
got clear out I swung in on him with all my collected force, and
threw him heavily down on his back on the hall floor, my club
out and I on the top of him. The shock to him gave me great
advantage. His writhing, pitching, and cursing were very vig-
orous, and did not abate in the least when I swung the club and
threatened to disable him. Faithful woman! The outraged
wife came rushing down stairs, and begged my forbearance, as
only a woman can beg. " But this ruffian," I called him ruffian,
though the tout ensemble called him a gentleman, " this ruffian
will murder you if I let him up, therefore it is far better he
should be safe this night in the station house." "No! no ! he
. won't, he's so good, only a little wild to night. Say you won't
Robert dear, and come up stairs with me. I hope, I hope this
good polceman won't take you away ! " I certainly was soft-
ened by her distress, and he, too, must have softened, if not by
it, by the fall. So he grunted a kind word to her, and a vow
that he would have me extravasated by my superiors for draw-
ing my club on him. And, indeed, to use the club, except in the
lit THE OL>1» HOOK OF THK NINETEENTH CENTURY ;
most extreme necessity, brings, and very properly, instant dis-
missal from the London force.
That w:is my second adventure. My third I would not relate
only to honestly confess how far this life was sinking me. Our
Superintendent, Molliheu, rode slowly past me one day. There
was still a stalk of what Burns calls " carle hemp " in my nature,
arid I did not touch my hat with the expected salute. He passed
on but immediately wheeled and cama up with me. " Why did
you pass without the usual salute ? " I felt like Percy Shafton,
when he had not " determined what answer he might think it
perfectly convenient to make." And like, Percy, I hesitated.
"Oil see, you didn't know me, I am your Superintendent." I
nodded an insincere and cowardly assent. I knew him well
enough. But in our volume of " Instructions " (a very useful
manual) this saluting duty had no place, and I should have
manfully told him so. Those things teach me to soften my
judgment of a man whom I may find acting meanly and falsely.
Two or three times in my life I did both.
But I now had been three months in the service, and I thought
it was time to look for that promotion which I had been trying
to earn, trying by petty and mean acts of which I am now
vainly ashamed, and for which I offer the penitence of this con-
fession. I had so far sank my manhood as to open and search
little bundles belonging to people ; because the regulations I
think, I am not sure, ordered it to be done. I had left home
with aspirations and a purpose as noble as ever inspired a man,
and just see what necessity and circumstances had drive me to.
A very little encouragement, and I would have been an ignoble
thief-catcher for life.
And so I wrote to Colonel Kowan, intimating my wish, and re-
counting my merits. In reply my Inspector ordered me to don
my private clothes, and go before the Commissioner.
As I departed I could not forecast the upshot, but the know-
ing ones said "there goes the last of him." I was soon before
the ColoneL
" This is your writing."
"Yes."
" Why did you write this ? Did some one induce you to do
80?"
" No. Whatever is there is my own thought."
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 147
" This is unusual. Take your things. Eeturn to duty/' That
was all. I had no other earthly way to live, and I did not know
the risk I ran, till I met the general surprise with which my re-
turn to the N division was greeted. Outre I believe I hav » been
tn all things. It is not likely many such incidents are recorded
in the annals of the " force."
My situation now became intolerable. A crushing failure had
fallen on my life. I entered London with the determination am i
the hope to fix attention on the great principle which alone e:m
give stability to nations and happiness to the human family.
And now it had come to this ! A dull mechanical patrol for nine
hours every night, and that for seven nights in every week.
That was the condition of life now offered to me. My system
refused the condition. The deepening gloom of my mind seized
upon my digestion and threatened to close up the account. A
thought fell heavily upon me — how innocent I was, how unde-
serving such a doom ! At last in the dead of night I had to re-
port off duty sick. Our physician, a smart, intelligent young
fellow put me on a regimen, " light pudding, hard crackers, no
meat." I quote because I know it is good in such cases, and let.
the reader bear in mind that I will lose no occasion to let what
may be useful be at least seen.
But regimen was of no avail. My system distinctly refused to
accept the condition of life offered to it. What then?
I wrote to Mr. Blanchard what was, and what was likely to
come of it. My descriptive letter ended thus : " Every night,
seven nights in every week, this is repeated. Brooding and bit-
ter thought has taken hold of my stomach, and, in short, I am
given « notice quit ' either this work, or this existence."
My memory does not hold, I suppose I never did know, the
means by which Mr. Blanchard accomplished my rescue, but I
found myself engaged to take charge of the Greenwich Gazette.''
That is certainly a creditable Institution, the Greenwich Hos-
pital. Legless, armless, and generally stranded seamen find
very tolerable refuge here. It also gives a refuge to the
canvas likenesses of the groat naval commanders, and in a glass
case the moth-devoured uniform worn by Nelson at Trafalgar,
the hole, and even the earnest little French bullet that went
through it. The Park is large and rural, the abode of a good
many tame deer, and of the Observatory that gives longitudes to
148 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY;
the world ; also of certain precipitous declivities that give rolling^
down velocity to the light-hearted London visitors to the Green-
wich fair. Blackheath, an extensive common (unfenced in the
time I speak of, and I suppose so still) juts up to the interior
end of the Park, and thence away a mile or more into the coun-
try. This within five cents of London, where people are sunk
down deep or piled up sky high in their habitations. Monarchy
and aristocracy ! What a precious gift you are to this happy
world ! An excellent school for the sailor boys is attached to the
Hospital, of which Mr. Hartnall, proprietor of the Gazette, was
Principal.
At the late election the Gazette had hoisted the colors of
the Tory candidate, and insisted that he was a true Whig. The
young man was, I believe, a nephew of Thomas Atwood, of Bir-
mingham, the famous Reformer. He was elected, and the in-
dignation of the Whigs threatened to extinguish the Gazette. To
avert this, Hartnall bargained with a model charlatan, who signed
himself Christopher Irving, L.L.D., F.A.S. Of the condition of
this bargain I knew notning, but Hartnall, a very shrewd fellow,
Boon found that the " F. A. S." might honestly omit the F and
add one S more to his signature. Of this dilemma Mr.Bkmchard
became aware, and signaled myself to leave " the force " and the
pleasant neighborhood of Hackney.
My first article in The Gazette was a counterpart of that which
sundered me from The Constitutional "We agree with Mr^
Sharman Crawford," so ran the article " that the best Poor Law
for Ireland would be an absentee tax, or some law that would
react upon the landlords, and compel them to remain on their
estates, and do their whole duty to their tenantries," etc. I sent
the paper to Mr. Crawford, at his residence near Bangor, county
Down. He gave a quite hearty acknowledgment of its receipt.
I had expressed in it doubts that he had not pushed his land
bill in Parliament with sufficient energy. To which he. replied
" The landlords and lawyers ON ALL SIDES of the House were op-
posed to me." That when he gave " notice of motion for a certain
night in the future," always on that night the government had
business to do, before which all other business must give way^
Then lie could do nothing, but give " notice " for another night.
That other night came and brought the same interference by the
government. So that they " Obstructed " him from getting his
OR, THE SPIRIT OB1 CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 149
bill before the House at all. He then explained that he did not
answer my letter (referred to page 167), becase he " did hot see
what he could do " to aid me. This struck to my heart with re-
gret and indignation. I had, in my trusting simplicity, concluded
undoubtingly that he had not received my letter at all, or he
would have replied to it. That illusion was now dissipated. I
realized that Mr. Crawford was an aristocrat, and I took up the
thought that he treated me with neglect because his position and
his fourteen thousand a year entitled him to do so. In short, I
concluded that he, too, assumed the superiority affected by his
insolent class to men of my class. This I never could tolerate,
and I wrote him my thought that " to public virtue and public
usefulness I would yield everything, to mere wealth or station
I would yield nothing. That if in the long hereafter we ever met
or ever corresponded, it must be on terms of perfect equality." I
never heard from Mr. Crawford again ; never met him, though I
made quite a chatacteristic step in that direction twenty years
thereafter, as we shall see.
But to return. Weeks elapsed before I knew of the principal
fact that led to my engagement on Tlie Gazette. Rumors floated
around, but I did not helieve them. Hartnall was a clever, lib-
eral fellow. I liked him. He gave me all I wanted of my own
way. ^ut yet,
" Fie upon but yet,
Bur yet Is but a jailer, to brine: forth
Some monstrous malefactor."
Let us see. The constituents of Mr. Atwood gave him — or he
gave them — a public dinner. Those public dinners are good, but
the " after dinners " are better. When you have swallowed all
you can of her majesty's health, and taken another gulp of the
"royal family," you come to the earnest work of the even-
ing, the " guest," and the " occasion," and the crowding proofs
that Dolitics are not always a dry subject. At those dinners
" A man's a' man for a that"
if he is duly commissioned with pencil and note book to. arrest
the passing scenes, fasten them on paper and ink, and present
them next morning to the awaiting public. For the time being
you are the Peer of the lirst Peer in the land. "Very conde-
scending of the Peers " you will say. You are mistaken. It is
not condescension. It is necessity. The poor Peers must sub-
mit to it, either to it or to oblivion. They tried to side-table it
150 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTUKY;
once or twice I believe. A " strike," a closing up of notebooks?;
those avenues to diurnal fame, and next morning the Hon. rob-
bers found themselves so sunk down in oblivion that nobody
knew where they had disappeared to.
But to return to the dinner, or rather the " after dinner." To
every toast a speech or two, with an interlayer of (by profession-
als) the Briton's national songs, such as : —
*' Where'er fte goes, where'er he steers,
In every clirae he sees.
The fla<? that braved a thousand yearsK
The battle and the breeze."
At length "The press, the great palladium, etc.," calls Mr,
Hartnall to his legs. Having done a good deal more than jus-
tice to the sentiment, he came to a private grievance of his own,
It had " been rumored, and even believed, that his paper had
helped their Hon. guest to his Honorable position for a consider-
ation—he might as well name it— of £500. This was untrue.
There was not a word of truth in it. He respected the abilities^
he honored the principles of their Hon. guest. He believed, as
the gentlemen around him believed, he would represent the bor-
ough ably, worthily, liberally, etc.," and concluded by a shadowy
Invitation to that gentleman to confirm the truth of what he
said. To the shadowy invitation Mr. Atwood responded with
" the Park," " the Hospital," " the general intelligence that dis-
tinguished the electors." In short —
"The speech was a fair sample, on the whole,
Of rhetoric that the learned call rigmarole "
Everything was there but what we all (especially Mr. Hart-
nail) expected to be there, but not a word about the £5COt
Perhaps I was wrong in drawing the natural conclusion. But
I did draw it. The Whig electors had the same thought, and
determined to " cut" The Gazette utterly, nnd establish -a paper
of their own. I very ignorantly, improperly, and ungratefully
agreed to second their enterprise. I did so, because at the time
I considered that, with one or two drawbacks (most villainous
drawbacks they were) the Whigs were the party of progress
— that to deceive them was to commit a sin against Freedom
Itself. The new paper, was to be owned by the "liberals" of
the borough and its neighborhood. TliP charlatan, Irving,
was to be ostensible editor ; I to be reporter apparent, and a»
OB, THE SPIIIIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 151
tual editor— precisely the position we both occupied on -JLTie Ga-
zette. The paper was started at the time (1837) the Patriot
Movement in Canada arrested general attention. That move-
ment was exceedingly popular among the Democracy of Eng-
land, and enough of the management was left to me to enable
me to name the new paper The Greenwich Patriot. This, how-
ever, was amended so as to read, Greenwich, Woolwich, and
Deptford Patriot, Gravesend, Chatham, and Rochester Adver-
tiser, and West Kent Reformer. I remonstrated against this.
In vain, the " enlightened electors " would have it so, and the
paper was remorselessly buried under its pyramid of names.
But it was of little, importance to the world or to me what
name the new enterprise should be known by. The getters-up
of the paper were mere Whigs— ductile instruments of the ex-
isting government. It was not strange, therefore, that my de-
termination to advocate the cause of the Canadian Patriots
should lead to my disconnexion with the paper. The excite-
ment throughout the Isles on the subject was intense. The
British Government had given Canada a Constitution. The Col-
onial Assemblies were clothed with the power to grant or with-
hold the supplies ; and the moment the Home Government vio-
lated that Constitution, and broke into the Candian Treasury,
that moment the indignation of the British Democracy was lev-
eled at the ministry with an earnestness that could not be sur-
I partook of this general feeling, and very gravely proved, in
the columns of The Patriot, the crimes of robbery, bloodshed,
incendiarism, and all the horrors of civil strife against the Gov-
ernment. No trifling thing to accomplish in the columns of a
paper got up for the purpose of sustaining the ministry in all
things — got up by its obedient Jacques, who expected as
the reward of their zeal certain little emoluments lying
around Greenwich Hospital, Woolwich Arsenal, and Chatham
Dock Yard. That my connexion with the paper could not be
permanent can now be easily perceived. My breach with it was
hastened by' one or two other matters. This was one of them :
The Prince-s Sophia was a sister of George III., and then well
advanced in life. Her residence was on Blackhcath, and she
attended divine service at the principal church in Greenwich,
always with a large cortege of servants.
152 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTTJKT ;
One fine summer holiday, the sun reigning high in the heav-
ens, the cortege arranged itself in two files, each file bearing a
line of lighted lamps, and through those lamps the princess
moved up the avenue to the church. To me the scene was BO
remarkable, and so foolish withal, that I publish o1 1 -lescription
of it in the next number of The Patriot I quot -peare :
" To gild refined gold, or paint the lilly ;
To add a perfume to the violet.
Or with taper light
To seek the beauteous eye of heaven to garnish.
Is wasteful and ridiculous excess."
And, to crown all, in describing the person of her Royal High-
ness, I spoke of the '* simplicity, or rather gullibility, of counte-
nance so characteristic of her family." I woke on Saturday
morning with such a tempest about my ears ! The princess wan
really a good kind of woman, and the expenditure of her income
did much good to the borough. She was popular therefore.
That fact was handsomely recorded in our next paper, and my
peace was made. But not for aye.
The English Reformers were already deeply and justly in-
censed against the Whigs and the starvation Poor Law. The
coercion and war in Canada fanned the flame. I partook of this
Indignant feeling, and behold me charging on the government
with a weapon created and sustained by its own party followers.
But things could not go on in this way forever. Though
not a sign appeared in the sky, yet the storm was
brewing. It came about in this way : I was beginning
to discover that Irving was not only a dunce, cheating the
committee who subscribed The Patriot into life, and contin-
ued to sustain it, but also a swindler who played into the
hands of an assumed cousin, who called himself Major
Campbell, and boarded at " The Mitre," one of the best hotels.
If any thing shaky came on Irving, he referred to Major
Campbell. In return he held the bogus Major on his feefc
when a shake came upon him. I have ever been too slow
to suspect, and was not certain of this. But I was certain
that it was injurious to the paper to have two columns every
week blotted over with the proceedings of the Antiquarian So-
ciety, the F.A.S., of which Irving had hung on to his name. That
and another fact.
OJJ, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 153
As soon as the paper came from the press on Satur-
day morning, Irving would make up a parcel, of a hun-
dred or two copies, mount the mail coach and off to Chat-
ham, Kochester, and Gravesend, spending on the trip as
much money as the whole papers thus transported would
amount to. I remonstrated with him. In vain. I saw that
the paper was doomed, and with it, of course, my own pros-
pects, if this should go on. So I gave him to understand
that I would not consent to this management. That if he would
not alter his course I would let the committee know the whole
state of affairs. But through a long life Irving had doubtless
been driven into worse corners than this, and knew well how to
get out of them. So what was my surprise when I was sum-
moned before the committee, as an assuming rebellious amanu-
ensis, who had set up my claim to be the author of what I had
merely written out at the dictation of my superior, Dr. Irving,
the editor-in-chief. There was a trial before the committee. A
Welsh attorney, named James, a slow-thinking merchant or two,
and an ex-butler who had married a property, and lived in the
Cresent Did they think it likely the Dr., with his LL.D., F.A.S.,
and his standing, and all his experience as an editor, would fabri-
cate such a charge against his assistant? No. They wisely decid-
ed that I should receive the punishment of dismissal, and as a
further punishment the confiscation of, I believe it was thirty
shillings, my week's salary. It was snowing in my face when I
returned home with the intelligence. In a strict sense I de-
served this misfortune, but not in a moral sense. I had, with
what very much resembled baseness and ingratitude, quit the
service which that good and friendly heart, Mr. Blanchard, had
procured me. What would he, what could he, think cf me ? Hart-
nail, too, had been friendly, and of great service to me in mas-
tering my profession — what would he say or think ? And yet I
was not conscious of the wrong I had done, and it was, in truth*
an ungrateful wrong. On the contrary, I believed I had per-
formed a pulic duty. I had assisted in wresting power from the
man who had sold that power to the Tories, whom I regarded,
and not untruly, as the enemies of man and progress. Sold it
against the Whigs, whom I regarded, and very iftttruly, as the
arrayed and resolved champions of both. Indeed so absorbed
was I with the proud and useful public duty I was called upon
20
154 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY ;
to perform that, so far as I remember, a single thought of Mr.
Blanchard did not occur to me when I made the change. Even
if it 'had, such was my stupid enthusiasm, that I would not have
considered it so as to influence my determination in performing
what 1 thought a great public duty. Which, indeed, was not
a public duty at all — I might even call it a public fraud.
Being now very nearly aground I advertised in The Sun. It
was then owned by Murdo Young, a good, homety, considerate
Scotchman. He absolutely refused to take money for inserting
my advertisement. I thought this strange. I did not know all
the honorable esprit de corps that exists in the brotherhood of
jpurnalisrn in London. I overcame his generosity, however,
but only so far as to pay in four and sixpence, which was the
then advertisement duty for three insertions.
Sir Thomas Dumbledon, of Leicester or Worcester, replied to
my advertisement. He had been defeated at the late election for
his county. A weekly paper had been started in consequence,
but the editor, he wrote, " would not forbear from attacking the
Church of England." It is seen that I parted with The Constitu-
tional rather than forbear my attack on the new Poor Law. But
I had suffered a great deal in consequence. And here I would
just say if you want to keep a man honest and honorable, give
him something, ever so little, to eat and drink. I wrote to Sir
Thomas, saying I was willing to let the Church sleep on in her
hoariness, and in compliance with his request sent him an ar-
ticle on — what ? A slashing article against the very Whig gov-
ernment of which he aspired to make one, and on that self-same
sore subject, the coercion of Canada. Of course the committee
protected their columns from such political desecration, but
wrote me to meet their chairman at the Reform Club, day and
hour mentioned. It was Sir Thomas himself, in person and de-
meanor a model English gentleman. A shrewd man, too. In a
few minutes' conversation on public matters he discovered me —
knew I would be far more intractable than even the man they
were compelled to get rid of. He expressed his regret, put a
five pound note in my hand for my unused MS., and so that an-
chor parted.
Two or three other responses came to me, one providentially
from Robert Blakey, of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, asking to send
one or two copies of tb^ pnjv-r T had hceu conducting. I did so.
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DA*». 155
His decision came promptly. " Come on, our terms are two sov-
ereigns a week, with twenty more at the end of the year if your
work pleases us. You may be the better of traveling expen-
ses," and he enveloped a ten pound notej saying " this don't
count." Here, then, were Blanchard, Dyer, Dumbledon, and
Blakey, Englishmen, and Murdo Young, a Scotchman, who all
acted most honorably by me.
This turn in my fortunes removed me entirely and finally from
London. But before my narrative quits the modern Babylon, lefc
me indulge in a few reflections on the nature and extent of such
a great "social wen." To the rampant land thieves, who by
their accursed system of Rents, glean in the whole cream of the
land, London is "the world," — at least till they get to those
more intense "worlds"— Paris or Naples. The Theatres, Ope-
ras, Public Gardens, Coliseum, etc., do not, I believe, form much
attraction for the "Nobility." Their Clubs. Gaming Hells, in-
trigues, charioteering, " Parliamentin," as Burns calls it, etc., fill
up most of their nights ; days they have little or none— they are
all dozed away in bed. The immense population of between two
and three millions, is supported by the unclean drippings from
those fortunes, which in their collection beggar and starve the
whole face of the country where those fortunes are produced.
My Lord has his gaming-house, his mistresses, his extravagance
of every kind. So has my lord's valet, and groom, and footman,
on an humbler scale. Dens of vice and idleness are multiplied.
Those dens require servants to keep them in order, workmen
to keep them in repair, policemen to prevent them from killing
each other. All these require tens of thousands of stores to
supply them, ships, wagons, railways to bring in stuffs for them
to eat and wear ; but the whole is brought and kept together
•mainly by the Land Rents, and such portion of the government
plunder as is consumed in the Metropolis.
London, to the squandering classes, furnishes great facilities
towards achieving the end of their existence in aa easy and ef-
fectual way. But to the hundreds of thousands, nay millions,
who are thrown into the deep and filthy mud, to scramble for a
mouthful of the polluted life-supply that London offers, it is a
Lazeretto, a prison, a hell ! Want, sorrow, disea.se, utter lost-
ness and degradation, cannot assume anywhere else one half of
the substantial terrors which they put on in a place like Lon-
1 * ' THE ODD BOOK OP THE NINETEENTH CENTURY J
<ion. The struggling wretch, who labors for six or seven shil-
lings a week ; thoy who beg, pilfer — wait, perhaps days, foi the
chance of earning a shilling by some fortuitous job — those, in
short, who can't get half enough to eat, and hardly anything to
wear, those cannot even regale themselves with a mouthful of
fresh air and freedom. To reach the open country is out of the
question. From the parts of the city swarmed by them, it is
Impossible for them to get out to the bona-fide green fields, un-
iess they can either spare money, which they have not, or under-
take to walk such a great distance out and back to their dens
as would incapacitate them from doing any other labor on the
same day. The Parks, to be sure, are beautiful, and very exten-
sive ; but even these, surrounded on every side by lofty and in-
penetrable rows of houses, very soon assume to the prisoner of
the city a hue or coloring like the rest of the jail.
The crush and struggle for life, even among the trading
classes, is distressing. The golden links of the aristocracy
dangling above them ; to these their aim is ever directed, to
get a hold by some dexterous sleight, and get up ; but below
the dead sea of pauperism, with all its hideousness, filth, and
tottomlessness, yawns, whilst not a moment passes over but
the bankrupt is falling down plash into the abyss below—
His wife, his sons, his daughters, along with him. Oh, here is a
harvest for the tempter. Out of that abyss they are glad to get,
even for a brief season, and even upon the noisome and foul
banks of depravity and ruin.
I set out, by water, for Hull, a large town, on the river Hum-
ber, the outlet of Yorkshire into the German ocean.
I am thus particular, because I came within an ace of being
drowned in the Thames in the attempt to get on board of the
Hull steamer. It was a frosty morning in January, and the river
was a good deal encumbered with drift ice. I employed a water-
man to row me out into the stream, to await the coming of the
steamer, then looming into view, with her tall checqucred red and
white chimneys. When she reached where we lay, she came to a
stop, for the purpose of taking me on board ; but unlike the boats
that ply on the river Thames, she had not a ladder hanging
over her lofty side for the convenience of passengers getting in.
The entire inner surface of the waterman's boat was covered
with a coating of the most slippery kind of ice. I stood upon the
OB, THB SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 157
stem-head, and got hold of a staple In the side of the steamer,
for the purpose of holding on ; but the boat moving one way,
and the steamer another way, ,1, in an instant, found myself in
a horizontal position, holding on to the steamer's side with my
hands, whilst my feet rested upon the prow of the small boat
which was leaving me. I had no alternative but to make a vol-
untary plunge, as if bathing, or go down helpless. I chose the
least evil, and swam towards the small boat, by that time some
thirty yards off. I got hold of her frail side ; and here a singu-
lar danger beset me. I had on a cloak, with fur round a standing
collar ; on this collar the waterman seized, for the purpose of
assisting me. In doing so, he turned it so round as to cover my
face, and effectually prevent me from breathing. Noise I
could not make the least, any more than if my voice were im-
prisoned in the centre of a marble stone. The most violent ef-
forts on my part could convey no meaning, as the waterman,
who was Loth old and stupid, would understand them simply
as efforts to get into the boat out of the freezing water. I had
the death-hold upon the boat's gunwale with both my hands ; and
the only alternative I had left was to let go one of my holds,
and forcibly wrest, with my right hand, the old man's grasp from
my collar. This I accomplished with extreme difficulty, as he
thought to relinquish his grasp would be to let me sink in an
Instant. I got once more a breath of air, and a boat, in the dis-
tance, rapidly rowed up, and, with the help it brought, I was put
on the board the steamer, thoroughly benumbed, and unable to
stand.
The humane and manly crew of that row-boat (early and
alone on the Thames), saved me. Two or three minutes longer
in the water, and I must have perished.
Beaching Newcastle, I found myself among a body of Keform-
ers remarkable, indeed, for their zeal, activity, and single-
ness of purpose. Shortly after my arrival, the Northern Politi-
cal Union, which had been discontinued when the Reform Bill
became a law, was revived, and I was elected its Corresponding
Secretary. This was in the spring of '38. It was a time of greafc
depression, and scarcity of money, caused mainly by the great
collapse of '36 in America and all round.
As the multitudes are shut out from the nursing bosom of
their mother earth, as not even an acre was permitted to them
158 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY ;
to grow a stay for their families, they were in extreme distress.
To help the evil Peel's gold bill had screwed the circulation down
to a point, and all notes under £5 had been retired, the gentle
phrase by which is described burning up. The English pub-
lic, manufacturing, commercial, laboring — all outside of the aris-
tocracy— felt this bleeding away of the nation's life-blood. All
were submissive, hopeless, under it. All but Atwood, Muntz,
and other patriots of Birmingham. Those formed a deputation
and waited on Lord Melbourne (then premier) in London. They
demonstrated the need of a guaranteed paper medium, with
notes of lesser denominations than £5. This would, to be sure*
revive business, but then it would pay the fund holder's, interest
in the same medium he had lent to the government during the
American and French wars. A full paper currency which would
lighten the burdens of the taxpayers, and would lighten at the
same time the receipts of the taxeaters. Lord Melbourne re-
plied that " no change would be made, the House of Commons
was against it." " We'll mend the House of Commons for you,"
was Atwood's reply, and he returned to Birmingham to organ-
ize the Chartist Movement
Newcastle ! How my yearning heart goes back to that town,
then I believe of 60,000 inhabitants, but surrounded by popula-
tions perhaps doubling that amount. The two Shields (North
and South) were connexions, almost tributaries, of it, at least in
thought and political action. So, in a lesser degree, was Mor-
peth, in the interior, and even Sunderland, away down at the
mouth of the Wear, and fronting the German ocean. Tyne-
mouth didn't count for much, though it grew into importance
by and by, because of its castle and garrison. But Newcastle
was the centre and the soul of them all. .
If there be in the unknown future aught of public men, and
public action, and if my spirit is to be called to such work oa
awaited me there (and of the Great Future :
" What can we reason but from what we know ? ")
I ask no nobler field, no more active, brave uncounting heroism,
that awaited me in that great town.
More, doubtless, because I was a sentinel in The Liberator office
than from any capacity that they could discover in myself,! waa
appointed " Corresponding" Secretary of the just revived North-
ern Political Union. Some seven years before, that " Union " had
OB, THE 8PIKIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 1K>
helped strongly to scatter the Botten Boroughs. It now reor-
ganized once more. Action present and vigorous was now ite
word and its work. It was a groundswell of the tempest that
very soon was coming. Early in the spring of 1838, John Mason,
shoemaker; Edward Charlton, bricklayer ; Jamie Ayr, mason;
Robert Lowrey, tailor ; Tom Horn, music dealer ; John Rucastle,
druggist ; Richard Blackball, workman ; Thos. Gray, tobacco-
nist ; Dr. Hume, surgeon, and Cokburn, a blind man, earnest and
eloquent, gave life to our weekly meetings. Thos. Horn was our
President, Wm. Thomasou our Recording Secretary, and my-
self what is stated.
Thomas Doubleday and Robert Blakey ! If clear heads, pure
hearts, and moral and mental action could save a state, those
two men would have saved England. They were now proprie-
tors, and, as they signed their contributions, "Writers of the
Liberator."
The paper had been established by Augustus H. Beaumont—a
native of the United States— a member of the Jamaica legisla-
ture. He championed the cause of the (yet) enslaved negro, and
fought more than one duel with men in the planter's interest.
He came to Europe after Emancipation. He made his way to
Paris, and joined in the " three days " that drove Charles X.
from the throne. With his brother, Dr. Arthur Beaumont, h»
made entrance into Brussels, and fought in the battles that then
drove the Holland troops out of Belgium. I had previously re-
ported a speech by him at a meeting in the «• Crown and An-
chor " in London. It was a meeting to sympathize with Poland.
But his speech was a fierce Philippic against the Polish nobles,
and their treatment of the serfs. He was, indeed, a true Demo-
crat To such a man as this the conducting 500 emigrants to
help the Canadian patriots was a work of far less difficulty than
it would be to u man of less military experience and less dar-
ing character.
That was his object. So he sold the paper to Mr. Blakey, a
prosperous furrier of Morpeth, who had large business relations
over the whole kingdom. And yet he \vas as simple-minded oa
hQ was single of heart and purpose. We shall sea
1(JQ THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY;
COMMENCING THE CHARTIST AGITATION.
John Collins was a very plain, very sensible, very earnest, very
eolloquial orator, with a magazine of facts in the shelves of his
memory. He was selected to commence the agitation in Glas-
gow. The workers crowded everywhere to hear the new evan-
gel, and after stirring up the adjacent villages for a fortnight or
three weeks, a demonstration was advertised on Glasgow Green.
It was a success far beyond our expectation. The movement
thus vigorously commenced, rolled southward. Sunderland, the
two Shields, the collieries, were vigorously stirred up. As re-
porter, I was present at most or all of them, till they culminated
in a " Demonstration " at Newcastle on coronation day. Lon-
don papers had just come to hand, printed in gold, as an emblem
of royalty and loyalty. The workers met on the Town Moor,
covered over by 500 suggestive banners, and intervaried with
fourteen bands. Numbers estimated down to fifty thousand, and
up to eighty thousand men.
As the immense ranks filed past The Liberator office, I rushed
to our upper windows, and replied to their deafening cheers
with one or two vollies from an old musket. My employers
hastened to put a stop to this proceeding— thought it not only
a great but a dangerous indiscretion, and I suppose they were
right
However, we all proceed to the platform prepared for us on
the Town Moor. Fergus O'Connor is in full oratory, when out
from the barracks, and across right toward us. came I don't
know how many of, or all the garrison, Accoutred, armed, and in
manuring order. It loomed like another " Manchester massacre."
But no ! That was a yoemanry crime. The regular troops are
seldom set to work of the kind. Those were only out to a fire a
feudejoiein honor of the coronation. Why they crossed the
moor and passed close to our meeting we could only guess'. This
happened ! The commanding officer rode his horse up sideways
close to the crowd, straining to hear what Fergus might be say-
ing. One young fellow inconvenienced by the presure of the
horse, wheeled round and, putting his hands to the horse's side,
gave him such a push as staggered him down the declivity. The
officer said not a word, but rode after his command. I thought
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MOUtURN DAYS. 161
then, and I think even now, that if this slight incident had taKen
place, especially with a yoemanry commander, it .might have
had a very ugly result.
The agitation was now fairly commenced, and what the flunkies-
called a " Political Methodism " seized upon the leaders. At six
o'clock, throwing down their implements of toil, those true — not
mock — noblemen would hasten home, lunch bread and cheese,
and a glass of ale, and off on foot to a meeting, generally one or
two, sometimes six or seven, miles off. The mode of agitation
projected in Birmingham was admirable. There was little talk
about Magna Charta, Bill of Rights, revolutionary right of the
reigning dynasty. Our shot was of a solid kind ; no flashing
blanks in it. Sugar, taxed up from 2|d. to 8d., coffee, from 5d.
to 2s. 2d., tea in like proportion. The queen dowager in her
palace, or her pleasure ship, with three hundred pounds a day.
The worn out laborer in a bastile workouse, starved to death on
15£d. worth of food in the week. A letter going ten miles, it
might be to summon a mother to the sick bed of her son, could
not be released without a fee of 10d., more than the day's wages
of an Irish laborer. Breadstuffs so taxed by the Corn Laws
that the price of wheat at Newcastle was 60s. a quarter ; across
in the Baltic ports it was 80s. The common land belonging to
the people fenced in and swallowed by the aristocracy ; the
game law, the big demesnes of the oligarchy ; the garrets and
cellars of the working people. The work, and the no work ; the
big salaries, and the little salaries. The manhood of the people
—the dignity conferred by honest toil— were they not contrasted
with the voluptuous idleness of an insolent crew that rioted on
the wealth toiled for by others, and that dared to exclude Eng-
lishmen from all share in making the laws which they were com-
pelled to obey. But the foundation wrong of all, monopoly of
the soil, and of the mines of England — that estate given freely
by God to all His children — our leaders wholly and against my
earnest advice, put in abeyance. " That will surely be broken
up with every other wrong as soon as we get a government by
Universal Suffrage." So they said, but whether rightly or not we
shall see by the lesson taught in America where universal suffrage
exists.
Here, then, was political education. Taught orally it took the
"near-cut" of reading and writing, and tens of thousands of
1G2 THE ODD BOOK OF THE MlHifiTEJKJSTH CKSTUKY ;
men in England, who could not read or write, were, by ittending
half a dozen of those meetings, imbued with a clear, s ibstantial
knowledge of the foul thing that their government wa3, and the
fair thing that it ought to be. No occasion to begin the alpha-
bet, and words of one syllable about it, to awaken the people to
the enormity of their wrongs, to the irrational greed and in-
justice of their Whig " liberal " rulers.
Education is the way to taste, refinement, the truest and high-
est development and enjoyment of life. There is no "royal
road " to those attainments. But the rights and the duties of
men, in rational, civilized communities, can be taught in a very
short time, and in a few very short lessons. More surely, too,
for written "instruction" very commonly bewilders or mis-
leads—
" Pride often eruides the author's pen.
Books, as affected, are as men ;
But he who studies Nature's laws.
From certain truth his maxims draws."
The Five " points " of the Charter were Universal Suffrage,
Vote by Ballot, Annual Parliaments. No property qualification,
and Payment of Members ; afterward a sixth was added — Equal
Electoral Districts.
We were now fairly in the very storm of agitation. Almost
the entire working element was on our side, and almost the
entire middle (we called them "profitmongering ") class was
against us. Incensed at them for their servile attitude, we pro-
jected a Joint-stock Company for the sale of weekly supplies
needed in the families of the workers— chiefly colliers. To this
there was a very largo and rapid subscription. Nine directors
were elected by vote of the shareholders, and again, owing
doubtless to my centralized usefulness, I was named a director
and placed at the head of the poll. I mention this to show the
liberality which I have found to be a characteristic of the English
Democrats. John Blake\-, clogger, and Richard Ayr, publican,
went every Wednesday to Morpoth, and bought, as I understood,
£500 worth of bee.f cattle. This was ready for sale, and was sold
on the following Saturday. A man recommended by them was
appointed manager. But I was so in the hey-day of the agitation
that I knew little and suspected nothing of what might pos-
sibly be going on in our trading venture, One thing I did know.
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 109
On our first opening, all the traders in the Butchers bank had
to shut up, and the grocers and cheesemongers down the Side§
might as well have followed their example. About two thousand
pounds worth were sold every week. It ought to have left a
good profit, as the customers, principally shareholders, cheerfully
paid the highest prices. And yet before the winter was out the
shares so depreciated that my own £5 worth realized I think 30a
after iny departure in the ensuing January.
The foreign policy of Lord Palmerston was at this time
thought to be too yielding to the movements of Russia iri the
East. Mr. Urquhart, the leader in this discontent, was invited
to a public dinner in Newcastle. The five newspapers— Chronicto%
Journal, Courant, Mercury, and Gateshead Observer— sent their
reporters to photograph the proceedings ; I, too, was sent by Tlie
Liberator. For those gentlemen of the " Fourth Estate" a din-
ner table was set in an ante-room. This mark of inferiority I
had never seen attempted at public dinners in London and its
vicinity. Indeed, the slightest aggression of any kind made on
the London reporters would produce a general " strike," and a
march off, leaving the aggressors to the oblivion of next morn-
ing. But those provincial reporters had no such pluck. They
left me to resent alone the indignity. This I did v ith my boot
heels sounding along the stone corridor, as loud as I could strike
them, during the substantiate of the repast. With the wine,
and dessert, and speeches, and so forth, came " equality." I made
one, and in the lulls of duty passed the bottle on my own
terms. My employers were at the dinner, and I think they were
rather pleased with the spirit I had shown. More pleased still,
when on Saturday morning my report was chosen as the best*
an'1, several hundred copies of our paper purchased by the com-
mittee for far-off circulation. As mere stenographers there
were far better hands present than myself. But as this foreign
policy was one of our charges against tho government, I under-
stood the subject and they did not. Their facts, dates, amounts^
boundaries, et?., W3re not preserved with entire accuracy. I
speak of the thing mainly because it led to a matter of far
more significance. A week or two previously we had called a
meeting for the purpose of sending an address and deputation
to Ireland, inviting its people to join with our people in the con-
teat for self-government. P so happened that this address waa
164 'i'Hisi ODD BOOK. OJB' THJbi KIMJiTEENTH CENTURY J
printed in the same paper that contained Mr. Urquhart's speech
in arraignment of Lord Palmerston's policy.
The banqueters sent the paper to Mr. O'Connell, then in Dub-
lin, and I may as well insert it here.
ADDRESS
OF THE NORTHERN POLITICAL UNION OF NEWCASTLE-TJPON-TYNB TO
THEIR OPPRESSED BROTHERS IN IRELAND.
Irishmen! Brothers! The outraged millions of England, Scotland,
and Wales have arisen in their might and majesty to assert those
rights which God and Nature intended every man should enjoy.
We demand for every man of mature age and good Character the
right of citizenship, as well for the honest peasant as for the lordiing or
the middleman; for the operative, as well as for the ernploj'er; in shorfr
for all men alike, without reference to creed, sect, or condition.
The elective franchise is the right of every man that comes into the
world stamped with the image of his Creator. The greatest men in your
own land, both of the past and the present age, have again and again
proclaimed the important truth, that " every man excluded from the
elective franchise is necessarily a slave ! " Will Irishmen continue
"slaves ? " Will the descendants of the Volunteers, the kindred of the
brave men who gave freedom to America, shrink back in the contest for
equal rigts ? Or will they join hoart and hand with their brothers of
England, of Scotland— aye, and of France,— and swear by the spirit of
their fathers that " slavery" shall exist no longer ?
Brothers, we should not ask these questions. We should rely with con-
fidence on vour unsolicited aid were it not for the artifices of designing
men who, through the press and from the platform, distort our objects
and belie our sentiments, in order to prevent you from joining us, and
assisting us to put an end to those oppressions undar which we mutually
groan.
You are told we have joined the Tories. We fling back the charge with
ineffable scorn; we fling it upon those vile instruments who have joined
the Tories ; whose last effort was to fasten forever the incubus of the
Tory Church upon the necks of the dissentient people. Who did this?
Why, the Whig Government, the Government Press, and the Govern-
ment Patriots; and yet, Irishmen, they dare to insult your understand-
ing, by telling you that we, the Radical Reformers of Great Brittair\
have joined the Tories; we who have avowed that the rule of the profli-
gate aristocracy— both Whig and Tory— shall speedily and forever conie
to and end.
Irishmen, in answering this vile calumny, we appeal to facts, and to
your common sense. Did not the Tories resist all extension of the frua-
chise even to a few great towns ? Did not they battle for the rotten BOP-
OK, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN EAfS, 165
oughs to the very last ? And will these men join a movement that win
make the franchise universal ?— that will establish the power of the
People, and prostrate in utter ruin the dominion of both factions of the
Aristocracy ? Oh ! the imposition is too gross, too palpable, too insult'
lag!
You are told you have a humane Government in Ireland. Will its hu-
manity protect you from the visits of the Tithe ruffian V Will it save
you from the exterminating power of the Landlord, when he wants to
manufacture a breed of voters who will "drive kindly " to the hustings ?
But, Irishmen, there are certain facts connected with the conduct of
your Chief Governor which have considerably shaken our faith in his
humanity. We shall trouble you with one of these facts, if for no other
purpose than to show you that Englishmen can take note of your suffer-
ings, can cherish a remembrance of your wrongs.
In June, 1836, the population of an immense district in the "Rosscss,"
county Donegal, were driven to subsist on sea-weed, and the green gar-
bage of the fields. A subscription was got up to keep them from perish-
ing. Earl Mulgrave was appealed to for some assistance, and this same
Earl MuJgrave, this good and kind Lord Lieutenant, this paragon of hu-
manity, could not afford a single penny to relieve the furnishers, though in
the receipt of £20,000 a year of the public money, not to talk of his pri-
vate fortune, and though two of his horses lost on the very same week
several thousand pounds on the Curragh of Kildare.
But you hear his praises rung forth by the press and the "liberal"
public speakers. What, Irishmen, would you think if all those praises
were shouted by fellows that are hunting for places under the Govern-
ment ? The " marketable gentlemen " who " daily scribble for their daily
bread " in the public press, and the brirtloss lawyers who spout at the
public meeting, may possibly do in 1>! •» itter that which will please
the man who has places and emoluiao ' >stow. We say that these
things are just possible, and, if so, a new light is let in on the unaccount-
able proceedings of these gentlemen for some time past.
In a recent letter, the Iv.-v. Mr. Davern describes these worthies aa
men whose " views are difficult indeed to be understood, unless we were
really to class them among these corrupt place hunters, who, counted as
they are by thousands, it may be truly said, swarm through every pettj
town in the kingdom."
Irishmen! beware of these place hunters. If you love your wives
and children, if you would raise your lovely land into the scale of inde-
pendent nations, if you would avoid political damnation, beware of these
Infamous place hunters; and truly may it be said that their "name is
legion."
You have had Reforms, but they have not reached the industrious and
long-suffering people; they have placed your leaders high in eminence;
they have made them the denizens of palaces and courts, whilst tho sac-
rificed and exterminated forty-shilling freeholder has. perished in the
high way.
Are you not famishing in the midst of fertility? Is not your labor
166 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY ;
seeking a market in the farthest corner of the globe, whilst your own
immeasurable wastes and green hills are lying unreclaimed and unpro-
ductive? Your sublime waterfalls spending their force upon the naked
rocks instead of the Engine of Manufactures; your noble bays arid ee-
turies deserted, save by the sail that bears away from you the necessa-
ries of life ? And what attempt have your rulers made to remedy these
things ? Have they said to the landlord : " You must give the people
" leave to reclaim the soil, and to live upon it when it is reclaimed ; you
*' must establish manufactories, and thus give employment on the barika
"of your beautiful rivers; you must invite the ship's path to the noble
" bay, not as now to carry away the food, but the manufactures of the
41 people, and bring them in return the useful products of other lands;
"you, landlords, must, in short, return from your gambling, your idle-
•* ness, and your extravagance, and do your duty to the people from
" whose labor your wealth is derived ? "
No, no, Irishmen, your rulsrs have done nothing like this; they will
.aever do anything like it. They could only afford you Bastile prison
reception for some 80,000 destitute poor, out of the famishing population
of two millions. We assert that the resources of your country and the
industry of its inhabitants are sufficient to maintain your people in plenty
and happiness. \Ve charge these men to be unfit to govern you ; we
arraign them before a jury of Irishmen as being either knavish or inca-
pable, and fearlessly we leave the verdict in" your hands.
You are told that if you had rights equal to Englishmen you would be
well off; that you would then require no domestic Parliament. Brothers
we beseech you, as you would avoid the wiles of Satan — as you would
profit by the experience which " teacheth even the wise," to listen to our
plain statement, and then judge how far you ought to be content with
the state of things now existing in England.
At the close of the French war the Whig and Tory landlords eased
themselves of £17,000,000 of land tax which pressed upon property;
they threw the whole burden upon the people in the shape of soap tax,
ale tax, tea tax, and a tax on every article used by the people. Not con-
tent with this they established the Corn Laws, and doubled the price of
food, both in Ireland and England, in order that they might obtain high
rents. Then our manufactures came into competition With the manufac-
tures of the continent, where workmen could get the necessaries of life
at half the price paid by the English or Irish workmen. Our manufac-
tures naturally fell off, our people were left without employment, and
they fell unwillingly on the poor rates, thus visiting on their own heads
the injustice and greed of the aristocracy. What did the Whigs do then?
Why they repealed the poor law which gave every man in England a
right to employment or support off the soil, and they established tlw
bastile law, which separates even the aged husband and wife ; shuts them
up in separate cells, and treats them every way worse than the common
felon. This infernal enactment had the effect that was intended, and
now the operative weaver of Carlisle, Glasgow, Manchester and London
is fain to subsist on an average of 3s. or 3s. 6d. a week, Is. 6d. or 2s. of
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 167
which is taken from him by the Government in taxes, in order that the
Queen Dowager may have £100,000 and the Queen herself £1,300,000 a
year, and all the off-shoots of the accursed aristocracy allowances in the
€arne proportion for doing nothing.
Irishmen ! will such a state of things content you ? Are horrors like
these the object of your highest hopes and wishes ? Or dare you join
with your Brothers of England and Scotland, and at once and forever
release yourselves from the fangs of an aristocracy which has rendered
your beautiful land a comparative desert, and sent your best and brav-
est and loveliest to a premature grave in the land of the stranger !
Brothers ! having invited you to join with us in putting an end to this
monstrous state of things by establishing the right of the people to
make the laws, it remains for us to point out to you the means we have
at our disposal, the agencies we intend to use, in achieving the regener-
ation of our common country.
First, then, every principle of justice, of Christianity, and of common
humanity are on our side. We have used, are still using, these at all our
public meetings, and through what is ours of the press. We have elect-
ed a convention to sit in London in order to force those principles of
justice, and humanity, and reason upon our rulers. God forgive those
who tell you that we do not use argument and reason in our cause, but
rely solely upon physical force for the accomplishment of our purpose.
But, Irishmen— and we are proud to say it— we have spoken of physi-
cal force in the last resort, and we will tell you, as we have a thousand
times told our calumniators, what are our real sentiments on the mo-
mentous question.
The Constitution and ,the laws of England guarantee to Englishmen
the right to have in their houses defensive arms. We are not subject to
the spy system of registering these arms, as are the people of Ireland.
The executive dare not come to our houses and seize upon them, as they
do in your own oppressed country. The government dare not suspend
the constitution in England as they have done in Ireland by their ac-
cursed coercion bills. These rights we have entire, inviolate, undispu-
ted. Now we want you to particularly mark our determination ; we are
resolved to have arms. Not to use them unless the Government becomes
the aggressors; unless they violate the Constitution, and break the laws,
as they lately have done in Canada. In that case we are determined to
preserve inviolate the laws and the Constitution, and put down, BY
FORCE OF ARMS, any Algerine attempt on the part of the Govern-
ment. Will Irishmen condemn us for this ? Will they not rather bid us
Godspeed?
And, Irishmen, we are able to repel aggression. Within a few years
the populations of our manufacturing and commercial towns have
trebled; intelligence has progressed in like proportion; and now Lan-
cashire alone is able to turn out 300,000 resolute defenders of the Consti-
*ion, a proportionate number will be found bustling about on the banka
of the Tyne, and should the hour arrive that will call forth Englishmen,
in their mighty and just wrath, not all the hordes that the combined des-
168 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTUBY J
pots of Europe could bring into the field would be able to withstand
thorn for a single day.
We are peaceable people, we demand our rights in peace; but we aro a
resolute, a powerful, a prep; rod people, and the rights of citizens wo
must have, whether a paltry, pelting aristocracy will it or no.
Which of you does not look back upon the one bright spot in Irish his-
tory, when your noble country—
" Sprang forth a goddess arraert and undented T "
Which of you does not delight to dwell upon the glorious era of the
Volunteers, when an army of unpaid Irishmen held the petition in one
hand, und the sword to enforce it in the other ? The parasites of a trai-
torous government may preach to cowards and contented slaves; but
Irishmen, oh ! Irishmen, will never believe that, failing every other re-
source, Englishmen have no right to vindicate their liberty with their
<own right arms.
Oorne, then, brothers, accept the hand of friendship we hold foith. A.
glorious opportunity now offers for the achievement of your independ-
ence. Join us in asserting the rights of citizenship. Those once es-
tablished, your fellow- work men in England will have power to do you
justice. Your union with England will become your blessing instead of
your curse ; or, if it should not, we swear before the Star of Independ-
ence and our country, that three years shall not roll over till you have
your Parliament; not a corrupt oligarchy of landlords and place hunt-
ers, but a purely Representative Parliament In College Green.
We remain, brothers in bondage, your devoted and unalterable friends.
By order of the Northern Political Union,
T. HORN, Chairman.
WM. THOMPSON, lo^rfltArUw
THUS. ANQIEDEVYB, }**
HO*T«*RCI LIBBBATOB, November 17, 1838.
When this Address reached Mr. O'Connell he gave no thought
to the " banqueters " who had sent it along with their own lucu-
brations. But he summoned a meeting of his henchmen, and
jead the Address, commenting upon its atrocity paragraph by
paragraph, and concluded by giving his opinion thus : " If her
Majesty's Attorney-General does his duty the heads of the three
men who signed this paper will roll on the scaffold." Those
are his exact words as reported in the Dublin papers of next day.
On his subsequent trial, growing out of the " monster meetings,'*
he urged upon the judges the extenuating fact that there was
something so attractive in Chartism, that only for his interfer-
ence It would have spread over Ireland from one end to the
other. It Is no wonder that true men wonld almost despair of
Ireland when such an open, outspoken, and outvoting impostor
could hold his place in the public mind.
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DATS. 169
Dan bad agreed to the pensioning of the Catholic clergy, and
a crown veto upon Catholic bishops, but, notwithstanding this
treachery to that church, he was held in a half religious rev-
erence ; virtually regarded as covered with her shield and holi-
ness. The multitudes of his countrymen held that to touch
Dan was to attack the Church itself. Aware of this I referred
the subject of his patriotic sentiments to my principals. "If
we deal justice upon him you will lose probably two or three
hundred subscribers." They jokingly said " his desire for that
precious head of yours naturally tends to make your gratitude
a little demonstrative. " Be cool, and weigh every word in the
balance. After that do justice without counting in the least
what it will or will not cost." The justice was done, and the
penalty was paid very nearly as above indicated. Their abhor-
«nce of Dan about equaled my own, and they fearlessly ex-
pressed it :
About this time ('38) the British Association for the Advance-
ment of Science held its annual meeting in Newcastle. In
capacity of reporter I had to "assist" at their proceedings.
Those have left with me a pleasing memory which I take to be
a good sign of the reality, for I was sour and cynical toward*
all things savoring of aristocracy or distinctions of class. Still
I bear this half reluctant testimony that those were good men,
actuated by noble impulses, and judiciously in pursuit of great
and praiseworthy objects. Nothing could be more exalted than
their aims, nothing more judicious than transferring their labors
from city to city.
But my especial gain that I have not forgotten was that they
brought me in, an indispensible guest, at the grand banquet, with
which their labors and their sojourn in Newcastle terminated.
The where it was I do not remember, but the what it was is still
before me. A long, wide wilderness of tables, white with cloths
as an Irish bleachfield, enamelled with such a fretwork of china
and silver inlaid with gold, and still further inlaid with all that
field, and forest, and sea, and stream could present. What it is
to be "great." Of all that scena, of the hundreds present, I re-
call only the presence of the Duchess and Duke of Northumber-
land. He, a round good-natured looking face and figure. But,
ss Lady Blarney would say, the Duchess had " my warm heart."
Rounder perhaps than the Duke, so well preserved that, not-
22
170 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURA i
withstanding her sixty years, she looked a second Ninon in her
'low-necked bodice and short sleeves. " Sixty years ! " and she
was still a comely, attractive and almost beautiful woman.
Alas! many a toiler was pressed down with care, bent and
wrinkled in working to clothe her in the hues of youth an-i
affluence. This was even a grander banquet than that given t
Mr. Urquhart, but in reference to the press there was nothing
exclusive about it. The Duke and Duchess, and their family,
formed the first estate. The "fourth estate" came next to them,
the better to chronicle the echoes converging from all points.
Burns brags that he " dinnered with a lord." Isn't it a bigger
-brag to banquet within two steps of a Duke and Duchess ?
To my infant thought, nobilities ate nothing but silver, and
kings and queens never tasted anything worse than gold. The
endeavors of that evening utterly discredited any such theory.
And yet to that grand assemblage the luxuries spread around
brought little of the zest of novelty. It is to be fairly presumed
that not a man or woman (I beg pardon for calling them men
^ncl women) in it enjoyed the sights, and sounds, and tastes.
•with more novel zest than myself. Yet action, fresh air and a
^moderate abstinence, have hundreds of times brought up to a
higher elevation my breakfast of porrige and milk. Such is the
agrarian levellings of Mother Nature. Well indeed might that
critical, cynical and by no means infallible little Pope say :
" Reason's whole pleasure, all the joys of sense.
Lie in three word?, health, peace and competence."
That thought realized and practiced would whirl the world
round and set it once more on its feet. Into the highest head it
is sure to come by and by, most probably driven in with hard
knocks. And this is a pity ; I sorrow to think of it. The rank-
est aristocrat is no more' to blame than the rankest Turk. And
yet what can we do if only knocks will bring them to their
senses? But our book and the banquet hall must now part
company.
Foreseeing what approached, the forward reformers all round
were steadily exchanging a little silver for a little steel and lead.
There were some neutrals, not very many, and whatever neutral
had an unused " shooting stick " found a sudden market for it
Every neutral musket and fowling piece were taking sides and
changing hands. In obedience to the law of " demand " one case
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY II? MODERN DAYS. 171
0$ fifty muskets and bayonets came along from Birmingham to-
answer to a message of Bank Notes. Whereupon an advertise-
ment like the following appeared in TJie Liberator :
." IMPORTANT NOTICE.— Whereas a large fleet of war ships is now concen-
trating on the Southern coast of Bussta, within throe days' sail of Newcas-
tle or HuiL
" And, whereas that Collossus of tho North has long had a sinister eye o»
onr Indian possessions, and might take it into his head any day to try
and reach India by a march through England to the utter subversion of
the liberties we have not, and the paternal government that does not exis*
among us.
" Therefore, and for those reasons. It become* the duty of every patriotic
Englishman to provide himself with the requisite arms, and to be ready
at a moment's warning to vindicate his liberties and the independence of
his country.
*'In view ot this imminent danger, a consignment of rauskels and bayo-
nets has arrived In Newcastle and is now on sale at No. — Side. Price for
the individual outfit one pound sterling."
In response to this notice two facts took place. One a quick
and exhaustive sale of the fifty muskets and bayonets. Anoth-
er a proclamation of ex-radical John Fife, the Mayor, designat-
ing the notice aforesaid and the muskets that lay behind it, as a
most sly, insinuating, covert desgin to overturn the throne of
her majesty and subvert the paternal government of " Jaw and
order" now so happily established. Such traffic would bring
down police and posse on its back, with also a finger pointing to
1,000 troops in the barracks. The fifty muskets were honestly
"placed "and honestly paid for, and the traffic with Birming-
ham had to be closed up.
But the intellectual broadside rained, quick and heavy, on the
government ramparts. Paper after paper replete with the most
delicate and incisive satire, had been levelled at not only its atro-
cious measures, but also at its atrocious men. These were
composed into a neat volume, the title of which I transcribe : —
" Noriliern Lights, or the Whims, Oddities and Digress'hns of the
NORTHERN LIBERATOR, A. D., 1838." " Nos Hacc novirms qff&
nihil." I transcribe also its
RINGING DEDICATION TO THE WHIGS.
" To you who for the last half century, up to tho year 1830,
had been preaching constitutional doctrines of government ; to
you who during these years strenuously inculcated the doctrine
that the people were the source of all legitimate power, and thai
any power not derived from them was ipso facto a tyranny ; to
you who had through all this period asserted that the posaesr
172 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTUBY ,*
sion of real power by the people, that is to say the power of
choosing, actually, persons for members of Parliament who
thought as the majority of the people thought, was the only
cure for the manifold evils under which they then labored, and
under which they still labor ; to you who in the year 1832 were
by the efforts of the people, at last put in possession of that po-
litical power which you had so long coveted ; to you who, by
their mistaken confidence, were enabled to pass a bill, falsely
called of Keform, which the people fondly hoped would, under
God, be the means of relieivng them from their manifold mis-
eries, but which you knew would confer political power only on
persons wedded to your vile interests, or thoroughly duped and
stultified by your still viler delusions ; to you who by means of
that bill have got three Parliaments together totally obedient
to your wishes and subservient to your interests ; to you, who
by means of these Parliaments, have passed measures more de-
structive to the liberties of Englishmen than any that were ever
passed by the old borough-mongers' corrupt and tyrannical
Parliaments ; to you who passed a coercion bill for Ireland, ex-
ceeding in atrocity any infliction that ever was laid upon that un-
happy country ; to you who under an obsolete Act of Parliament
transported poor laborers from Dorchester for combining to ob-
tain better wages, and then brought them back from transporta-
tion to avoid the condemnation of yourselves by public opinion ;
to you who sent down the bloody special commissioners to Win-
chester and elsewhere, to put men to death for crimes arising
from actual want and starvation, which starvation and which
want were caused by the very pressure upon the country which
was also the cause of yourselves at length obtaining political
power ; to you who in the midst of war, loans, and subsidies,
got together a bullion committee, with your oracle Horner at its
head, to recommend that the Bank of England should be com-
pelled to pay, which was then totally impossible, its notes in
gold ; to you who, in the midst of peace, have passed a bill to
make bits of paper, purporting to be promissory notes of this
TBADING COMPANY called the Bank of England, compulsor-
ily receivable as real money under the name of " legal- tender ; '*
to you who have passed bills striking at the institution of trial
by jury; to you who have patronized schemes of tortur-
ing prisoners in jails, by solitary confinement and compelled
silence ; to you who have tacitly countenanced schemes for pre-
vailing upon the people to outrage nature by preventing the
fruitfulness of their wives, and by the actual murder of their in-
fant children ; to you who have accused these peaceable, excel-
lent and industrious people of vice, guilt, and idleness, and
abrogating the wisest and best law that ever was framed—
the humane 43d of Elizabeth — have passed a bill savagely to
refuse them relief in old age. in destitution, in sickness, in fam-
ine, ajad in want of employment; to you who have hatched a
OH, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS, 173
scheme to fill England with hired slave-drivers and spies under
the name of rural police, in order to compel the people to re-
main quiet under laws subversive of all liberty, subversive of
all allegiance, and subjecting them to die by hunger and cold ;
to you under whose sway England, distracted, miserable, and
almost in a state of rebellion at home, blazing with incendiary
fires caused by starvation, and echoing with the shouts of
tumultuous meetings, gathered together by hatred of such
sway, has also become the pity and scoff of foreign nations ; to
you under whose imbecile rule Turkey has been sacrificed,
Canada convulsed with rebellion, India threatened with con-
quest and dismemberment, and the West India islands on the
point of throwing themselves under the protection of the United
States ; to you who in the midst of all these crimes ar>d all
these disasters, have exhibited incapacity and imbecility more
ludicrous and at the same time disastrous than ever were exhib-
ited by the ministers of any country ; to you who have reduced
the finances of the country to a state of embarrassment and dis-
tress, bordering on bankruptcy and insolvency ; to you who,
without the knowledge and consent of Parliament, have spent
money to the amount of four millions belonging to depositors in
savings' banks, and added the amount to the national debt ; to
you who, in spite even of this dishonesty, have, by your wicked
extravagance, rendered actual loans in the time of peace neces-
sary ; to you in fine who by your crimes, ignorance, tyranny,
folly, infatuation and imbecility, have had showered upon you
a more astounding inixture of curses, hatred, contempt, derision
and laughter, than ever yet fell to the lot of mortal men ; to
you whose villainies we detest, whose ignorance we ha\7e ex
posed, whose stupidity we have ridiculed ; to you we dedicate
this book, hoping that it will efficiently help to swell the tMe of
detestation, despite and scorn under which you are sinking, and
under which you will finally sink never more to exist as a politi-
cal party, but to be buried forever under the heavy abhorrence
and disdain of the people of England, and of none more than of
THE WRITERS OF THE NORTHERN LIBERATOR."
On the third of May. 1839, is printed the following In The
Northern Liberator:
"At a late meeting in Meath, held by the Whig landlords and briefless
place hunters of that county, lor the purpose of keeping the vampires
(Whigs) in office, Mr. Sharman Crawford delivered himself after the fol-
lowing fashion :
" My lords and gentlemen, I felt myself especially called on to come
forward on this occasion, in consequence of certain sentiments put forward
by Mr. O'Connell, at a dinner given to that gentleman in Newry some
few days ago. He then asked why would not Sharman Crawford come
forward on the present momentous occasion, and assist his iellow coun-
trymen ? Mr. O'Connell further said that he apprehended some harsh
expressions made use of by him might be an impediment, and expressed
a willingness that these expressions might be forgotten. Now, I most
oordiaHy respond to this declaration. (Tremendous cheering among the
174 THE ODD BOOK OP THE NINETEENTH CENTURY;
Whig landlords, which lasted several minutes.) Every expression sav-
oring of political hostility should be forgotten— (renewed cheering)— and
as long as the honorable and learned gentleman proceeds :n this course^
I promise him that nothing shall emanate from me to revive past differ-
ences. (Great applause.) But at the same time whilst I state this, let it
be understood that I will ma.ntain those public principles which I have
ever maintain d, but I will endeavor to maintain them without offence
to the honorable and learned gentleman, or to any other individual. ]
can assure the meet ng that il required no submission from Mr. O'Goun«ll
to' join in the national movement, when I could, in conformity with my
own principles, join in it. I consider that any public man wtio, from a
personal feeling, would hesitate to join in an effort for his country's iree-
dom, is unworthy of the respect or confluence of the people. (Hear,
hear.").
The Whigs were at this time more uttrely detested by thfr
operatives of England, than ever was party before or since.
The indescribable horror of the starvation poor-laws, had fallen
a social pestilence over the whole land. The Writer's of Th&
Liberator were continually dragging out its sin and hideous-
ness before people. The Whigs were then hard at work fasten-
ing the same heartrending evils over Ireland. Then Mr. Craw-
ford joined them. Was my reception of the news too savage?
Here it is as published in The Libwator :
" ' No doubt the Godless Whig factions will chuckle loudly over this-
new conversion, and hold it up as a proof irrefragable of the justice,
benevolence, and wisdom of th»>ir own accursed sway both in Ireland
and England. Doubtless it will be adduced as one other evidence of the
unreasonableness and 'impracticability' of Englishmen's claims to
citizenship. Even Sharman Crawford has deserted them; even that
gentleman sees the >' national' necessity that exists for cherishing 'lib-
eral' government in Irel-ind. Stiff-necked Radicals! some of you even
denied the mildness and justice of our rule in Ireland ; what now can you
say lor yourselves? Doos not Sharman Crawford know more about
Irish affairs than you English, unwashed, malcontents can protend to
know? Look at his testimony recorded above, and shrink back con-
founded, or seek in your acknowledged ignorance an excuse for your
wickedness and folly ! ' Such, no doubt,, will be the triumphant burst of
virtu us Whig indignation; and we know not where to take refuge from
it, save in the following letter, addressed to Mr. Devyr (of this journal)
on the 6th of November, 1837. This letter was never before published,
and the original, in Mr. Crawford's hand-writing, is in our possession at
the present moment.' " After referring to private matters, it proceeds
thus:
" If ever a country was in a degraded position Ireland is that country.
I really feel what I never thought i should Jeel, that it is an actual dis-
credit for a man to avow himself an Irishman. There is no public mind
Or opinion, there is no a-ting principle but the vile one of a spirit of per-
sonal hostility to the Tory party. 1 say personal hostility alone, for if
they have vengeance against the individuals of that party, by keeping
them out of power, they oire not one straw about the rights or interests
of the nation, and they become the degraded slaves, the lick-spittles (to
use a common phrase) of one man, and through him of the Whig govern-
ment. Look at the dissolution of that degraded body the National Asso-
ciation, and the grounds for it ; they say they trust this government, and
what cause have they ? Do thev not know the Corporation Bill which
they brought forward, and the 'Tithe Bill, and above all, that which would
be the greatest curse of Ireland, the abominable Poor Law Bill— the Bat-
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 175
Kte Prison Bill; and with all those measures to be discussed for Ireland,
this petty mock parliament of Ireland dissolves itself, and the people are
not to say one word tor themselves, not even to express an opinion as to
what they want or desire. And when I speak of the tithes, at this very
moment the government is affording all the aid of the civil and military
power of the state to illegal services. The Irish Liberals plume them-
selves on returning such a body of what they call Liberal members ; and
what are these Liberal members ? Men not pledged to a single princi-
ple, except that of being the hacks of O'Gonnell and the Whig govern-
ment. Was there ever such a degrading position for any nation to place
itself in!"
Now, this glorious humbuggcr is trying to humbug the English
»ation, and seems likely to succeed. Read his letters to the tradesmen
London, and the people of Stockport, taking altogether a differnt tack,
stimulating the people to act for themselves iti P^ngland, whilst ho la
crushing the act ion of the people in Ireland ; and this on the idea that
the Irish have already agitated, and are up to agitation.. And what ia
the agitation they are up to? To be his humble slaves and tools, and
when ho gets the English into the same position, he will be content with
the agitation there also. And can the English forget his conduct all the
last session of Parliament, and his conduct about the factory question ?
«to., etc., t-to. This man's powers of humbug are, to be sure, orb-emi-
nent, when he can thus cajole even Englishmen and Scotchmen, by keep-
ing up the cry against Toryism— AND AT THE SAME TIME ACTUALLY
SUPPORTING IN IRELAND TORY PRINCIPLES, UNDER THE SHAH OP
WHIGGISM ! ! !
There, Englishmen ! " Look on this picture and on that." At Sharman
Crawford then and now. Oh, ttie contrast ia disgusting— and- .thank
Providence that you have escaped from m>n, and grounded your sole
Confidence and hop* > on those principles that will not or cannot deceive
you. Well, may we exclaim with Cowper :
"The aee ol virtuous politics is past,
Aud we are deep in that of cold pretence."
Thus we see the Inmate vice of a landed aristocracy, in eyen its
best and mildest specimens. At the time Mr. Crawford wrote
the above ('37) letter there was no sign of tempest in the politi-
oul sky.
" All seemed as peaceful and as still.
As tha mists slumbering on yon hill."
But now ('39) the voice of England was re-echoing from every
city, and village, factory and farmhouse. The people were
making common cause with the "order" proscribed by the
aristocrats — the order of labor and starvation.
The aristocrats were also making common cause to stand by
their " order "—the order of idleness and plunder, and, true to
the brotherhood, even Sharman Crawford is on their side.
Pertinent to the subject, and just here, let me present a con-
trast furnished by " The Writers of The Liberator" Men whose
selves, or progenitors, never stole a foot of land, or clutched a
^billing earned by another man's toil. Had he not been edu-
cated in a Lie and an inheritor of Stolen Goods, Mr. Crawford
I7(i THK ulH> iiu>K OJf 'JHK NINKTJiENTH CKNTURY ;
might have been a good man. A man nearly as good as <4 The
Writers of The Liberator." Now look at the contrast. See iu
the foregoing dedication bow they take Mr. Crawford by the
political throat.
What strikes one with utter astonishment is that those good
men did not see that the Land llobbery of England— the shut-
ting of the people of England out from the soil of England, the
Demesnes, Parks and Chases of England, driving the people
into the hovels, cellars and garrets of England, with nothing to
live upon. But above all, and overshadowing all the rest, the
Land Bents, that those wise and good men did not see that here
was an evil five times greater, more direct and criminal than
even the blood-bought Rotten Borough Debt. But peace to
their memory ! Never did truer men lift a voice or a pen in the
sacred cause of Humanity. Of their trenchant ability let me
give this highly instructive example :
WHIG AND TOUT.
JANUARY 20, 1838.— A Whig has rather a lean, sallow, and impassioned
appearance, HS if he had long been estranged from the pood things of
onlcc, and been subjected to an astringent course of private and public
economy ; he is a sort of political huckster, dealing in small wares such
ts,"
the
ors to sot up in his little establishment with every attention to stage
effect; he spouts liberalism freely at elections and public dinners, but
in the House of Commons he sings small, and rounds his periods with
a Conservative prudence; he lays down all general principles with a
saving portion of reservations, qualifications and conditions ; he is bold
and warlke out of office, but tame and pusillanimous when in; pen-
sions and grants are the staple commodities of his eloquent indignation
when on the hustings, but in the House they become sacred and vested
rights; he pretends to an intimate acquaintance of. and a deep venera-
tion for, the great principles of constitutional freedom and liberty; but
his sou! is a compound of narrow views, little spites, and shuflling expe-
dients; in line, he makes a stepping stone of public confidence and
credulity for his own selfish ends, and under the plea of promoting the
national welfare, is only intent on consolidating his own power and in-
fluence.
A Tory is, in general, distinguished by a full, sleek, rotundity of out-
line, as if he had long browsed at his ease in the rich pastures of political
profusion ; like the rich man in the parable, he gives evident indications
of having " fared sumptuously every day;" his mind (to use a material
metaphor) is soft and spongy, or, as common language terms it, weak
and silly, and if ever it arrives above mediocrii y, the man turns a
knave; he entertains a morbid terror and hatred of all "Innovation"
and always follows in the wake of that social and political blasphe-
my Improvement with a sulky and growling step; he talks loudly
o! the sacrcdness of the Church, while his life is one continued
BOene of sensuality, and profanation; he eulogizes the Constitution,
whilo lie knows as liUle of either its history, or nature, as it does
ef hint; he day by day feeds his mind with the lowest intellectual
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 17 '•
garbage; his nightly slumbers are broken and disturbed with spec-
tral v.sions of massacres, murders, and gibbets; he shows a sneak-
ing and fawning disposition to what he calls respectability, but
whatever promotes his own interests is all ho has m view; he is
never troubled with any lofty asp rations alter anything beyond tho
mere raw material of human existence; he has no remembrance of past
political events, save the simple fart that his hands are now in the pub-
lic purse; in line, he is a social and political outcast, smarting under the
Combined and mortifying feeling's or envy and disappointment.
The movement had now continued for over a year, and no
interference with it was attempted by the government. But
early In August, 1838, the Birmingham magistrates applied to
the government for a body of the London police to put down a
series of daily meetings then being held in the " Bull Ring " of
that town. This they accomplished by a sudden onslaught with
their olubs, beating down a passage through the crowd and
seizing upon the leaders on the platforms. This exasperated the
Democracy all over the country. In the outraged town itself
a riot shortly ensued that did a good deal of damage to iron
railings, and held possession for I don't know how long, I think
a night and most of two days. Then commenced the work of
" preparation," and from that time till November we computed
sixty thousand pikes made and shafted on the Tyne and .Wear.
At this distance of time and place the number would seem to
be exaggerated. But I was at the very center of the movement,
not only as a principal officer of the Northern Political Union,
but as the reporter and working editor of The Liberator. In the
latter capacity I was always on hand to receive reports and
deputations from all the surrounding districts, not only on the
Tyne but on the Wear. And I was present in some part of
nearly every Saturday at the pike market, to take sharp
note of tho sales. The market was held in a long 'gar-
ret room, over John Blakey's shop in the Side. In rows
were benches of boards, supported on tressels, along, which
the Winlaton and Swalwall chain and nail makers -brought
in their interregnum of pikes, each a dozen or two,
rolled up in the smtth's apron. The price for a . fin-
ished and polished article was two shillings and sixpence.
For the article in rougher shape, but equally "serviceable, the
price was eighteenpence. I see it noted elsewhere that down in
the Norfolk region the price was only half that amount, but at
the figure I mention our hand-hammer manufacturers could not
•supply the demand. Instance. Enter three men to the Liberator
V78 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY;
Office. One speaks : " This youth wants a pike, and they're all
sold. You must let him have yours that you bought last week."
" What am I to do myself ? I bought the implement only
Because I wanted it, and friend M. has the shaft almost ready."
* But you have a gun and a case of pistols, and with good use
^hose will keep you busy." "I have thought of all that, but a
pike may be more useful in some contingencies. In short I
want it myself." " Well, if you do, I'll engage to procure' one
for you before the week's out," so turning round to his protegee,
" out with that half crown, you can't go empty away." The ex-
change was made, and the three departed, all of them furnished
now. I cite this fact as throwing light on the condition of
things. It is seen that the market was unusually good, the
price unusually high, and the workmen all around unusually
willing. At the time, as closely as we could calculate, we
counted sixty thousand shafted pikes.
The arming was not at all concealed. By the preceding ad-
dress to the people of Ireland, it will be seen that it was openly
avowed, and the right to do so distinctly and defiantly asserted.
One man brought before the magistrates for some trifling
offence was found to have two pikes concealed under his coat.
He stated that he was afraid of his house being attacked, and
purchased them to defend it. He was discharged, and went
home, carrying his pikes with him,
The onslaught on Birmingham set Newcastle aflame. Every
night was a night of business, of public meeting, or of the coun-
cil. At those the rioting at Birmingham was thus described :
" On Thursday evening, the people were assembled in the Bull Bine as
usuiU. ft workingman reading a newspaper, when police just arrived
from London, with two magistrates at their head, marched on them three
abreast, and clubbed right and left men women and children. The men
rallied and attacked the police, who fled in all directions, seven danger-
ously wounded. Dr. Taylor saved the lives of two policemen. The Mayor
and Col. Ohatterton were soon on the ground, and. supported by the Rifles
and *th Dragoons, read the Riot Act, cleared the streets and guarded their
entrances. At half- past ten the people chanting "Fall Tyrants, Fall.' re-
newed the combat, but having neither firearms nor pikes, bludgeons
and stones were o! no avail. Marching to Hollo way head, they tore up the
iron railings of a church, overturning their massive granite foundations.
With tuoae they were again rushing to combat the military, when Dr. Tay-
lor and McDowal. of the convention which was then sitting, came forward,
and dis&uaded and drove back the people. Shortly after Dr. Taylor was
arrested in his hotel. At nine o'clock next morning the convention reas-
passed resolutions, the last one, ' that the people of Binning-
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 179
ham would judge of their right to meet, and of their power and resources
to obtain justice.' The people were advised not to conflict with the mili-
tary, but hold the Borough authorities responsible. Lord John Russell
dare not enter a borough town with military to suppress discussion with-
out a requisition from the local authorities."
A meeting in Newcastle thus proceeded :
Mr. Mason proposed the first resolution :
" That the magistrates of Birmingham had committed high treason
against the people, the Constitution, and the Queen, ' Protection,' he said,
had been withdrawn, and the peole now stood absolved from their
allegiance."
Mr. Thomason seconded the resolution. Bather than see the
present syystem of fraud and oppression continue, he would
see every town, and village, and court, and castle one smoking
ruin.
Mr. Devyr moved the second resolution :
" That if the government attempted to put down discussion In Newcas-
tle, the people would meet their illegal act by Constitutional resistance."
He adverted to the idle ruffians who rotted on £100,000 a
year, and ordered the toiling people to starve on six shillings a
week. He referred to the force of the clubbed muskets at
Bunker Hill ; to the Circassians in arms against the Czar ; to
the United Men of New Boss and Oulart Hill. The middle
classes might talk of a physical revolution with horror. Not so
the people ; even a recruiting sergeant urged the men of Birm-
ingham to resist their tyrants to the death. Now the old help-
less, infirm people die 100,000 every year of famine and a
broken heart. Force to force must now be the motto.
Mr. Cockburn (blind) seconded the resolution. "Never had
people moved for right but tyrants met them with brute force.
The Whig Reform Bill was carried by physical force." He
urged a general arming. Now or never they must prepare for
war.
Next day the following placard was posted round the streets :
" Julien Harney was arrested last night in Bedlington."
"MEN OF DURHAM AND NORTHUMBERLAND.— Your oppressors have Bet
the majesty of the people at utter defiance. They have determined that
you shall live a life of toil, and die a death of hunger when you can toil
no more. If you do not submit to this, they will consign you to a bloody
grave by the grand old argument the bayonet, the bullet, the halter."
Then this comes from the other side :
" Whereas, Certain ill-disposed persons are In the habit of meeting
within the limits of this borough and using inflammatory and seditious
J80 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTUEYJ
language, calculated to make Hor Majesty's subjects discontented with
Iheir condition, and to produce terror in the minds of the population.
" This, therefore, is to give notice that those tumultuous assemblages will
not be longer suffered to take place within tho precincts ol this Borough.
" JOHN FIFE. Mayor.
" God save the Queen. In the name of the Corporation."
Whereupon " The Council of the Northern Political Union "
met immediately, and before the sun set the following counter f
proclamation anorued the walls :
" Wliereas, Certain men calling themselves the Corporation of New-
castle-on-Tyne, have presumed to call in question the inalienable right of
Englishmen to meet, discuss, and petition the Queen and Parliament lor
a redress of their grievances ; and
" Whereas. These men have presumed to forbid the exercise of a right
founded in the Constitution, and have assumed the power which does not
belong even to the Queen and the Parliament:
"Now. therefore, we, the Council of the Northern Political Union, pro-
olaim to the peopleof this Borough and surrounding neighborhood, that
it is their duty to meet for the exercise of this Constitutional right, and
«ho\v to the Corporation of Newcastle-on-Tyne that this assumed power
of theirs is held in utter contempt by all good Englishmen.
*• God save the People."
" POSTSCRIPT.— A meeting will b« held in tho Forth every evening at half
past six."
Excitement rose high, and a company of 52 dragoons pa-
trolled the streets. They were loudly cheered. A body of dra-
goons were ordered to service in Bedlington. Notwithstanding
their presence and that of two magistrates, a meeting of thou-
sands was held on the green of that town.
In response to our proclamation the Winlaton and Swalwall
bands marched into town, flanked by thousands. Two table plat-
forms were constructed on the Forth. Messrs. Hepburn, Ayr,
Parkinson, Mason, Cockburn, liucastle and Byrne, spoke, and
resolutions to keep the peace, but to resist illegal force were
adopted. Fifteen to twenty thousand men were present. Formed
«ix or eight abreast, they marched through the principal streets
when the meeting was over. A letter was read from Dr. Taylor,
that "he was bailed, but his hair had been cut off during his
brief confinement." A very foolish, because a very exasper-
ating, thing for the magistrates to do. The letter was printed
as a handbill and circulated in large numbers. Next day at 4
Vclock the Winlaton band came in, and multitudes (though they
were requested to send only delegations) assembled in greater
lumbers than the day before. Mr. Gumbleton, a collier, took
OK, THE SPI10T OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 181
the chair. James Ayr arrived from Carlisle, where 10,000
were meeting every evening on the Sands. They projected a
convention from all the large towns, and invited Newcastle to
send a delegate. Mr. Mason came in from a meeting at Sneddin
Hill, where the colliers could hardly be dissuaded from com-
mencing the strike. He read from Birmingham that Mr. Lovett
and John Collins had been arrested. On their examination,
both bravely declared their opinion that it was the duty of the
people to resist illegal force, brought against them by men who
usurped the power of making laws without the consent of the
people. The meeting passed a resolution extolling the lofty
and straightforward conduct of Messrs Lovell and Collins, and
spoke with contempt of the "picturesque politics" of Mr.
Mutz, M. P.
WEDNESDAY.— A false rumor that the military had been called
out in Glasgow, and that the people of Carlisle were besieging
the castle, gave increased intensity to public excitement About
one o'clock the Birmingham paper, arrived, and the news was
Issued in a placard. The Convention sitting in Birmingham had
issued an address, in which was the following :
" Tradesmen of Birmingham. Englishmen! The laws of your country
have been broken by blood-thirsty magistrates; and murderous police-
men have spilled the blood of your people. A committee must be elected
to guard over the public safety, each trade a delegate to represent itself.
Decision and energy I or you will be driven back to the curfew of the Nor-
man invader.
Endorsed by the Newcastle council thus :
•' There is a glorious example, follow it speedily. Let no time be lost."
Before seven o'clock the lower part of the Side was occupied
by a dense crowd, which made way for slowly passing carriages,
the policemen not interfering to enforce the " Street Act." A
large procession, with bands and banners, crossed the bridge to
Gateshead, returned largely reinforced, and proceeded to th*
Forth numbering many thousand more than any previous meet-
ing. News from Birmingham announced immense crowds at a
public meeting at Weighbury, the rifles patroling the streets,
and the wounded policemen recovering, which elicited expres-
sions of glad sympathy from the crowd. Mr. Devyr read a letter
from James Williams, of Sunderland, describing a meeting o£
20,000 on the Moor, which was joined by 1,000 which came down
OE the railway from Thornly, Howell, etc. Never was such
182 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY J
hospitality shown in Sunderland as that night to those visitors.
The men of the West were ready to stand by the Convention.
Tho Council met in the evening. News from Shields, and the
following subscriptions: — Bensham, Os. Gd. ; Gosforth, 5s. 4d. ;
Brondling Place, 3s. 3d. ; St. Lawrence, 10s. lOd. ; Cookson's Glass
Works, 3s. ; Toward aid, 2s. ; Two gentlemen's servants, 2a. ;
Gatoshead, 12s. ; Uxworth, £1, and £2, 8s. l#d. ; Leg Hill, £1, 4s-.
£d. ; Upworth and Ouston, 9s. 3d. ; J. Kent, Is ; Newcastle, £8, 10s,
8^d. ; Skinner's Burn Pottery, 4s. These sums are interesting
aa an indication of the finance department. We had no scarcity of
money for necessary use.
THURSDAY. — Excitement ; crowds ; news from Birmingham, and
the following address, in handbill, was placarded over the town,
.and neighborhood. It was also extensively circulated at a penny
by a crier of first speech as, who went about shouting " A full and
true account of the 'Middle Classes' of the Northern Political
Union." This was the only sparkle of amusement imparted to
the deep feeling — almost anxiety — that was expressed on every
countenance. A downpour of rain only quickened the march to tho
Forth, and packed all the denser tho convened thousands. Mr.
Hepburn (collier), tho Chairman, announced that numbers of the
idle classes were joining tho movement. More news frora Birm-
ingham. Assaults on tho people, and meetings dispersed. Con-
vention propose national organizations under officers. Mr. Burns,
M. C. : " If the magistrates Peterloo us, wo will Moscow England."
This is the address :
TO THE MIDDLE CLASSES OF THE NOKTH OF ENGLAND.
GENTLEMEN : — Wo address you in tho language of brotherhood, prob-
ably for tho last time. Up to tho very last moment you have shut your
senses to reason; but now that the last moment for moral appeal has
arrived, perhaps you will listen to this last appeal of tho people.
With n folly that will bo the wonder of future r,ges, you have placed a
blind confidence in the Whig Aristocracy ; you have surrendered into their
hands your "right of thought," and any decree they please to send forth
you look upon as if it were a decree from On High.
And now let us ask you a few questions touching tho claims which this
Aristocracy has upon your respect and confidence. Keflect upon, theaa
questions, and answer them like rational men :
Are you and your posterity mortgaged to pay tho boroughmongers' debt?
Are you not compelled to pay on an average threo times tho valuo lor bread,
meat, wino, spirits, teas and everything you consume, in order to support
the Jew swindlers and a perfumed, insolent Aristocracy?
Are you not shut out from tho manly sports and recreations which
•neo were tho health and pride of Englishmen ? If, after your six
months' conflnooient in the ware or counting house, you wish for a day's
OR, THE 61'lliIT OV CH1VALHY IN . MOUEKN DAYS. 18$
port- over the lake or mountain, arc you not toM that th-3 iiali, tae fowl,
and the wild animal, all must be preserved lor my lord s usu awl amuse-
ment, and it you petsifct to assert your natural right over them, are you
not punished wit;i tine and imprisonment ?
"WiU the Aristocracy associate w.th you— will they endure an alliaaoe
by marriage with what they Impudently denominate your base biood ?
Do they not, in one word, de-pise and oppress you as much as they do
the working men, the only diiference being that you are able, and would
appear willing, to bear the yoke, whilst we are unable, aud, thank God,
neither are wo willing to hear it V
Is not the money piundervd from the people and spent in the debauch
of the Court, or the profligacy of the Continent; is the money, we ask*
not virtually abstracted from your trade and profits ? Would we carry
away our money to squander it on the dancers, gamesters, and prosti-
tutes of the continental cit.es, or would we lay it. out at home in food,
elotuing, and other necessary articles, to the great beuelit of domestic
trade and manufactures V
We entreat you, not lor our sakes, but for your own, not for the soiree-
of our families, but for the sake of your own wives and children, to take
up these questions like men, and calmly and rationally discuss titeir
truth or falsehood.
Discussed tiiey now must be physically or morally— one way or the
other— even if you are content to remain quiescent slaves, you will be
permitted to remain so no longer.
But then comes your bugbear, "If you, the working men had power
in your hands, there would be no security for life and property."
One fact, you will yourselves admit, is worth t n thousand arguments;
if tuese facts do not convince you, to talk of reasoning any longer is-
altogether out of the question.
Look to America; in the mercantile States of that republic all power is
in the hands of the people, their will is law; and Is the manufacturer
less safe in his business, the trader less s -cure of his property, than
in England ? Why, the very lault of American societs is the over en-
eourarnagent and importance that is given to its trade.
Look, t">o, to Switzerland, whose laws must receive the sanction of the
whole male population, assembled in arms, from sixteen years of age
upward. Where is the country on the face of the earth can boast of
more security for life and property, more absence of crime, more posi-
tive virtues than are to be found in the mountains, vaL s, and cities of
Switzerland ? Look at the soothing tranquil >ty of these Democratic
countries, and contrast them w.th the murderous anarchy that even at
this moment desolates Aristocratic Spain.
Dear are our families to us, dear our humble nornes; our feelings are
as human as your own, and if compelled to take tn« field in vindica-
tion of our sacred rights, we shall do so with our hearts yearning for
our helpless families, whom many of us must never see again ; to thig
alternative we are driven by a dire and uncontrollable necessity; we are
uot " men of blood."
But blood is on the land; it falls without a record; hecatombs, up-
wards of 100,000 souls, are yearly sacrificed to famine and a brokoa
heart; the old, the helpless, the unresisting die, and no man writes their
epitaph.
If you be not as blind, as hardened of heart as ever Pharaoh was of
old, you must perceive that a mighty, a thorough, a radical change
must now very speedily take place in the constitution of society in
these islands, a change which it is not in your power to avert, though it
is in your power to give it a peaceful character.
Do you call the courage of the people in question ? Why even the
Tory Times acknowledges that contempt of death is natural to every
errand-boy in England.
But it is not a question of courage we are discussing now, it is a quee-
184 THK ODD BOOK OW THE NINETEENTH CENTUBT;
tioB of necessity ;, watch your own child as with tears it implores for *
morsel ; see the eye of your own wive and sister grow dim with famine?
feel hunger tearing your own vitals ; then hear the shot-peal calling you
to death or freedom ; opening to you a chance of escape from the hell
you endure, and you will rush into the shock of battle with a joy bord-
ering on madness.
And what will be the result of that strife of blood which you alone
eon avert ? If successful, the people will look on their fallen brothers,
and apostrophize their mangled remains thus : " Well, you were sacri-
ficed by the middle classes; they could have saved you, but they would
not; they assisted and encouraged the Aristocracy to murder you ! Let
desolation dwell in the homes that made your homes desolate ! " Mid-
dle classes : vengeance, swift and terrible, will then overtake you.
On the other hand, should the people of England be put down— suppos-
ing for a moment the impossibility— what then ? Why, to use the word
of more than one Whig journal, they will " DISPERSE IN A MILLION OF
INCENDIARIES," your warehouses, your homes, will be given to the
flames, and one black ruin overwhelm England !
Are you prepared tor this ? If you are contented to be trampled and
spat upon by the Aristocarcy ; if you have no pity for your brothers and
sisters in the humbler walks of life ; if you feel not for the myriads who
annually perish of cold and hunger ; still ask yourselves, are you pre-
pared to see your own homes in a blaze ; your property given to flames,
and no insurance to redeem it ; yourselves, perhaps j^our wives and
children shrieking to midnight outlaws for that mercy which in the day
of your power you denied to them ?
Praying that God, who endowed you with common sense and human
feelings, will free your mind from the prejudice and dispose you to do
your duty in this terrible crisis,
We remain (if not you own faults) your sincere fiiends,
THE COUNCIL OF THE NORTHERN POLITICAL UNION,
This address created great consternation. The arrest of Mr.
-John Bell, printer, and the owner of The, Liberator, Mr. Blakey,
immediately followed. It was like the Irish address, written by
myself but not signed by the President and Secretaries of the
Council, Caution now became one of the virtues.
CHAPTER XII.
WE had now fairly joined issue with the Mayor and Magis-
trates. In despite of their proclamation, the meetings on the
Forth continued, with increasing numbers and added enthusiasm.
Railroad or telegraph were not, and it took the better part of a
week for instructions to come from Downing street. At the end
of that time horse, foot and artillery, about 800 or 1,000 men, were
ordered out of the barraks to bring the dispute to an end. No
interference was made to prevent the meeting. It assembledf
spoke from two platforms and through a tempest of disloyal
speeches, adopted a loyal address to the Queen to dismiss her
ministers, and do sundry other things which she was not likely to
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 185
do. All so .far was a triumph to us. We had vindicated the
time-honored right, and stood on the same vantage ground
for to-morrow's meeting, and to-morrow's— the authorities
compelled to look on or oppose the right which was held so
sacred. But the impetuous would not listen to our reasoning.
They would march, eight abreast, through the leading streets —
now guarded by horse, foot and artillery — not to speak of the
special constables who ran, and the municipal police who did not
run. And so they marched on Westgate street, where the force*
were drawn up to receive them, special constables in front, police
second, military — horse, foot and artilery — third. The specials fled
into an adjoining church-yard, behind the upright tombstones,.
I was in front of the procession, doing all I could, in word and
act, to persuade and push it back. The Mayor and his Squire,
Mr. Brown, on horseback, were on the same mission from the
time we left the Forth; and it was rumored and bell vert-that «
pistol was leveled at him and missed • fire; I? so, the crowd
escaped a great danger, for, with 800 men and two pieces of
artillery drawn up in readiness, great destruction of life most
probably would have followed. However, though the specials ran
the police did not. They rushed on the crowd, seized the ban-
ners, and laid round them with swords, wounding several, one
man very dangerously. Our people had been well taught that
it was not riot we wanted, but revolution. So not a stone was
thrown. Fifteen or twenty prisoners were taken. But the police
acted with cool judgment, not touching one of the leaders, who
were in the front of the procession, expostulating and striving
to drive it back. The streets were cleared by the dragoons,
good natured fellows, who laughed heartily as the women and
girls ran screaming out of their way. Not so the specials.
Gathering from their hiding places when they found there was
no danger, they formed an awkward squad, and scouring
through the public houses turned out the stragglers.
" Hangings they pricked and counters with their swords,
And wounded several shutters and some boards."
The circuit judges were then sitting in Newcastle, and the
grand jury had found " true bills " against several of the leaders,
myself among them. They doubtless meant this as a blow to
the most forward of us, to demoralize the approaching meet-
ing. Arraigned before their masquerading lordships in their
24
186 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CEKTUKI ?
black gowns and white wigs, Lord Denman, who was a
reminded us, in a rather quiet friendly way, that we were " com-
mitting not only a crime but a folly, in assuming that the mass
could govern instead of being governed. We were seeking/' he
said, " to put society standing on its head instead of its feet— to
put the cart before the horse"-— with other logic equally to the
purpose.
Unmoved by the terrors of the title and the warnings of the wig,
fche writer asked permission to say a few words in reply to what
had just fallen from his lordship. "Certainly! Freedom of
speech is the glory of England—the privilege of Englishmen."
PRISONER. In proof of which I and my fellow-prisoners stand
here in the dock.
DENMAN. Taken quite aback.
-PRISONER. "It is a glorious "sunset streaming through that
gothic window. Did your lordship ever hear of a great country
lying away in iLs direction cf that Setting sun ? Did you hear
that its people did assume to govern themselves ? Actually do
the very thing that your lordship informs us cannot be done?
Nor need your lordship's thought travel so far as that New
World. Even in this old decaying world of ours, embosomed
among the rocks and glaciers of the Alps, are institutions of
the same kind, flourishing for the last six hundred years. And
surely your lordship will not pronounce Englishmen less capable
of governing themselves than the Americans or the Swiss ? Are
your lordship's countrymen less intelligent, are they less trust-
worthy than those denizens of the mountain and the forest?"
It is not often, perhaps, that a judge is catechised by a
prisoner. His lordship did not seem to have any reply conven-
ient, that he might make to this unexpected attack, and so he
made none ; but fixed amount of bail, and motioned that we
might withdraw to prison. At that time the American Republic
was a "pillar of fire" to inspirit the Democracies of Europe*
What it is now shall be evolved as we proceed.
And so, it is 10 o'clock at night, and at that hour Thoma-
son Ayr, Dr. Hume and myself ?re inured in a large cell^
singing the " Marsellaise," "American Star "—anything but
"God save the Queen." When hark! It is tramp, tramp
along the stone corridor, a pause, a turning of locks and hing.oa
and in crowd Messrs. Blakey, Doubleday, Thomas Gray, Thomas,
OK, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 187
Horn, John Blakey, Kichard Ayr, Sutherland and Nicholson.
In short, they crowd in and crowd us out along with them. They
had sought the magistrates and perfected the bail at that late
hour, mainly through the. influence of my two employers, who
were greatly respected, even by their political antagonists.
Public meetings and their varied and impassioned proceedings
were now deemed to be more impracticable than lectures, and so
it is announced that a quiet moral force lecture is to be delivered
on the nature of the National Debt, and the question of who ought
to pay it ? In the absence of one more capable, I was myself
appointed to deliver this lecture. It was necessary to keep cool
and argumentative, for seated near were two police officers, an<t
I think Mr. Winter, the reporter of the Chronicle, who had given
such evidence to the grand jury as procured the indictments
Against us, Tn, handling the subject, these facts came out; isfc,
That the debt was contracted anaer the Botten Borough system
when the landed aristocracy owned both Houses, deterariaed the
votes of both Commons and Lords. 2d. That it was contracted!
to combat liberty, first in America, then in France. 3d. That
those were purposes of which the people of England did not
approve. 4th. That as it was purely a debt contracted by the
aristoctacy and for the direct purposes and advantage of the
aristocracy, so did justice demand that it should be borne by
the aristocracy, and paid out of the lands which they call their
estates. The whole proceeding was calm— the whole discourse
guarded, cool and logical. It was the usual hour, past tea
o'clock, when the assemblage broke up.
But the Mayor and local magistrates must have been waiting
In session to forward business, for at day-break next morning I
was invited to arise and put on a pair of handcuffe and march
under escort once more to the jail, from which I was bailed out
the same day by Eichard Ayr and John Blakey.
During all this time Messrs. Doubleday and Blakey were
raining hot shot into the Government and its flunkies in this
way :
CONSTITUTIONAL ABMING.
THB Whig and Tory newspapers, especially the Standard, are giving at
flaming account of a meeting held near Nowport, in support, they say,
of the Queen and Constitution. It was attended by Sir Charles Salis-
bury, Thomas Protheroe, Esq., William Brewer, Esq., the Kevs. A. A.
Isaacson and R. A. .Roberts, Messrs Phillips, Jones and Hall, and a large
body of farmers. Sir Digby Mackworth, Bart., wrote to express his
188 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENT CRY 4,
sorrow at being absent, and offered the aid of his military experience in
ease of a corps being formed. Addresses were moved and carried to the
Queen, and to the Lieutenant of the County, the last offering tlteir services
as an armed body to defend the Constitution ! A great number of signa-
tures were appended to both addresses.
Now this is gratifying ; this is right; this is well-timed; this is as it
should be; this smacks really of the •' Constitution," of which these gen-
tlemen appear to be so fond. That Constitution lays it emphatically
down, both as a right and as a duty, for all Englishmen to be armed for
self-defence, and for the defence of their rights and liberties as guaran-
teed to them both by statute and prescription. These gentlemen have
set an excellent example. We trust the Lord Lieutenant of the County,
whoever he may be, will accept of their services so properly and spirit-
edly tendered, and that Her Majesty will, at his suggestion, reward
their loyalty by commanding them to enroll themselves, and sending
them a handsome pair of colors for the occasion.
The Rev. R. A. Roberts seems to have made a highly Constitutional
speech on this occasion. He said they had come forward to oppose
those who were endeavoring to poison the minds of the people, and to
subvert the laws and Constitution of the country ! He and they were
resolved that these laws, the result of ages of wisdom, should remain
inviolate ! They were met to declare that England should not be revolu-
tionized aii^ bro'ighfc down to the level of " miserable T^anci I " Bravo !
It really warms the cockles* of GUI' heart to hear language like this ; en-
ergetic, English, truly Constitutional, from the lips of a beneficed divine
ef the Established Church ! The Rev. Mr. Stevens never made use of
more nervous, more decided, nor more truly English terms ! This is
precisely what we say here in the North of England.
We will have no Malthusian "Marcus" to poison the minds of the
people by excitements to child-murder! We will have no Broughams
and Martineaus to stigmatize marriage as a crime, and charity as a
folly ! No ; we are for the ancient laws of England. We join the Rev.
R. A. Roberts, we insist upon the old forty-third of Elizabeth, that Char-
ter.of the Poor of England. We (like the Rev. gentleman) will not liave
English laborers reduced to the Irish potato and sea-weed .level! We
stand firm for universal suffrage and annual Parliaments, as they ex-
isted up to the unfortunate times of Henry the Sixth ! We have made
up our minds, as Mr. Roberts has, to stand by the trial by jury as con-
stituted by Alfred the Great! We eschew all standing armies, and love
a people to be universally armed, and rely upon the " Posse UomUatus,"
or levy the county under command of the sheriff, whose duty it is to see
that all the Queen's male subjects, able to bear arms, have arms to bear I
We hate " innovations " as much as the meeting at Newport, and will
never submit to a Bourbon Police, whilst theold English name of constable
is remembered ! In all the Rev. Mr. Roberts' detestation of these Whig
innovations we heartily concur; nor can he hate the " Prig of the Globe"
more than we do, for calling these time-honored customs and usages
" the prejudice of the rudest periods ! " Well, as soon as the Newport
corps is enrolled, we hope the example will be followed. We trust the
men on the Tyne and Wear will not be backward in offering themselves to
defend the Queen and Constitution. We know they will not. We can ven-
ture to assure the Rev. Mr. Roberts that if he wants thirty thousand
determined fellows, well found with muskets, pikes, and pistols, he has
only to send northwards and they will be forthcoming. Arms ! arms 3
(we say) the Queen and Constitution forever ! and no revolutionary inno-
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 188
ANOTHER EXQUISITE SQUIB FROM THE WRITERS
OF THE "LIBERATOR."
THE Whig Chancellor is going to opeu a trade for cotton goods
with the Moon. He has borrowed Sir John HerschePs telescope
to make observations, and here's what he sees :
11 A' vision, at once so glorious and so strange, swam into his view that
he almost recoiled in astonishment. His gaze seemed to rest on a broact
sweep of valley, bounded on either side by bold and lofty hills, green
to their summits. In the midst, meandering on to the sea, a silvery,
quiet and winding stream, on the surface of which at intervals the sun
from over the hiii threw golden lights that glistened and glittered, now
lost, now seen again, in the distance. Well wooded was the vale, and
beaut' .fully well did the autumnal masses of tinted and varied foliage
give back again with increased richness the rays of mellow light that
nere and there, as the landscape undulated, fell upon them. Amidst thp
whole was observable, not least, because less floridly tinted, the blue
amoko of many a mansion, farm-house, parsonage, hall and cottage,
which quietly rose above the woods, indicating as it rose many a rich
Mid many an humble seat of contentment, wealth, virtue, peace and
joy.
"Such was the landscape. When, on a slight movement of the glass,
the Chancellor descried, to the right, on the foreground, a building or
pile 6t> hideous as to throw at once into shocking arid melancholy con-
trast the beautiful scene on which his gaze had so recently dwelt. It
was a horrid pile, dark as midnight, windowless, and surrounded by a
huge rude and \ofty wall. No ray of light seemed to be permitted to
enter there; it required no strong imagination to fancy that under the
horrid shadow of its enclosure toads and cold reptiles crawled ; that to
its recesses joy wa^ a stranger, and a smilo a thing unknown, except to
memory, if memory lingered there.
" At its gates stood three beings, with hellish features, but withal so-
cold that they seemed to be cast iron ; and with lean and bony hands,
the bones of which seemed to be living steel as the hard fingers moved
and- worked in their sockets.
" Figure aftor figure, as m phantasmagoria, passed before these mo-
tionless fiends : as they passed each he.'d out in his or her hand a scrap
of that same paper-looking substance which the Chancellor had before
seen. Some, However, failed to produce it; and on each failure the three
figures pointed, with their steel fingers, to the gate of the horrid domain,'
and tho shivering wretches, as if facinated by a snake, obeyed and en-
tered in. At the further end of this building appeared to be a low door
of exit, and as poor wretches shivered and entered at the front, strange'
funerals seemed to issue from behind. No mourners were there; no en-
siyns of woe; no ministering priest; but skeletons bore a bare shell
upon their shoulders, and seemed to carry it, grinning as they went, .to
a dishonored grave.
11 At tli:a appalling vision the honorable gentleman started back as if
horror-struck. Gradually recovering himself, however, he seemed to1
reflect, and mutt -red 'strange, strange!' wholesome test! wholesome
test! Poor Law Bastiles! Poor Law Bastiles! The disorder of the Hon-
orable Chancellor, however, bee tme so serious that after swallowing
another tumbler of hock and Seltzer- water, it was deemed prudent to
persevere no longer at that time."
And now in the House of Lords, Lord Melbourn admitted
190 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY;
that houses had been burned in Birmingham ; regretted the in-
temperate language uttered at the public meetings, " but he
never knew a time when it would be so extremely inexpedient
to resort to strong measures." The Duke of Wellington said
thirty houses had been burned, their contents first taken out
and burned in the street. Earl Fitzwilliam reminded the Duke
that greater riots had taken place in Birmingham, in 1789 or
1790. The Marquis of Londonderry referred to the multitudes
of colliers that were meeting around Sunderland and Newcastle.
In the House of Commons, Thomas Atwood moved to take up
the National Petition. In the course of his speech he de-
nounced the existing currency system, and said that there were
=no dangers that the people ought not to risk rather than sub-
mit to their present miserable condition. He spoke of France.
Arthur Young traveled 200 miles over it, and found all the cas-
tles burnt to the ground. Louis was asleep till the Bastile fell
about his ears.
Lord John Russell said no government could secure contin-
ued prosperity, especially in England, which depends so largely
on manufactures and commerce. The petition before the House
contained only 1,000,000 signatures, but Major Cartwright had
petitions presented for Universal Suffrage aggregating 3,000,000
of names.
The petitioners say " we are bound down under a load of taxes,
which notwithstanding fall greatly short of the wants of our
rulers. Our tradesmen are trembling on the edge of bank-
ruptcy, our workmen are starving, capital brings no profit, and
labor no remuneration. The home of the artificer is desolate,
and the wareroom of the pawnbroker is full. The workhouse
is crowded and the manufactory is deserted." He denied that
this was so, and pointed to a million of deposits in savings
banks within the year (deposited by the Middle Classes, the
workers had not wherewith to keep them alive). Increase oi
wages, or lessening the cost of living, alone could relieve the
people. Would Universal Suffrage accomplish either? (Yes the
taxes make the cost of living three times as high as it other-
wise would be. Universal Suffrage would give us free trade and
accomplish both objects.) He said the promoters of the peti-
tion advised the people to withdraw their money from the sav-
ings banks, change it to gold, abstain from exciseable articles,
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 191
practice exclusive dealings, insist upon the ancient constitu-
tional right to bear arms. Those things, he said, would be fatal
to the government and Constitution of England. (!!!)
Mr. Dirsaeli concurred entirely in the principles on which the
petition was founded. The ablest men in the country had pro-
mulgated those principles. The petitioners stated that the
energies of a mighty people had been wasted in building up the
power of selfish and ignorant men ; that the few had governed
for the interests of the few, and that the people had been tram-
pled upon and basely deceived by the expectations formed on
the Reform Act.
Mr. O'Connell had opposed the Chartists outside of the House,
and denounced their doctrine of physical force as high treason
but in England only 19 out of a hundred adult men had a vote*
In Ireland only 4 out of every hundred. (He did not dwell upon
the fact that himself urged the disf ranch isement of the 40s.
freeholders.)
Mr. Wakely showed that Lord John Russell attempted to
mislead the House when he said the people were putting large
deposits in the savings banks. Workmen earning 6s. or 7s. a
week had nothing to put into such banks. After which the
motion to go into committee was lost by 235 to 46.
In the next day's seession Mr. Disraeli denounced Lord Rus-
6elPs bill for an added force of 5,000 men to the army. It might, he
said, be necessary to bring a force against their fellow-country-
men, but they must know what was the necessity, and whether
5,000 men were a great deal too much or a great deal too little.
Mr. Wakely said this 5,000 proposition would be favorably re-
ceived in just two places, and those were the two Houses of
Parliament. The bill was brought in, not forty members present
The London papers now group together the demonstrations
held throughout the North, at all populous centres. The Sun
quotes from our " Address to the Middle Classes," and several
other revolutionary proclamations, commenting on "a great
.activity of the national intellect — a Sampson-like striving that
must be heeded by our rulers." Richard Carlisle, once an im-
prisoned champion of the unstamped press, went round to
oppose universal suffrage. Called meetings at some rich people's
expense, but nobody would go to hear him. The subject of land
ownership was ignored in our movement. But I got edged into
The Liberator now and then such hints as the following :
192 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY ;
" Immense tracts of land are lying barren in Ireland, and
immense numbers of men willing to labor are going about
unemployed. The blasphemous aristocracy will not let the
people reclaim the soil except on the condition that all its
enhanced value shall go into the accursed rent roll, leaving the
people at the same level of rags and hunger. Sharman Crawford
tried to bring in a bill to remedy this state of things, but it was
frowned out of existence alike by the sham ' Liberal/ Whigs
and the intolerant Tories. And now comes another horrible
picture from Connemara," etc., etc.
At Sunderland shipwrights, seamen and the trades meet, and
three privates of the 98th meet along with them, and are loudly
cheered. Proceedings against Williams and Bicns, at which
their counsel, Mr. Thompso- , informed the bench that "the in-
tentions of these gentlemen were peaceable, otherwise they could
have brought to the ground 20,000 miners."
• A RIOT IN NEWCASTLE.
Summer, especially July, is a revolutionary period ; and so a
paving stone crowd took possession of Newcastle, late on Satur-
day night and early on Sunday morning. It swept along Bailiff-
gate, Castle street and Castle Garth, St. Nicholas square, Col-
lingwood street, and untou.ching the Turf Hotel, entered Mosley,
Grey and Dean streets, and all down the Side and Butcher Bank.
On this range all the street lamps were broken, and there was,
besides, a considerable shattering of window glass. It is true
the Liberator office was loudiy cheered by an attendant crowd,
but the actual rioters broke 20s. worth of glass in our windows.
I quote a description from Mie Liberator, written by mvself as a
looker on :
"Excitement and curiosity was up on Sunday, whilst rumors, like a
circular wave, widened tne disturbance as it receded to a distance. Many
therefore caino in from the surrounding towns and country. Those moved
round to trace the progress of the rioters, and all Sunday the streets pre-
sented a crowded and animated appearance. It was amusing to hear
knaves and fools of respectable exterior throwing the blame on the cause
of the people. One could hardly help a feeling of indignation mixing
with the contempt they excited, when you heard them swear between their
teeth that they would "iang the unwashed ruffians up on the defaced lamp
posts."
A few arrests were made. At the examinations a mixture of
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 193
serious and coinic was evolved. Thus, Robert Farley had 1,100
pounds of gunpowder. Where did it come from ? The excuse
was that it was intended for the Cramlington colliery, but on
account of the " disturbed state of the country" the proprietors
would not take it in. This seems to have been an " impromptu."
It was condemned and sent to the barrack, and Farley fined
3s. for each pound, or jail in proportion. A half formed pik«
out of an immense file made its appearance, as also did Peter
Flanmagan, who stated that he got dead drunk at the " Bell,"
and, boxing with a comrade boy, lost his cap and was taken
prisoner by Kidley, the policeman.
MAYOR. — You have an excellent memory to be so drunk?
PRISONER. — In troth, and that's true enough. (Laughter.)
RIDLEY. — You were not drunk.
;FLANNAGAN. — If I was not would I be all dirt as ye see me ?
RIDLEY. — You got that on falls with me.
FLANNAGAN. — An' if I wasn't drunk would I fall with the like*
•of you ? (Roars of laughter.)
Fined 20s. or "a month."
Mr. Gibson, of Dean street, heard one of a group of men say
that the town could be easily fired, and that by cutting the em-
bankment at the Westgate the engines would be useless, and
that the policemen didn't know how to fight. Reference to the
ji res in Birmingham were made by some of tke rioters.
CHAPTER XIIL
HENRY VINCENT was a very young man, a very eloquent speaker
and equally clear and vigorous writer. He was among the first
consigned to prison for making " her Majesty's subjects discon-
tented with their condition."
This was at Bristol, I think, where he published The Vindica-
tor. The rising in South Wales, under John Frost, was precipi*
tated by a sympathy for Vincent, and a determination to set
him free. Mr. Frost was the first Reform Mayor of Newport ;
had acquitted himself creditably as President of the Conven-
tion (National) of Delegates, held in London (summer of 1838),
and he had done still better in a published correspondence with
Lord John Russell. But he wanted entirely the stern qualities
194 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY ;
of a military chief. The rising had been concerted at a meeting
up in the hills (Merthyr Tydvil), about a fortnight previous to
the 3d of November. At that meeting the delegates of three
sections of country arranged to advance on Newport, the near-
est military station, on the night of the 3d. The country was
aflame, and it was computed that each section would move ten
thousand men. It is evident that they did not anticipate any
check from the small detachment of regulars stationed in that
town, for at the meeting referred to a resolution was passed, as
we were advised, to " hang any of their own men who might de-
stroy either life or property."
Singularly enough a storm of wind and rain set in about the
first, and continued incessantly for three days and nights, rend-
ering the mountain country almost impassable. The fragment
of one division only — the nearest under Frost himself — reached
Newport at eight or nine o'clock on the morning of the 4th, in-
stead of the dark 2 o'clock that was intended. The troops
occupying the place took position in the Westgate Inn, a strong
stone building. The van of the Insurgents had among them
some three or four hundred pieces of firearms ; those were flint-
locks, drenched with rain, and incapable of making much impres-
sion in any case, and none at all on the stone walls from which
volley after volley swept the streets. It was stated that the
garrison had come to its last round, when, led on by " Jack the
Fifer," the assailants burst open the door, and rushing into the
hall were met by that last round, which poured on them with
deadly effect. They recoiled, panic-stricken, leaving several of
their men dead and wounded. Jack the Fifer, himself, whom I
met afterward in America, was shot through the hand. Mr-
Frost, and the leaders of the other divisions, Williams and
Jones, were made prisoners, tried, and condemned to death, but
their sentences were afterwards commuted, mainly through the
influence of the Middle Classes, who signed almost unanimously
a memorial to the crown for that object.
The first news that we at Newcastle-on-Tyne had of the ris-
ing was through the London Times. It announced, by special
correspondent, that Frost, at the head of 30,000 men, was in
possession of South Wales. A significant change on that instant
appeared in Newcastle. For weeks previously not a group of
three men would be suffered to stand together on the sidewalk.
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 195
No political paper was suffered to appear on the walls. And
from the windows of the Liberator office I have seen a man cru-
elly knocked down and dragged to prison for presuming to
question the order to " move on."
As soon as the intelligence of Frost's movement reached us
all this was reversed. The Eeformers met in exultant groups,
and several copies of a painted placard (painted in our office
with printer's ink) were pasted up like this :— " The hour of
British Freedom has struck ! John Frost is in possession of
South Wales at the head of 30,000 men." Past these placards
the policemen quietly walked. The fact will bear one explana-
tion. In revolutions a large portion of the people are passive,
and readily obey the stronger side, and our policemen, it seems,
were among this number.
UNWKITTEN HISTOEY.
If I now enter upon unwritten history, I do so because it may
be useful to both peoples and Governments in coming times, and
at this distance of time cannot do harm to anybody. Intelli-
gence of the rising swept over the neighborhood, and the fol-
lowing night delegates from 65 armed districts were assembled
in Newcastle waiting for the expected Proclamation by Frost.
The leaders were from the numerous districts lying close
around. The two Shields, Sunderland, and the more distant
districts of Durham and Northumberland were not present, but
they were nearly or wholly as well appointed and prepared to
rise at the expected signal.
My indignation, always fierce against the unjust and man-
slaying aristocracy, was greatly intensified by what I saw that
night. While in the upper large room were assembled the
earnest and gloomy chiefs of the insurrection, in the lower
rooms were numbers of unthinking, good natured men, singing
and playing music, even with their wives and daughters among
them, waiting for the signal. Those people ! Is it there they
ought to be ? Or is it in their peaceful homes and quiet beds,
reposing from the toils of the day, and recruiting their faculties
for that toil which the morrow was sure to bring to them? But
here they were, peaceful, Christian men and women, willing to
labor honestly and well for the sustainment of their families
196 THE ODD BOOK OJf THE NINETEENTH CENTURY J
and tho strength and greatness of the nation. Here, driven by
a heartless, shall I not add, a brutal handful of selfish culprits,,
who wouldn't even " live and let live," but who, through their
starvation villainy, drove those solid, innocent, honest men —
honestly willing to work for a mere living — drove them to this
dire necessity ! Here they were in midnight muster, waiting the
signal to grasp the pike and level the musket — to give or re-
ceive death — driven to it by greedy and rapacious men, indcred-
ible in their selfishness, unapproachable in their crimes. Thoso
men who would be content with so little, and who would work
so faithfully in return for that little. The thought roused in my
heart an impulse, a passion, for vengeance that night. Venge-
ance on the men whose outrageous selfishness brought condi-
tions down to the scene before me !
But the more reflecting men are at the top of the house and I
must go up to them. It was yet only midnight. We expected
the gallop of a horse every instant. The proclamation was to
radiate by horse express from the centre, Birmingham, all
round. The night mail from London would be in by 2 o'clock,
and The Times at least would throw some additional light upon
the darkness.
But there comes a rap to the door. An inquiry for me and a
letter put in my hands. Our apartments were in the Liberate
building, and my little household could not and would not be
asleep at such a time. The letter had been expressed up from
Sunderland by Williams and Binns. They had just received it
from a young friend named Batchelor, who resided in Newport
and was a spectator of the conflict. It outlined the facts and very
distinctly stated the issue :•— " Three days' storm in tho hills ;
only about 1,000 of the first division reach Newport, tired,,
drenched, at 8 A. M., instead of 2. The soldiers under cover,,
the rebels in the streets. The slaughter all the one side. Frost
prisoner."
The relations of mind and matter form a most interesting-
and abstruse question. Therefore I feel it a duty to state here
a distinct fact bearing upon the subject. Mental pain every
man suffers now and then, and I did not pass through life with-
out my share of it. I understood those mental sensations,.
More or less intense, they were all of the same purely spirit-
ual nature. But when I opened that letter and gathered— re -
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 197
alized — its contents, there struck a wholly different feeling — dis-
tinctly physical — through the material structure of my heart.
A combination of sharpness and coldness, as if a quick incision
were made into it by an exceedingly sharp instrument made of
ice. Very sensible am I that my feelings were of little conse-
quence then or now, what they were or were not. I write the
fact, as it is possible it may be suggestive as a mental phenome-
non. A hushed attention while I read the letter, and then n
sudden decision. There has been no " overt act." Every man
to his home, as if this night and its resolve had never had an
existence.
Next day, when the intelligence came on in the newspapers, I
was made painfully aware of what was, I suppose, a very natu-
ral fact. An entire revulsion came over the public mind. Men
seemed to be impressed with the thought that the Government
was impregnable. All congratulated themselves that, whatever
course on our part had been taken, the Government knew noth-
ing and could do nothing about it. A meeting was immediately
held to found a penny subscription for the defence of Frost. I
present a sketch of it as amusing and instructive. A warrant
is out for the second arrest of Dr. Taylor, and he is now to ad-
dress this public meeting : —
" ' A number of police, in the disguise of honest men.' (I quote the Lib
erator.) beset the entrance. They soon had the satisfaction to see the Dr.
approach, enveloped in his broad blue cloak, overshadowing hat ttd
muffler. The crowd was dense, and a voice cries out, ' Make room for tfca
Doctor.' But there was no necessity for this intimation for the 'oflotar
were sharp enough to know him at once by his coat and hat. even thxign
his distinguishing whiskers were buried in the deep folds of a large hand-
kerchief. ' Doctor. I want you,' ' Doctor I want a word with you,' ' Doctor
I have a warrant for your apprehension.' echoed from a dozen pair of
Bweetlips. and in another instant he was in safe keeping, marching sta-
tion-ward in sullen silence. No ebullition of feeling broke from him save
a hollow hem! hem! which swelling in his throat indicated the bootless
indignation dwelling in the heart below. It mattered not ; on with him to
the Westgate Station House. Arrived there. Mr. Inspector Little placed
himself on one side of the culprit-stand and the prisoner on the other.
The ' shocking bad hat ' must of course off. outside coats can no longer
keep their places whilst muffle handkerchief must uncoil itself and give to
view all of hair and whiskers that have escaped the scissors of justice in
Warwick Gaol. Well, off all did 3ome. Ralph rubbed his eyes, and we aro
credibly informed was about to drop down on his knees. He had often
heard in his native wilds of kelpies, spunkies. and all that sort of thing,
together with many a wonderful tale of illusions which the Devil delighta
198 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY :
to work on his followers ; but here the Devil was at work in his own Sta-
tion House, the Doctor had vanished, and in his stead stood one Wm.
Byrne, calmly inquiring by what authority he had been brought there^
Ralph, when recovered from his horror, asked his myrmidons why they
' wakened the wrong man ? ' Bootless inquiry. The henchmen weren't
there to reply. They had fled in terror, and Ralph is looking for an-
answer from them up to the present time."
Meanwhile the meeting was organized, Edward Charlton, brick-
layer, (an energetic and true man, whom I love to remember), in-
the chair. He " regretted the premature movement in Wales, but
that should not prevent Englishmen from insisting on their
rights. Piece by piece their freedom was disappearing, and
when the Rural Constabulary should be formed they had seen
the last of it." Mr. Harney said " John Frost had ever kept the-
onward path of humanity. They had all seen the ability and
dignity with which he had hurled his scorn at the Government,
when it proposed to deprive him of the Commission of trie-
Peace for attending the patriotic meetings. And in his second
correspondence on the imprisonment of Mr. Vincent, with what
dignity he had showered his contempt on John Russell, the
scoundrelly little lord ! Though all Newport was out on that
eventful morning, not one of his townsmen would identify Mr
Frost, save a spy, and a boy of ten years old, who had never-
seen him before. The English people were sacrificed to the
corn laws, to the factories, to the bastiles, to a scantier and
'coarser food, in order to supply more luxuries to their in-
human, idle, scoundrelly oppressors." James Ayr, mason, de-
fied the "blues" present, and the Government who sent them.
He was above their power. They might take his life if they
pleased ; he had nothing to live for but unrequited toil through-
dreary years, and an end to bis days in a starvation bastile..
Mr. Peddie said " The Whigs promised reform and we carried'
them into power. How did they redeem their pledge? By
giving the Queen Dowager £100,000 a year, in addition to large-
domains and palaces. And to the dowager of the workingman
they gave imprisonment ?nd starvation. To a Queen without.
a family they had giv\ n a ' civil list " larger than tiie Tories.
gave to the profligate G o rge IV. Thus were they cheated by
that picture of a monkoy in a consumption, Lord John Russell.
However the poor ir.i^ht go to bed hungry in the biistiles, the.
Queen, with her £980.000 pounds a year, need not eat the tongs
OR, THE SPIlilT OF CHIVALRY IN MODKRN DAYS. 199
jr a supper. The middle classes had no objection to physical
force, but. it must be arrayed on the side of oppression. He be-
lieved in physical force, too, but he dind't believe it should be
all on the one side." He urged the penny subscription, and
there were about 500 pennies laid down, many present not hav-
ing the penny with them.
All thought now went forth to tho condemnation of Frost
and his compatriots, which we knew to be certain. Shall I say
that some of us looked forward to it with a desperate hope
that public affairs and public feeling might take such, a sudden
wheel round as would enable us to at once snatch the prisoners
from the scaffold and the people from slavery. This much I dis-
tinctly remember, that after the slow murderous solemn, ordeal
of the trial was finished by conviction and the old barbarous
sentence, there were those on the sidewalk in front of our office
who gave a bound of delight with " thank God ! The Govern-
ment has just pronounced its own sentence. That on John
Frost will never be excuted !
Frost was condemned to die. So also were Williams and
Jones, the leaders of those two sections that did not reach
Newport. The slow, majestic paraphernalia of terror that at-
tend trials for High Treason in England are, I think, quite effec-
tive and well judged. Not so the barbarous conditions of the
sentence. The " hurdling," and the "hanging," and the "be-
M-,ading," and " disemboweling," and other obsolete barbar-
"iiiis might pass, but when it came to the " quartering," those
quarters to be disposed of as " her Majesty (a girl of eighteen)
should be pleased to direct," there was in it (to them) worse
than a violation of humanity, there was a violation of taste.
It was " worse than a crime ; it was a blunder."
Outdoor public meetings were now prohibited, and indoor
meetings so interfered with, that we took refuge in religious
services and sermons. The scriptures afforded us no scarcity of
Keform texts, and we improved them to the edification of the
policemen, who always attended to take note of our proceed-
ings.
In proportion as we had to suppress expression of our feelings
did those feelings gather strength and resolve. Along in De-
cember, a meeting was held at Dewsbury of delegates from most
Of the considerable towns in the North. It was there resolved
1:00 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY;
that a simultaneous rising should take place in those towns on
the night of the 12th of January! The personal sympathy for
Frost and his unfortunate associates precipitated this move-
ment, as the sympathy i'or Vincent had precipitated the rising
in South Wales. Men were now growing more desperate, the
spirit of forbearance and humanity that actuated the former
movement (under Frost) was disappearing. Respect for either
life or property would no longer be permitted to stand in the
way of success.
Every town concerned took its own way to action. Ours
(Newcastle) was this : Classes of twelve were formed, each with
a leader chosen by themselves. The captains of each class, as
they had to meet in consultation, were necessarily known to
each other, but each knew nothing of the personnel of the other
classes. Nothing except their numbers and state of prepared-
ness. For the first time an oath was resorted to. Each mem-
ber of the combination was, with a peculiarly impressive
solemnity, sworn to impenetrable secrecy—to obey orders— to
hold their lives of no account in the attainment of their object
—and to execute death upon any one who might be found to
betray information of our action to the governing authorities.
The men to thus take the initiative were, of course, among
the most resolute of the people. They comprised a fierce and
even vindictive element, but it was hold in check by the cool-
ness and humanity of the leading spirits. For example, it was
strongly urged that on the night of the " rising " all the corpora-
tion police should be slain on their beats. Personal feelings are
ever the most dangerous, and in this. desire I could detect that
of revenge for the beating with their clubs and draggicg to
prison of our friends — a part those officials had to act in the
discharge of their vocation. It was decided, however, that no
injury should be inflicted on them. That the several station
houses should be captured and used for the temporal impris-
onment of the police, whilst the mayor, municipality and other
officials in power should be confined in their own houses or
elsewhere. The work of accomplishing this we regarded as
nothing. That of vanquishing the troops, consisting of some
800 infantry, two companies of dragoons, and two of artillery,
we well knew to be the main difficulty.
And we purposed to meet it with every appliance within our
OB, THJfi SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 201
reach. Thirteen-inch shells and four or five-inch grenades were
to form a main part of our reliance. For the construction of
these there was no lack of old metal everywhere lying around-
The moulds to form and the workmen to cast them were fur-
nished by Newcastle. Winlaton and Swalwell, villages three or
four miles distant, engaged to construct the necessary furnaces
and do the casting.
The following sketch, which I find in a diary of that date, is
both a mental and a material photograph : —
It is Sunday. A December noon is pouring its sunshine on
the bright quiet snow that covers all the fields and mantles the
trees and hedges. Even the Scotswood road sparkles in its
frost pavement powdered with snow. How quiet ancl lovingly
Heaven looks down on that scene. How ill in accord with the
purpose that directs my steps. Can I not abandon myself to a
quiet saunter up the Tyne ? No ! Quiet and recreation are afar
from my thought. I think of the sordid and inhuman me j
whose rapacity to the millions had turned all this brightness
and beauty — life itself — into a darkness and a curse. " And here
is one of those sordid men," I exclaimed, as Aid. Potter met me,
astride on a saddle returning to town. We understand each
other. He is one of the respectable, loyal, " law-and-order "
starvation men. I am one of the turbulent and disloyal crowd.
But he does not know that I am unthinking of the day arid its
worship — that my path is across that picturesque bridge to the
iron villages beyond, or for what purpose ? — does not know that
before another Sabbath dawn he may hear
** The shot, the shout, the groan of war
Keverberate along that vale,
More suited to the shepherd's tale,"
or the keelman's song as he floats his cargo down those quiet
waters, now darkly sleeping in the arms of the embracing
snow. I thought why did the Creator afflict the world with
such men? Why did He permit them to turn this beautiful
world into a terrestrial hell? Immersing their own ignoble
beings in a sea of selfishness — so sunk that they cannot even
see the misery of body and strife of soul that they have created
around them. But I am nearing Scotswood bridge, on my way
to Swalwal and Winlaton, and not at all on a message of peace.
I reach the headquarters. Poor fellows ! They are quiet, or-
202 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTUEY ;
derly, unimpassioned. But they are men, and to assert thei**
equal manhood they will peril their lives. Plans are unfolded.
Maps of Newcastle and Sunderland barracks and Tynemouth
castle spread out — the various " quarters " of the various arms
are accurately laid down. Their numbers, their nature, and on
which the first blow shall fall. On this there was but one
opinion. The officers hors du combat, the troops would join us.
Such was our firm belief, and I think it was well founded. The
infantry, I remember, were principally young Irishmen — an in-
flammable race, that had given quite assuring indications of
their good will. The thought that countrymen of their own were
leaders in the movement had some weight with them. Of pikes
there was a supply that had denuded the plantations around of
their straight saplings. Of firearms far less, but all that could
be procured for money.
Those two facts I knew of my own knowledge. Of powder
used for blasting in the mines there was or could be no scarcity.
Old cast iron cannon had recently been numerous lying around.
Whether those or whether brass pieces were put in requisition
and mounted for service I had affirmative report, but no per-
sonal knowledge of their number or efficiency. Our chief, or I
should say our first, reliance in the approaching conflict was on
13-inch shells and 4|-inch grenades, to be discharged by gradu-
ated fuses. Here I think we very dangerously miscounted the
results. A heavily loaded 13-inch shell would, we computed,
blow down an ordinary brick wall or shatter a 2-inch wooden
gate, if exploded up close against either. It strikes me with
astonishment, now, that without actual demonstration we should
arrive at a certain conclusion on the subject, which we certainly
did— the more so, as such grave consequences depended. The
use of the grenades was more assured, for we didn't expect that
very heavy work would be done by them. Well adjusted and
thrown from ranks or roofs, or from windows, they were not
likely to disappoint our expectation. Still, I think now that our
ardor carried us into very dangerous and uncertain conclusions-
It was agreed, however, now this Sabbath day at Winlaton,
that Newcastle should have constructed models of both missiles
and furnish skilled moulders to cast them. On the part of Win-
laton and Swalwal, it was engaged that a blast furnace, or more
than one if necessary, should be in readiness at a day as early
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 203
as possible before the end of the week. The mission ended, I
returned to Newcastle, lighted by a crescent moon over the
hushed landscape. Amid all the offered happiness that lay
around me enfolded in that quiet of Heaven and earth, what
wonder that I thus thought as I recrossed the bridge and gazed
up and down the waters on my homeward return, " Wretched
men ! little do you know the enormity of your crime ; little how
base yourselves — how grovelling your selfishness — how much
truer happiness an honest competence would bring to you com-
pared with the excesses for which you now endanger alike your
bodies and your souls. And now you enforce this conflict of
blood upon the innocent men I have just parted from — forced
upon them this deadly conflict ! " The departed scenes of my
early life rose up before me. The regrets of Burns were in my
heart : —
" O ! enviable early days,
When dancing thoughtless pleasure's maze,
To care and guilt unknown !
How ill exchanged for riper times,
To feel the follies or the crimes
Of others or my own."
The same base and ignoble men who had impoverished and em-
bittered his life had also fastened upon mine and invited me to
its one alternative— mortal combat— if I would not submit
That combat was now grimly approaching.
I got home well pleased with the full success of my mission,
as I believed it be. Every feeling had now left me save resolve
and solicitude that nothing should be left undone that could at
all contribute to our success. All the trades — nearly every man
who worked — were with us. We found no difficulty in having
three molds made, one of 13 inch and two of 4| inch diameter.
For this work we paid £1 and 10s. respectively. As little diffi-
culty had we in procuring two skillful molders. Counting that
the blast furnace was ready, those men were sent out to do the
work on Tuesday. The " rising " was to take place in the early
darkness of Sunday morning. But a deputation comes in from
Winlaton with the discouraging intelligence that no furnace had
been or could be erected. The " workies " had no ground on
which to erect it, and the owners of the ground — Whig middle -
class men— kept up a constant and suspicious watch.
Always on hand at the Liberator office, I generally had the
20-1 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTLHT :
first communication of every fact and circumstance affecting1 the
movement. If anything grave and doubtful presented, the
''Council " was at once called together. It was not on this oc-
casion. Time was too pressing. All the difficulties connerted
with the furnace were present -d to myself alone. They were,
indeed, most formidable. But my reply was: "If you hav«
not contrivance, management, resources to surmount greater
difficulties than this, how can we expect to dethrone the govern-
ment? The reasons that you present are very substantial
things, but they will be of no use when we come front to front
with the soldiery. Just think of it ! As they pour in their vol-
leys, think of us shaking our fist at them, and exclaiming : ' If
we had the grenades and a dozen or two of shells to hurl from
the housetops we would be a match for you.' No, no ! We
must have the shells. Empty talk will do nothing for us."
"And we sliall have them," replied the deputation. "Count
upon them sure and certain." And leaving this assurance they
returned home.
I had rooms in the same building in which a lively manufac-
ture of five-second small and half- mi mite, large fuses was going
on. But it was a trade that we knew little about, and therefore
had a singeing of fingers before we mastered it: suHicieutly. We
succeeded, however, tolerably well. The length and caliber of
the fuse and the packing in of the gunpowder governed tbe
time of ignition, and this part of our armament was, I think,
brought to a precision sufficiently practical for use. In car-
tridge making four or five buckshot went into a companionship
with every bullet. Bags of buckshot were as yet an article of
commerce and were in demand.
Thus time and act moved on toward the eventful Saturday
night. Nothing practicable was left undone in Newcastle, arid
we relied undoubtingly on the Winlaton men that the explosives
would be forthcoming.
But they were not. Nor was this all. On the night of move-
ment there assembled not quite seventy men, out of the secret
enrollment nearly ten times that number.
Of course those who did assemble were the most daring and
desperate spirits in the movement ; and, finding that they wore
not in a condition for a stand up fight, it was strongly urged
that the torch should be resorted to. It was urged that *.hip
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 205
•step would cause a waking up and excitement, under the influ-
ence of which every revolutionist would rush to arms. Others,
and with better judgment, maintained that to break in upon the
slumbers of peaceful families, destroy their scanty property and
endanger their lives would be productive of no one good, and of
evil unspeakable. The latter counsel prevailed.
It was resolved to wait events, and in case our friends made a
successful rising in any one of the various towns in which the
rising was to take place, it was determined not to allow th«
.troops on the Tyne or Wear to march against them. We would
'throw up barricades and give them work to do at home.
On proceeding to the rendezvous one thought of my family
did not even cross my mind. But now that the affair had taken
this peaceful turn, I thought of my wife's anxiety, and hastened
home to tell her the result, describing hurriedly what had taken
place. " Have they separated ? " she inquired. " They agreed
-and were preparing to do so when I left" " Throw on your
-cloak, and back as fast as ever you can. They will revert to
their first opinion and use the torch. Those men are desperate
enough to do anything."
This seemed intuition, though the principal men were indeed
.personally known to her. Her earnestness won upon what
I thought my better judgment. I was instantly out. Rap-
idly retracing my course to the suburban shvet, our ren-
dezvous. I don't now remember the name of tho street,
but through the long memory I know it was a new street,
in the Sandgato direction, I think, but interior some dis-
tance from the river. As I passed the several policemen
on their beats, I could not but contrast the reigning quiet-
ness with the strife and uproar that would have burst forth
hod they known what was going on. Shall I confess it there
was a feeling akin to pride in the consciousness of our ex-
clusive knowledge, in the thought that I and my associates
knew a fact so grave, ind of which they were wholly Ignorant.
I reached the centre of action, and, to my dismay, found the men
formed into four parties, just issuing forth on their most des-
perate, and, indeed, mad mission. I had reached the large room
door leading out to the head of the stairway. John Mason \vas
foremost. "We have resolved to do it," said he, "we must
rouse the people by some desperate action, and the torch is to
206 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY ;
be the action " — or words to that effect. " ~ou will pass over
my dead body first," I retorted, " if you don't allow ine five
minutes to speak." Not one minute ; your'e a traitor," shouted
a voice, and Mason sprang upon a pistol leveled at me in the fel-
low's hand, wrenching it from his grasp. " Who are you," he
exclaimed, " whom we dida't know a week ago, that dares o con-
front a man who has been acting vigorously with us from the
first?" Then turning to me he urged me not to delay them
even for the five minutes, but I was immovable, and he movou
that the time should be allowed me. I spoke : —
Friends, brothers ! If my heart revolts at this terrible resolve, I. who so
deeply sympathize with your wrongs, so resolve to right them, how will
It be with the multitude, even of your own friends, \\heu dawn
rises over the smoking ruins that once was Newcastle? Ho\v will the
oeho of your desperate deed reverberate over all England ? How will all
the crime and incendiarism, falsely charged against you. uow be real-
ized ? What a change will that morning bring forth ! Magistrates. Milita-
ry. Police. Middlemen, all sweeping through the streets, and you crouch-
ing, hiding among i;he ruins in vain from their just vengeance. If you
have no though1: for that mother rushing undressed out from the flamoa—
bringing, it maybe, only a part of her children along with her— out under
the skies of a January night. If you have no feeling for her and her fam-
ily, have feeling for the women and children of your own house when
such a day of horror has descended upon thorn through your great mis-
taken crime. And, above all, have feeling for the holy cause we are en-
gaged in. on which this madness will fix a stain never, never, to be cleansed
out. You condemned this proceeding not an hour ago .and now you adopt
it. How can you rely on your judgment, such a judgment as this ? This
step would be utter, total, irretrievable ruin! Some one of our associiite
towns will make a start to-night, then hurra for tho barricades! Broth-
ers, if you agree in this view, give mo a show of hands ?
They did unanimously, with the single exception of the man
from whom Mason wrenched the pistol.
This man was from Blaydon, and as I afterward learned by
letters to America, was a traitor and a spy. But owing, I sup-
pose, to the solemn oath taken by so many men, he was afraid
to give public evidence against us.
I now remained till I saw the meeting dispersed, every man
to his home. But not before we sent scouts out to warn back
such of our adherents as might be marching in from outer vil-
lages, such as Blyth and Bedlington. John Mason acted man-
fully that night. To his activity I probably owed my life.
But the most desperate, among whom was Eobbert Peddle, a
Scotchman, and like Tom Paine, a staymaker, were not at all re-
OK, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 207
conciled to even a temporary inaction, and next evening I was
informed that a party of them were assembled in a remote
room in "the Side," preparing to enter upon the horrible
work that had been prevented the night before. Under guid-
ance, I hastened to the spot through dark, intricate passages,
and up tumble-down stairs. To my expostulations they replied
that I was " too late." " Already," they said, " was the work
commenced, and they must go on with it, or abandon their
friends who had gone forth to do it. Before midnight " they af-
firmed " flame and combat would have full possession of New-
castle ; I might join in that combat or I might not, but the fact I
could not alter." I believed them, retired home, and spent such
a night of anxiety and horror as stands far alone in the record
of my life. I threw myself on the bed with my uniform blouse
and arms on the table, and I now wonder at the mistaken sense
of honor that made me prepare to join them on hearing the
first shot. Day dawned in quietness, the most welcome I have
ever seen.
Let me here record a singular fact concerning this Peddle.
Ordinarily, he was more of a rhapsodist than an orator. But as
we neared this crisis, he made a speech at one of our meetings
which, for electrical force of thought and language, I have never
seen equalled. I did not publish the sublimity of this speech,
but my memory presents a faint outline of it. It pictured a
calm, bright landscape, waving with trees and blossoming with
flowers. A darkening of the sky " gathering, gathering " of the
tempest, a frightened multitude on the fields below. Crowns,
and coronets, and coaches on a grand dark mountain above.
It is a volcano. It shakes un der their feet, bursts asunder, and
all that defied heaven and cursed the earth sinks howling into it.
I mention the fact as a very singular mental phenomenon. It
was indeed a remarkable inspiration of the crisis, similar to
Meagher's apostrophe to the sword or his splitting eloquence
in the dock of Clonmel. ,
Peddie was a man of all or of any work. Next day he threat-
ened the scaffold to myself and Mr. Kucastle, because we would
not furnish horse and carriage to convey him (and a few desper-
erate followers) to Alnwick castle. It contained arms and treas-
ure, he averred, and its pastures were filled with just such ra-
tions as the revolutionary forces required. A young butcher
followed in his train for several days to take charge in this de-
partment.
208 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY I
But those in chief control of the movement, held to their re-
solve to await events in the other insurgent towns, and to be
guided by them. For several days, I think four days, there
was a lull. No intelligence 1 At last it came ; to the effect that
several risings in Sheffield, Bradford and other towns had taken
place ; all abortive, and several of the more prominent men en-
gaged in them made prisoners. This, like the news of Frost's
failure, produced such a revulsion in the public mind as showed
that all chance of present action had again passed away. There*
is, indeed,
*' A tide in the affairs of men."
We were not without friends even among the Government au-
thorities. No one who observed our zeal, activity, and, let mo-
add, intelligence, and the vast numbers arrayed on our side
could fail to see that we were a most formidable power.
As such a power, individuals sought our good will and assur-
ance of protection in the event of a contest. They to return-
similar good offices to us. Through this means we were ap-
prized that the local magistrates had got possession of all the
particulars of our " nightly muster," already mentioned. But it:
was represented to. us that they had as yet no sworn evidence
of the fact before them. This, we reasonably concluded, would
not long be wanting. All hope of resistance on our part had
departed for the present. Months must elapse before the tide of
popular feeling would rise again. Meanwhile, we would be in
the shelter of a prison, if not suspended between earth and
Heaven, or luxuriating in the fields of Van Dieman's Land,
whichever the Government pleased. * As we knew it was in
full possession of our desperate design upon the barracks and
the overt acts performed in furtherance of that design,! we
•Not a Reformer of note escaped the vengeance of the Government. Even Fergus O'Oon -
nor, who took no part in either of the insurrectionary movements, was thrown into prison
for eighteen months. Bronterre, equally innocent, shared the same vengeance. Holbery,
of Sheffield, (taken at the rising in Sheffield.) was kept in prison till he died.
+ Four days alter our abortive meeting, Bell, the foreman of our printing office (who wa*-
not in our secret councils), signaled me into a private room. " Mr. ." naming an offl
cial, " sends yon word that the magistrates have information of two assemblings in arm ,
on Saturday night in— — street. The information is vague, not sworn to, and therefore
no warrants issned. If it be true, and it you were present, he desires to warn you."
'• Hoot ! it is not true I " was my response. " Well, then, let me have some copy." But ho
had got his last "copy " from me. Consulted with Mr. Rucastle, who was by no means
so deeply compromised as myself. The situation was just this. Assembling in arm,!
though not k blow struck, was an act of High Treassn. No means to resist, and no thought
of s»bmission, I quitUd the field.
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 20$
had little room to doubt what it would do. Twenty minutes
before I started for America, I had not the remotest idea of
ever crossing the Atlantic. Mr. Rucastle and myself cross-
ed Tyne bridge to Gateshead, as if to take a customary walk up
the river bank. But crossing the hills to Chesterle street, my
companion cast his last longing look at that river. I think it i*
ray mission to see it again.
I was under two separate bonds on charges of sedition. My
employers were securities on one, and John Blakey, dogger and
T think Richard Ayr, publican, on the other. The latter two,,
fearing to lose the amouat of recognizance, had us pursued to
Liverpool, whence we narrowly and singularly got away.* The
former retained an amount of my salary which they were, in-
deed, entitled to retain to cover the risk. The Government did
exact the penalty, but returned it again at the intercession of
the then member for Gateshead.
Contrasts are striking, and there is in human nature a tend-
ency to make itself bright by darkening its neighbors. I think
it not unlikely that individuals who never endured real fatigue,,
or incurred real danger, or even made pecuniary sacrafice in the
movement, whose co-operation was holiday sunshiny work, and
even who made out of it large pecuniary gain, may have spoken
of me after my departure in this darkening spirit. All I can say
is that I avoided no fatigue, shrank from no danger, refused not
to contribute far beyond the extent of my slender means toward
the advancement of the common cause. At the rising under
Frost very prominent men had a sudden call to Trance to be
out of the way. At the later rising, now mentioned, there waa
a still more general avoidance of danger in a similar way. In-
deed, the number of distinguished leaders who took any part in
the dangers of the work was very small. I do not remember
one, only John Mason, Edward Charlton, a fine young fellow
named Held, and I think Jemmy Ayr, celebrated for his declara-
tion that he would agitate no more in the old way, that for the
time to come he would " agitate the bricks and mortar." f
•John Rucastle and myself were proceeding to a shop to buy some necessaries lor th«
voyage, and stept in for a glass of ale. From behind a screen came the lamiliar Newcastle
idiom. The incident led to our escape.
t Jemmy was a mason by trade, and when arraigned tor this and other imputed sedition.
lie got cleverly oat, by affirming that he meant simply that he would give up agitation,
take to ail trade, and agitate the bricks and mortar for a living.
37
THE ODD BOOK OP THE NINETEENTH CENTURY;
I was present, and took a man's part at all those proceedinga
The movement was alike dear to me in its darkest as in its
brightest hour. I left it when I saw myself without means of
resisting the Government. I had no disposition to submit to
its vengeance. And I am as proud of the resolution and energy
with which I preserved my personal freedom, as I am of the un-
ceasing labors I had given to the public cause.
I had not means to defray the expense of my voyage. But
luckily I had from time to time made small remittances to my
mother, the last of which was untouched by her, when a letter
apprising my relatives of my position reached her hand. She
returned me the Bank of England note just as I sent it, and this
enabled me to get away from Liverpool, leaving a stock in my
hand of just fifteen pence sterling when I landed in New York.
I had fixed to sail in a " transient ship," but happened by a
singular chance to meet two refugees from the neigberhood of
Newcastle, who had manufactured pikes during the past season.
They informed me they were to sail next morning in the •* Inde-
pendence," a "liner." We, Mr. R. and myself, determined to sail
with them, and at the moment commenced to get our luggage
on board. Next morning when we came to embark, the vessel
was falling out of the dock gate, and the dull sheet of water in
the dock prevented us from getting near her. The watermen
would take no less than a sovereign for pushing us across. I
had only five shillings, which an old boatman accepted, not a mo-
ment too soon, as we had scarcely Jumped aboard when she was
through the gate, and every sail set, with a fair wind— blowing
her down the river, and on to the steam tug which had just
towed her out of the dock, and now had to cast-loose in order to
get out of her way.
At that moment, the Government officials who were in close
pursuit, reached the pier head. "Where is the 'Independ-
ence ? ' " " Yonder, under a press of sail." " We want to hire
a steamboat to pursue her, she has political prisoners on
board." " There is no steamer on the Mercy can catch her.
See the tug she employed is just casting loose to avoid being
run over." As we were to sail so suddenly, I did not appre-
hend that the pursuit would come so close on us, so I entered
my true name at the shipping agent's. The pursuers discovered
it, and would have succeeded, only they delayed to have their
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 211
warrants countersigned by the Liverpool magistrates, who did not
come to their office till nine o'clock.
THE sketch of a winter voyage in a sail ship would afford anything
but pleasure, either to the writer or the reader. An overnight
storm rattling down yards and rigging on the deck. When at day-
break the "chief officer" treads through the wreckage to the fore-
castle, where the crew — chilled, tired, worn out — have taken refuge ;
when he commands, threatens, expostulates, to bring them out in
vain — the sceno is full of instruction as to the merits or demerits of
the sea-faring life. It is not an infrequent or a pleasant incident
when food and water for the last ten days give little to the crew and
little or nothing to the passengers. If we log about in the Gulf
stream for three or four weeks — and if, going into the wheel-house
at midnight, the man-at-the- wheel is asleep on his feet and the vessel
heading in the wrong direction — if lights below are forbidden and
the order disobeyed — and if smokers smoke themselves to sleep in
their berths within arm's-length of the straw protruding from a wall
of delf crates — you may well rejoice when the "land clouds "rise
before you, and be happier still when the low, white, sandy coast of
Long Island rises over the waves. A Yankee pilot springs aboard
— your first connecting link with the New "World.
And all teaches that there are ten or twenty times more traveling
over the seas than is necessary — that it is a school of tyranny in
the cabin, and that it is a life of homeless, heartless degradation to
the "men before the mast."
The paging is irregular, owing to difficulties not worth describing
here. Indeed, the book could not come out at all only for one fact
that seems, or was, providential. None of the large houses will
publish a book of searching Keform — even if indemnified, secured
from loss. A library edition, at a higher price, will be required,
In which all these irregularities will disappear.
" Youth, like the softened wax, with ease will take
Those images that first impression make."
There is a very general, passive, useless assent given to this
Tery great truth. But its importance does not seem to be
realized — certainly is not acted upon. If it were, it would
put another spirit into men and boys, and another face on
the world. In this book is stated my own experience on this
subject — how one or two fragmentary, now obsolete, books
gave bent and direction to my whole life. Let me add — I read
ihis somewhere — " Stooping is characteristic of the clown; an
erect figure, of the gentleman." Those two sentences took
the worker's growing stoop out of me. Somewhere, too, I
remember this printed line : " To excel in dancing, is to ex-
>cel in trifles." I had no ambition to " excel in trifles ; " and
so, and not very wisely, I turned my back on the ball-room
forevermore.
All men favor education — look up to it as the great re-
deeming power. But the education that teaches youth to
read evil books and study evil models, whether is it a redeem-
ing or a degrading power ? And yet those evil books are
presented on every news-stand in the tempting form of clear
type and brilliant engravings. A man who has to confine his
son (who desired to " run away and turn pirate "), procures a
list of eight " rival youth traps," with such titles as the follow-
ing : "Black Adder, or the Pirates of the Channel ;" " The
Two Kunaways, a Story of Mystery and Thrilling Incidents ;"
2 THE ODD BOOK OF THE OTNETEENTH CENTURY ;
" Jack Dauntless, the Boy Privateer ;" " Dashing Dick, the
King of the Highway ;" " Charlie, the Masher, or the Boss on
Boilers ;" and so on, ad nauseam. " The illustrations are,"
pays this man, "literally murderous." In one story, the boy
hero enters a thieving den, called " The Hole in the "Wall ;"
and, while dividing the prey, a shout is raised, " Cheese it !
Cops are coming." Charlie the Masher is troubled because
Bob's mother " puts too much awfully religious chilling
between her and Bob."
For a genteeler grade of boys we find another range. And
a brave "American boy " is presented in a large engraving,
blazing; his revolver in the faces of a young lady's carriage
horses,, herself seated, terrified, with outstretched, imploring
arms; Following this come, " How to Flirt," " How to Get
BichJ* how to learn anything, everything, but the private or
public virtues.
Obscene books are suppressed, and their venders pun-
ished. But all this rubbish has unchecked sway, and they
are doing their deadly work, for
"'Tis education forms the tender mind,
Which way the twig is bent the tree's inclined."
Never was truth more apparent — never was truth more
important — never was truth more neglected — especially in
this boasted American Kepublic.
This book sufficiently shows the things in Europe — especial-
ly in England — that call themselves "Civilization." And it
seems taken for granted that America must adopt civilization
as it exists in Europe, or have no civilization at all. And
this was inevitable. The civilization of England grew out of
robbery and murder, accomplished by the sword.* And
* It was lato in the eleventh century. William, called the Conqueror, was
a natural son of the Duke of Normandy ; and, having no dominion to in-
herit, ho determined to rob the English people of their country. For this
purpose, ho gathered all the burglars that would join him, and sailed for
England. It was a happy household in those days. The lands held in allo-
OK, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. A
the civilization now looming up in the United States is
founding itself on robbery and murder, accomplished by all
the skulking, cowardly vices.* Disinheriting the people,
buying and selling votes in legislatures — all the legislatures;
and " decisions " in the courts — all the courts. And having
practically shut the people out from the soil, made them
" free to starve," then hire what they want of them at star-
vation wages, and let what they don't want beg, steal, or
perish. Like to like. Civilizations founded on robbery are
necessarily the same, irrespective of time or country. So, if
the robbery be not checked here now, in the United States
the wretched Past of Europe is the doomed Future of
America.
dial posessions, under the Head Landlord who Created them. But there
is a landing of the Burglars and a gathering of the Household to resist them.
A conflict. And did not Hastings present a pitiable sight on the evening of
that day. The murdered Household lies covering the ground. Murdered
by the burglarious "ancestors" of which British Civilization is now so
proud. Then come scenes like this : " Hark 1 what sounds of mortal agony
are these? Is that a white smoke ascending over the adjacent wood?
Skirt the wood, cross that dell. There ! a glade opens before us — a crowd,
a, fire ! A man is hanging by the body from a rope fastened to two trees,
and (does God reign !) is that a fire burning under him ? Is that a crowd of
the • noble Norman ancestors ' gathered around ?" " Where have you hid
your treasure ?" they cry out to the tortured man. Alas / he has no treasure,
no reply to make but the convulsions of his body and those miserable cries.
The "ancestors" realize it at last. But he must not be taken down; it
might affect their next experiment. So he is left to die. Those "experi-
ments " are given up bye and bye, but not until they have ceased to be profit-
able. (See Niebuhr, Hallam and others' Histories of the Middle Ages.) Then
they turn to other work. What is that other work ? It is to rob the people
of all their lands. In this robbery, Byron says, speaking of his ancestors :
" Six and twenty manors
Was their reward for following Billy's banners."
Such was the foundation on which rose the sinful abomination called British
Civilization.
* The fact that corporations own the legislatures and the courts has for
years been known to the public. Thus Jay Gould, on the witness stand,
4 THE 3DD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY J
" But could it be otherwise ?" " Is it not the nature of man ?"
Such questions are asked, and are deemed unanswerable.
But this bock will answer them. It will show, by proof and
example, that such is only the nature of bad men. It will
beforo tho Legislative Committee of New York, drags out the modus
operandi, as published by tho New York Board of Trade :
" I do not know how much I paid toward helping friendly men We had four States
to look after, and \ye had to suit our politics to circumstances. In a Democratic dis-
trict I was a Democrat ; in a Republ can district I was a Rep iblican . and in a doubtful
district I was doubtful ; but in every district, and at all times, I have always been an
Erie man ."
And the State legislation procured in this way is law, is it? And the
National legislation for the great Thief Railroads procured in this way is law ,
is it ? And tho decisions of politician (which means corrupt) Courts pro-
cured in this way is law, is it ? And tho infamous Court in California that
drova men out of their homes won from the wilderness, and gave those
homes to the Thief Eailroad Co., was law, was it ? And when government
(which means politician) officials killed seven of those settlers while robbing
thorn of their homes, it was law, was it ? Or was it murder most foul ?
Was it — stripped of the infamous garment called " law " — murder in the first
degree?
We are " law-abiding citizens F' It is the boast eternally ringing in
our cars. And yet how can we be law-abiding citizens when even this big
conservative Board of Trade informs us that we have NO LAW to abide by?
Such is our promising Civilizing at home, and here's how it goes to im-
provo itself abroad. Albert Rhodes, a gentleman well acquainted with the
subject, writes:
" Among the unrepublican ideas which a foreign residence furnishes to
the handsome sex is that of marrying a title. This is the cause of wit (ridi-
cule) at tho expense of American institutions. M. Le Comte states to the
American family that he desires so much money for his name, settled with
binding legal documents, before the ceremony, or paid down on the nail.
And the republican father agrees to the proposition, and pays.
" To any one connected with American legations in Europe, the extra-
ordinary efforts made by some American women to get presented at Court
is a familiar experience. The Head of the Legation is besieged in a variety
of ways that this may be accomplished. He is invited to a dinner, and the
demand is sprung on him at the dessert. A pretty woman natters him into
peaceful satisfaction with himself and all the world, and suddenly over her
fan asks tho dreaded question. Strategy and prayers are resorted to that
they may bo the elect out of many applicants to stand up before royalty and
exchange bows."
There is just one power which, under the Divine Power, can save the Re-
public from ruin and degradation, and that power reposes in the YOUNG
MEN of America 1
OK, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 5
show what allures those bad men into all our various govern-
ments, forming aggregations so impure that good and honor-
able men will not even approach their contamination.
I can throw a flood of light on this momentous fact by pre-
senting a character which shows what civilization in the New
World ought to be — what it would be if evil men had not
seized control of the nation — and with God's Providence
what it will be when the evil men are driven out.
It is a character purely indigenous to the country, the
nature of which, and the lesson it teaches, slowly unfolded
to me through a close intercourse of thirty years. Those
near where I write will recognize the character at once.
May the honorable and manly lesson it teaches become known
to the YOUNG MEN of the Republic — inspire them with Ms
spirit — turn them aside from the vices of Europe, to emulate
the virtues which founded and which alone can preserve the
Republic.
AN AMERICAN CHARACTER.
He is a chivalrous young man just from school. He has
not given his time and energies to the dead languages, nor
so filled his mind with the thoughts of other men that it will
hold nothing else. His thoughts are of his own times — hia
inspiration the traditions of his own country.
His father is a principal manufacturer* whose house ia the
*NOTE. — The old gentleman ! I knew him well, tho' at a late period of his
life. As reporter at our public meetings I was struck with the sound com-
mon sense which he brought to bear on our local affairs — his purse as ready
as his advice. The Gas Light Company is dying out. He brings it to life
again. The village is half bankrupt. He saves its credit at a sharp loss to
himself. A local Bank. Tried in vain till he takes hold of it. A Sayings
Bank. Nobody will deposit till he takes it in hand. And this in private
matters. "Is Mr. * * * returned yet?" "No." "Anything wrong?"
"Not much; the Insurance Company presses me for interest money."
" Tell them to wait or send the document to me." His career of usefulness
was prolonged up to nearly his eightieth year. At its outset he navigated
his own sail ferryboat between what is now Bridge Street, Brooklyn, and
New York — a premonition of his usefulness for the next fifty or sixty years.
I have seen him call the servant to brush his five year old winter coat at the
time he was signing a church or a charity check for $500 — at one time for
$4,000. His brother, much his senior, was a Minute Man in the Revolu-
tionary War and was slain (shot through the head) combatting the marauders
THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY J
resort of all the refinement of the neighborhood. Cultivated
men and women only one descent from the days, and the asso-
ciations of Hamilton and Burr are guests at that large and
hospitable house.
Here was a tempting field for any young adventurer into
life. A superintendence of his father's business lies before
him, with just as little to do and as much for doing it as he
may please to determine. But no ! The spirit of a true
man — of " Chivalry in Modern Days " — is within him. Temp-
tation ! He does not feel it. Opportunity ! He turns from
it away. He will not rest even the foundation of his fortune
on a dollar of his father's wealth. Works in his factory —
now with pen and now with muscle as the need presents.
Intelligent, vigilant, and guardedly economical for he has a
purpose to achieve, he has realized $1,000 and a reputation
worth $50,000. He has now attained his majority and goes
into business for himself, borrowing what money he needs
from his relative on strictly business principles and at the
legal rate of interest.
But looking round, and resting on his capacity and repu-
tation, he finds that he can borrow at a lower rate of interest.-
And so he closes up the old account and opens the new.
In the ever changing field of American enterprise frequent
opportunity offers to a man of keen discernment and unlim-
ited resource. He is master of both. And before the first
ten years of his majority are over he is reaching up toward
the millions. He has laid a foundation on which such a man
could build a fortune high as the Stewarts or the Yanderbilts.
But he has other ambitions. First it is his laudable pur-
pose to enjoy life and PROMOTE CIVILIZATION. He has a stud of
half a dozen horses, with carriages and sleighs to match.
of Arnold in his native Connecticut. Captain Lawrence, whoso last words
were " don't give up the ship," (see ante notice of Greenwich) was a relative
of the family, and one of its recently deceased members was named after
him. Such were the men who founded the Kepublic, and whose examples
I trust will yet save and adorn it and .build it up.
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 7
Manly exercise on horseback is taking its place, in the North
at least, among the " lost arts." But he will not lose it — he
will hold on to it — has its full outfit and, fashion or no fash-
ion, he will do in this what he does in other things, and that
is just what he pleases. He is by no means particular
whether his associates are unreasonably rich or reasonably
poor — so that they are not vulgar and have a soul in their
bodies that he can respect. Has a seat beside him in his
phaeton and lets some of them know as they never knew be-
fore, and never would have known if he hadn't shown them,
how assuring, how refining and how pleasant are the atten-
tions of a true gentleman.
He has businesses now, more than one, operated by agents.
They don't draw much on his personal attention, for he has
other thoughts than to give his whole life to those exacting
cares. He confides in no man at hap-hazard. Has known
his agents well and for years, and holds systematic accounta-
bility over them all. In merely business matters he is a
strict business man. Some of those dealing with him aver
that he leans rather to hardness in a bargain. But this may
be born of an expected softness that it was disappointing not
to find. Every need for business-help now gravitates to-
ward him as naturally as the cold traveler to the warm fire-
side. The large old homestead, a presence of the conven-
iences and pretension of fifty or sixty years before, is now too
old and must make way — not for the palatial residence of
modern fashion. No ! Around the old mansion is a spa-
cious enclosure of forest trees. In that enclosure and under
shadow of the trees rises a modest two-story cottage. Mod-
ernized, it is true, yet far less in size and pretention than the
old mansion. But there is a cellar in it as free to the invalid
who.asks for a medicine of pure wine or brandy as it is to
the guest at his hospitable board. That unpretentious cot-
tage is replete with adornments — gems of art, briefly every-
thing requisite in a home of refinement and truly Republican
8 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY J
Civilization. A civilization that in its exclusiveness — andt
it must be exclusive of what is not of it — does not at all
forget the brotherhood of man.
His fortune has been growing steadily, and he, as steadily,,
has been keeping it down by a generous, helpful hand. In.
the routine of business, he occasionally intermingles with the
Wall Street people, and their contact Avould perhaps throw
a tinge of frost over his genial nature that might take an
hour of home influences to thaw away. But even "on
change " were gentlemen, his associates, whose standard of
honor was, as I learned from him, upon a level with his own.
This in their personal affairs — but I have no evidence that
they participated in his public spirit. In that he stood alone>
of all his class. TVTany of his class were good men in
their way. As we shall see. General Crooke was a noble
example of what I designate "Chivalry in Modern Days."
Peter Cooper, too, has done good things in the work of edu-
cation, and in one phase of national reform. But the gentle-
man, whose character I here faintly essay to present, accepted,
at first sight, the three great reforms which can alone save
this Republic from falling into Anarchy, Monarchy, and Ruin.
" A constitutional limit to the power of Taxing. A strict pre-
servation of the lands, and the mines, and the waters of the
nation, as the Heritage of the people forever. And a National
Money issued by the National Government, regulated by the
authority, and resting on the resources of the entire nation/"
The first to keep the governments free from marauders:
— what we now call politicians. The second to make available a
secure home to every man who is willing to work, for the
support of his family. The third to keep the volume of
money in the country always full, never overflowing. Freeing"
the nation from the fluctuations in values, the panics, losses,
distress, death, and suicides innumerable, that we have wit-
nessed so often, and so intense during the last few years.
Those great principles, notwithstanding his previous opin.-
OE, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. V
Ions, he adopted at first sight. When told that this latter
would take away a large income from his bank, his reply was
brief and emphatic : "I CARE NOT FOR MY BANK, I CARE FOR MY
COUNTRY ?" Where was another banker in the whole country
who acted or thought thus nobly ? Where one who did not
even reverse it down to that other thought : " I care for my
bank, I don't care for my country?" And this chivalrous
man, and such men as this, were practically shut out from
the government of the nation — shut out by the aggregation
of political rogues, with which no honorable man could
associate.
Addicted to field sports, he has several trained pointers,
one of which is a favorite, and, ride or walk, is always in at-
tendance on him. Associating with the officers of a near naval
station, he is imbued with their nautical tastes, but not in the
least with their hauteur and insolence. He built the first
American yacht, named the "Peerless," from the character
in Spenser's "Fairy Queen."
I believe an appreciation of " The Fairy Queen " indicates
a very high standard of literary taste, a standard I never
could reach to. Here we find that standard reached up to by
a lady friend, to whom he owed that romantic and, indeed,
*' peerless " name given to the first American yacht. A literary
taste indigenous to the Republic, though probably not attain-
ed by one in ten of the ladies who flaunt their pretensions
within Buckingham Palace and around Windsor Park.
The refinements and elegancies to be traced around and
inside of that two-story cottage realizes, rather than indicates,
all, all, that American civilization need aspire to.
It is 1850, and this truly American gentleman speaks to
me : " See that worn-looking wooden house, perched on the
acclivity on the other side of the Creek (Newtown). Many a
pleasant re-union I have enjoyed in that house. The young
men and young ladies of the adjoining village and farm-houses
formed a company which, for frank-hearted simplicity and
10 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTUEY J
genuine taste, I neither hope nor wish to see excelled in this
country." Whether his lady friend did or did not favor those
re-umons with her presence, it would be useful to know, as
throwing into view the most delicate lights and shades of
Republican civilization.* That lady friend
" Was to him a crystal-girded shrine,"
which no intrusive breeze was permitted to approach. In all
my intercourse with him — in his office, in his phaeton, in his
yacht, in his festive parlor — she was never present, and he
never spoke her name — with one exception. He said she
was " pleased with something that appeared in ' The Post '
(my paper), recently." He believed "it was about flowers."
I said "it must be something about flower culture that ap-
peared with which, as a writer, I had nothing to do."
But, on reflection, I thought it might be the f ollowing trifle.
And, in the very uncertain hope that it was so, I preserved it.
After the lapse of many, many years, it was referred to the
lady for recognition. And she wrote upon it : " It is the
very same ; I recognized it at once." I present it here, as
even the admirer of " The Fairy Queen " could reach down
to its simple beauties.
BCRPS AND R.QWERS.
There are many beautiful birds and wild flowers in Europe that have not
been transplanted into this western clime — and probably would not flourish
hero if they were. Of wild flowers, perhaps, the primrose is that which the
voluntary exile misses most. Of birds, perhaps, the cuckoo. Burns has
immortalized the daisy — in his affecting and philosophical lines to one
which he had crushed with his plowshare ; but we don't remember any
especial ode to the primrose. It is incidentally mentioned very frequently
and very honorably.
" The daisy pied, and all the sweets the dawn of nature yields
The primrose pale, and violet blue, lay scattered o'er the fields,"
Is a couplet of one of the finest songs in the Irish and English languages
—for it is in both. And
" Her modest looks the cottage might adorn,
Sweet as the primrose peeps beneath the thorn,"
* Note by the lady. "She— did— not — her friend must have been scarcely beyond
boyhood at the time referred to."
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 11
Is one of ths most exquisite images in Goldsmith's exquisite poem of " The
Deserted Village."
But of birds — the cuckoo comes up with all the vivid recollectons of leafy
copses — green, sunny glades — and tinkling waterfalls — our schoolboy days
— our truant wanderings, when the young spirit, fresh from its Maker,
deemed the earth one boundless paradise.
The following " Ode " has one fault. It is far, by far too short. We have
not seen a reprint of it in this country, and had to fish it out of a collection
printed in England :
ODE TO THE CUCKOO.
Hail ! beauteous stranger of the wood,
Attendant on the spring !
Now heaven repairs thy vernal seat,
And woods thy welcome sing.
Soon as the daisy decks the green,
Thy certain voice we hear ;
Hast thou a star to guide thy path,
Or mark the rolling year ?
Delightful visitant ! with thee
I hail the time of flowers,
When heaven is filled with music sweet
Of birds among the bowers.
The schoolboy wandering in the wood,
To pull the flowers so gay,
Starts, thy curious voice to hear,
And imitates thy lay.
Boon as the pea puts on the bloom,
Thou fly'st the vocal vale ;
An annual guest in other lands,
Another spring to hail.
Sweet bird ! thy bower is ever green,
Thy sky is ever clear ;
Thou hast no sorrow in thy song,
No winter in thy year.
O ! could I fly, I'd fly with thee ;
We'd make, with social wing,
Our annual visit round the globe,
Companions of the spring.
Among my singularities was one that would not recognize
the customs of society in their rigid exclusions. I spoke of
this, one time to my friend, and was reminded " that the cus-
tom was not at all unreasonable. That intercourse on purely
business or public grounds was one thing. And social rela-
12 THE ODD BOOK OP THE NINETEENTH CENTUEYJ
tions were quite another thing." And so they are, and so
they must be and ought to be, so long as great inequality
exists in condition, culture, and taste. Is it not the mission
of a Republic to level up that inequality ? The rigid exclu-
sion of myself in this instance was justified, and helped per-
haps, by what I am now going to relate.
It was in the large hall of the old mansion. A plainly
dressed lady was ascending the high, wide staircase. My
idea of the mistress of that mansion — of her external adorn-
ments— was very grand and very erroneous. It was the
house of a millionaire, and I therefore mistook this lady for the
housekeeper — so neatly, so unpretentiously was she dressed.
She paused for a moment to reply to an inquiry brusquely
modulated on my habit of speech and my mistaken impres-
sion. Nature, indeed, never did intend me for the drawing-
room. She had rougher work for me to do through life.
And now, as always, my rough mission was in my voice :
The voice that replied was the most extraordinary voice I
ever heard ! It has been truly said that never was, never
will be, musical instrument made to approach that divine
instrument the human voice. How did I feel that truth now,
in contrast with my own discordant brusquerie ! May I to
that contrast ascribe the fact that I never heard that voice
again? An American lady requires no court teaching to
inspire and protect her dignity. I relate this frankly, because
I am not at all ashamed of it, or the slight to myself that it
implies.
" Honor and shame from no conditions rise ;
Act well your part — there all the honor lies."
My " part " was to swing a heavy axe in a forest of trees
that "brought forth evil fruit." I by no means regret the
" part " thus assigned to nie, though I do regret the rough-
ness it entailed upon me, and the consequent exclusion from
the social refinements, which I trust, in the coming days, all
men of worth and manhood will be permitted to enjoy.
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 13
As illustrative of this subject, and showing how this same
*' Society " tends to mistake tinsel for gold, I recall Mr. Col-
lins, who so effectually aided me on entering public life. In
rather "looped and windowed" garments, and unencumbered
feet, we rivaled off the prizes in our parish school. With a
.zeal and sacrifice that descended to pauper* depths, he
achieved a classical education and a position on the London
press. He had written himself into it by extreme denuncia-
tions of his country and his countrymen. Ireland, with him
Avas a grand appendage or Appanage of the British Crown.
" It would be of great value if submerged for twenty-four
hours under the ocean, to clear it of its existing inhabitants."
His tastes, manners, habits, could not have been more refined
if they had descended to him from the far back centuries.
On his relatives he turned his back, bluntly and utterly. He
had one brother and one sister. Their little paternal spot of
ground had been taken from them by the all present, ever
voracious " landlord." Out of his five weekly guineas he could
have spared them one ; but he wanted all for his own selfish
requirements. His sister had no means of life but domestic
service — her requital little more than one dollar per month !
"What became of her I never knew ; but his brother, a very
simple and very good natured boy, grew to be a man, and
shifting to get a job of labor work round the docks of Glas-
gow, he fell into the water and was drowned. It was the nature
of this man to take one extreme. It was mine to take the
other. I have a thought that he was by no means a better
mail than myself, and yet he would be accepted where all
men of my own stamp would be excluded — perhaps reason-
ably excluded — from "society." The inequalities of con-
dition are full of discords. In a rational state of society,
those inequalities will be greatly both lessened and smoothed
* The " Poor'Scholar " was then, probably still is, a fixed institution in
parts of Ireland. Aspiring to become a priest he gets education for nothing,
and no family will turn him away from from its door.
14 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTTJBY J
down. I quote this example as a protest against them, as
they exist now, and must exist, in what we call "Civilization."
"English Civilization ! " Where is the rack-renting " lord or
lady " whose character or civilization will stand a moment's
comparison with the indigenous American civilization here
dimly outlined? The liveries, crowns, coronets, and coats of
arms that ye are hankering after! What are they but the
insignia of the ruffians who persisted in murdering your
fathers through a seven years' war, to enslave them. I do
not say that every one of you who shows a panel, or a cockade,
or a livery button on the street, would have sided with the
British had you lived in the days of the Eevolution ; but
does not such base conduct lay you open to the imputation ?
The gentleman, whose character I have essayed to out-
line, is now beyond human blame or praise. Years before I
interchanged a thought with him, this incident fastened my
attention on him. Place, what is now Broadway and
First Street; time, the summer of 1840. I am standing
with the landlord of the Kings County Hotel. "Who," I ask,
"is that noble-looking young man on the opposite sidewalk?"
"That is * * *, the best Democrat in Long Island!''
"Democrat! I thought he was a Whig. I know the old
gentleman, his father is, for I have met him at their public
meetings." " You misapprehend me. The young gentleman
is not a Democrat in the political sense of the word. On the
contrary, he is a Whig in a slight way, but the path of poli-
tics is a little too crooked for him. He is too honorable to
have anything to do with them. He is content, in a private
way, to help those who may be worthy of his help, and many
a one who is not worthy of it. That is why I call him the
best Democrat on Long Island. He is certainly the most
generous and open-hearted gentleman within its borders."
I left — reflecting seriously on what I had heard. It was,
indeed, matter for grave thought. Here is a cause that re-
tires the best men in the country from the government of
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 15
the Republic. And can the Republic be well governed ex-
cept by just such men ? It was indeed a solemn thought.
It disclosed a deadly evil that must from its very nature
apply everywhere. Politics, politicians, had established
sway, not only in * * * *, but over the whole Republic,
and their evil influences must necessarily pervade all its gov-
ernments from the highest to the lowest. No man of true
honor venturing near it to turn it aside.
How little do we know of the good or the evil that lies
before us ! How could I deem that this young man of such
aristocratic presence, of such strange and exceptional char-
acter, would at a future time understand, accept, sustain me,
adopt every vital Reform that was presented to him and
endeavor long and continuously to avert the wreck and the
degradation which this, book will present, and which is
briefly epitomized in the close of this chapter. To that now
let us turn.
OUR NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS.
How well in the experience of forty years has the ominous truths enfolded
in these lines been realized in this Republic.
The young disease that must consume at length,
Grows with its growth and strengthens with its strength,
till we see that everything good is neglected and everything evil done or
permitted. Why is this? Simply because there is no government in the
United States. No Constitution— no law. Nothing but bargain and sale
and scramble. Public virtue never thought of — the very name an obsolete
word. What led to this state of things and what would remedy it ? is the
business of this American section to disclose. Let us take a close view of
the system and see how it WOEKS IN DETAIL. And first of City Govern-
ment— as it comes under my personal observation.
A Police Justice is to be elected. Our Alderman is popular. He intro-
duces an utter stranger. " Mr. So and So is my cousin. He is a good Democrat
and will make a good Justice. " Sweeping round the District they go together
— especially to the public houses treating everybody. " Mr. So and So" is
16 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY ;
4 'caucused" and elected — though few voting for him ever saw him before. He
turns out to be a haunter of groggeries ; oftener with two black eyes than one.
Fines are his daily harvest — all returnable to the city treasury under oath, but
never one of them returned. Example — Has thirteen men and boys
arrested for bathing outside of his jurisdiction. Two of them appeal to a
jury trial and beat him in. his own court. Eleven he fines twenty shillings
each and goes on several " drunks " with the proceeds. A street lamp is put
up worth about $25. Its price is assessed at $72 on each side of the block
(street), in all $144. The owner on one side pays. The other side owner
refuses. His property is advertised, sold, and must be redeemed at a gross
charge of $113 for one-half of the $25 lamp 1 Sewers cost $1 or $1.50 per
foot. Assessed at $4 — $2 on each side of the street. Pay that, or your pro-
perty will be auctioned, and then pay more for permission to connect the
house pipes with it than would build it in the new.
Leased ground for site of stable. Manure " ordinanced " to be kept in a
covered box. Stable owner neglects to close the lid and the man who leased
the site is dragged four miles to court and fined $5. Asks why not pursue
the stable owner? Answer. — " The law authorizes us to take either, and we
choose to take you" — having a dislike to you. Lease a house for a term of
years. The water pipes go wrong and you are summoned and fined al-
though you had no power to enter the house at all — save as a trespasser.
That, too, for the same " dislike."
There is a Board of Works and a Board of Health. The Board of Works
•wants to " raise the wind." Gives orders to cut connection between all yard
hydrants and water closets. Penalty $50. A rush is made for thousands
of permits at 75 cents each. If too late in responding you are favored by
being let off by a fine of $5 or $10 instead of the " lawful" $50. Ensues a war
between the two " Boards." The Health wins, and then another change on
the hydrants and another expense.
Across vacant lots is a near diagonal rural-like pathway. " Ordinanced"
to fence up and let the walkers go round. If not done immediately vote-
wallopers employed to do it, who cheat in work and material— the charge
assessed on the owners. New fences disappear for firewood. Again
ordered rebuilt — another small job for the vote-walloppers. Commence on
your own ground to dig a cellar. Aro arrested, liable to fine ; must go miles
under durance to get a permit— fined or not at pleasure, and as you may or
may not have political influence.
Tenement houses are a perrenial harvest to the municipal rogues. Law
formed like a net-work — meshes to catch in every quarter. I am favored
with seventeen summonses at once — every one of them ominous of a $50
fine. General Crooke interposes and says : " I am this man's friend and will
defend those suits." The General was a "power " — the suits are withdrawn,
and the haul missed of seventeen times $50.
I speak of the city of Brooklyn, where I reside. In it are jails, arsenals,
cells, court-rooms, etc. Everything but a public hall. Even the school-
houses are shut against meetings and lectures.
OE, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 17
An out-Ward " Improvement Association " is formed by the vultures in the
City Hall. They call a " Champagne Supper " and discuss what way is best
to go to plunder. They actually project a Sewer for miles across an open
country of farm lands. Kush up to Albany and for a comparative trifle buy
a lav/ authorizing them to construct it at a cost of §300,000 and levy the
same off the miles of farm lands. No opposition— few of those affected
know about it. An offer to build it is already in at the $300,000, but $600-
000 would give more plunder, so they go to Albany to buy authority to that
effect. Resistance is made, principally by myself. Public meetings, and
remonstrances, but all only avail to reduce the $600,000 to $500,000. The
swindlers return to Albany the next session and buy a law for an additional
$125,000.- More of this hereafter.
A boy makes a doggerel rhapsody on a Fire Company. By their means he-
is elected County Su pervisor. A contract is made to build an armory, and
this boy who never grew to mental manhood is made chairman of the Mili-
tary Committee. He interpolates, forges, $10,000 extra into the written
contract. General Crooke, twenty odd years a Supervisor, exposes the fraud,
but finally gives way and suffers it, as the board is weightily against him.
He had saved the county hundreds of thousands, but had to give way occa-
sionally, as he informed me, otherwise he could do no good at all. Like
our friend Johnson at X&maU i
" He never ran away except when running,
Was nothing but a valorous kind of cunning/*
But the Brooklyn Bridge was the happiest thought of all. It is a perreniaP
plunder. Where it will end it would be vain to conjecture.
Our Police are by far the most conscientious men connected with our gov-
ernment. As we proceed, it will bo seen that every man of them is clothed^
with the right (or impunity) to kill any man he may choose, and yet one in a-
hundred of them does not exercise the privilege.
Here followed names prominent in political fraud. But on
reflection I omit them. I have no personal war with these
wretched men. Victims of a mistaken system — of a tempta-
tion that knows no bounds — they are far less guilty than they
are unfortunate. If we take that temptation away we change
the whole aspect of the Republic. If we fail to do that, by
no power under Heaven can the Republic be saved.
A Street Car Corporation gets an illegal grant from the Common Councir
of five miles of street worth several millions of dollars. The bribe to each
Councilman is $1,000, with $500 that he is to distribute among his friends.
to " talk it up." The briber approaches the Councilman in this way : " I give
you this $1,500 as a personal favor to yourself. We have already plenty of
votes. It will go through the Board whether you take the money or not."
18 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY ;
So he takes the money and the road goes into operation. One man, onr
oldest and most influential citizen, resists it at law. Not one taxpayer in the
city stands by him and he very properly lets go and lets the poltroons suffer.
Large tax on this road left unpaid — except, perhaps, a little hush money,
A condition, too, is that it shall keep the cobble-stone pavement in repair.
But big sugar-refinery trucks are wearing it up. " Rail " and " Sugar " join
hands, and for an " unknown consideration" the city sovereigns give them a
new unwearing pavement, costing $30 a running foot, assessed on the people
who owned and had already paved the streets.
Mistaken charges in tax accounts are a profitable thing. Up go notices
that, under no circumstance, will money paid be returned. Illegal notices
to be sure ; but they serve their purpose. Again, you pay a tax. By some
hocus-pocus, it is not entered on the books. Years after, you sell the pro-
perty. On search, the paid tax is found unrecorded. If you have preserved
the receipt, in all your migrations, you are safe. If not, the tax is extorted
again, before you can give' a title for what you have sold.
Knowing they would be robbed, the people of Brooklyn voted three times
against the introduction of water. But leading " Democrat," H. C. M.,
and leading "Whig," J. B. T., put their heads together and went to
Albany. One had the " Democrats " at his back; the other, the "Whigs."
So they forced the water on the city, the water tax furnishing a continual
margin of place and plunder. A panic cry is raised, and a Reservoir pro-
jected miles away. Money sunk in it by the million— all unnecessary —
most of it stolen.
A Collector, like all other officials, must be a politician. He embezzles,
defaults, steals. Suits are entered against his sureties, who are also politi-
cians. Not the slightest thought of recovering one dollar from them. But
won't the Corporation lawyers make a penny ? And after years of sham
litigation, a motion is made in the Common Council, suit discontinued and
sureties discharged, being all brothers, all intertwisted political thieves.
A Park is projected. Only go up to Albany, and get (for a " consideration ")
boundless authority to buy the land, and the work, and the materials, and
assess on local property, or on the city, to pay the cost. Then begins the
harvest of plunder. I will buy your land at a fabulous value, to be agreed on
between us, each to get a share of the spoils. Who shall trace how the ten
millions went — probably three-fourths a swindle. And now, yearly, a
plunder crop of $100,000 for taking care of the park.
All fines in the Police Courts belong to the city treasuiy. One justice pays
in, the other three do not. The paying justice is thrown overboard by the
caucus at the next election, just because he was an honest man — because he
did not keep the fines, and give round a part of them.
Liquor sellers, kerosene sellers, cartmen, truckmen, all must pay licenses
to a very large aggregate amount — all goes into the vortex of roguery.
An Arrears Clerk, is in the Collector's office. He makes out the arrear
bills, and whistles three-fourths of his time. An Arrears Department is
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 19
instituted with a head, at $4,000, who does almost nothing and has a crowd of
assistants to help him, each from $800 to $1,500 a year.
In the City Courts, what justice can you expect, when each Judge, with his
$10,000 a year, appoints a crowd of henchmen, at $4 a day, with little to do,
and that little belonging to the overcrowded Police department. Juries, too,
are a grim farce, as wo shall see.
A Board of Assessors, each at $4,000 a year. Its business is to extort as
much tax as possible. They go so close as to charge $12 a year for water
on a rear shanty, where there is neither water nor inhabitant. The owner
pays the fraud for years, then throws down the shanty to escape from it.
The general tax has risen from $1 to $3.50 a year on all property, produc-
tive or unproductive. But the aggregate of thieves ciy " more, more." So
they add 25 per cent, to the valuations — already far higher than tho average
values in the State — thus making the tax solidly 4)£ per cent. And tho ' 'appeal-
ing to heaven," genius, who invented this roguery, is rewarded by a school
superintendency, at $5,000 a year.* Above and apart from all those rogueries,.
the piling up of debt went on steadily. The city is now in two districts. In '74»
the debt of the Western district (containing 300,000 inhabitants) was $35,000,-
000, being about $110 per capita ; whilst the debt of London per capita, in the
same year, was $7.93.
And the worst symptom connected with all this is the sluggish, stultified
apathy of the men who pay the taxes, and whose property is pledged for
this debt. Efforts, from time to time, were made to stem this flood of cor-
ruption ; but it will be seen, as we proceed, that there was only one man of
means and property that ever lent aid to those efforts. Need I name that
honorable man?
STATE GOVEENMENT.
Up till a late date, the pay of a New York legislator was $3 a day. It cost
an average of $500 to secure his election. The loss of his work at home was
equal to $2 a day. His expense, if he lived decently in Albany, was $3 to $4
a day. As public virtue is not even simulated, his presence in the capitol
was conclusive evidence that he was a political rogue. And a promising
market lay before him. On an average, more than a thousand bills come
before the session. Few of them did not aim at plunder of some kind, and
they had to buy their way into law. If the legislator did not remunerate
himself for all his outlay, and go home with a little fortune, he was " behind
the times." Thurlow Weed was quite a liberal broker in this business
" How much did you get for that last vote ?" " Only so much !" " It was too
* Those Assessors had each $4,000 a year beside what they could make by com-
promising (colluding) with large property owners. They were sham Democrats. The
sham Republicans naturally wanted to get their places. So up they go to Albany and
jet a scratch from the sovereign thieves enthroned there — legislating the present Board
out and seven sham Republicans in. The outs to still retain their salaries till the end
of their appointed term. Thus were all the patriots reconciled to their lot.
20 Tin: ODD BO-JK cr TEE NiNErEENTH CENTOI-LY;
little, John. Take this $100, and it will make you well enough." John was a
Willianisburgh man, and he made no secret of Thurlow's " fair dealiug.'r
Thus stimulated, the thing called " legislation " has in New York State run
up to more than a thousand Acts in every session. Patch upon patch.
Thus (I transcribe). "An Act to amend, an Act entitled, an Act to amend
the several Acts relating to the Board of Emigration." A turnpike or the
bridge on Long Island is sure to have a steal in it, and it must have the
consent of the honorable members from the interior county. He knows
and cares nothing about it. But he has paid five hundred or a thousand
for his election. He will take you in hand and the first inquiry is, " how
much money's in it ?" Such an aspect is the chronic disease. But the cure
is quite simple. A revision of the Constitution that will confine State Legis-
lation to things affecting the whole State, and to be paid for out of the State
tax. All local improvements remitted under Constitutional regulation to
those who will have to pay for them. All corporations — business and muni-
cipal — to form themselves under well defined constitutional conditions.
Thus might come a legislative session of ten days and ten or a dozen Acts,
instead of a hundred days and ten hundred Acts. But a far greater reform
than that is imperative, which shall be shown as we proceed.
New York City had grown famous (or infamous) in its robberies. Then
existing was the New Court House and the Tweed dynasty. Brooklyn was,
still more so, and why should not Albany go in for a share ? So the press
is set to howl about the greatness of the State and the littleness of the State
Capitol. And to work they go, and throw away ten millions on a building,
the chief merit of which is that it is so badly constructed that it imperils the
lives of the aggregated roguery. Byron must have been thinking of these
villainies when he wrote :
"All that the mind would shrink from of excesses,
All that the body perpetrates of bad,
All that wo see, hear, read, of man's distresses,.
All that the devil would do if run stark mad.
All that defies the worst that pen expresses,
All with which hell is peopled or as bad,
Is here let loose."
STATE THIEVERY — STATE CANALS.
In the Constitution it is ordered that a certain portion of the tolls be laid
aside annually to pay off their cost. Canal Commissioners succeed each
other — now sham Democrats — now sham Republicans. Instead of so apply-
ing the tolls, they steal $6,000,000 additional, and the degraded newspapers
suggest that, as both parties had a hand in it, neither party is to blame.
And instead of repudiating the securities forged and sold by the Commis-
sioners, and putting the forgers in State Prison, the only question pre-
sented to the paper-ridden people, is whether will we pay off the $6,000,000 by
an added tax, or fund it at legal interest ?
[A STRAY LEAF PUT IN PLACE.]
THE GREAT ERROR.
" What great events from trifling causes spring. "
Before I proceed an inch further in this section I hold It a
;sacred duty to vindicate "The Republic." Not the Republic con-
cealed and dishonored by rogues, as it now stands forth in the United
States, but the pure, living principle of Republican Government as it
was accorded to us from On High ! A principle that can no more be
affected by the corruption of men or of a nation, of a day or of a
century, than the sun is extinguished by a passing cloud that hides
his effulgence temporarily from the earth. One omission, apparently
the most trivial, made at the founding of the Republic, led to all
the public evils that now exist in the United States. As I would
hasten to justify a dear friend from evil imputation that might be
falsely cast upon him, so do I hasten to the vindication of that
Heaven-ordained principle, Republican Government.
As standing half a point out of her course will plunge the ship into
the breakers, so the omission of a half a dozen lines from the Con-
stitution has brought the Republic of the United States to the over-
hanging verge of ruin. Lines like these :
"Federal Taxationshall be limited to 50 cents per capita of the pop~
ulation ; * local taxation to 50 cents per $100 on a standing valuation
of the property taxed.
No estate in land shall exceed 100 acres.
Public Debt in any of its forms shall not be created."
Instead of restraint like this, the Republic virtually made pro-
clamation—
' ' Hear ye ! Hear ye ! All shrewd, active, unprincipled men, ye are
wanted to govern the new Republic ; but you must govern constitu-
tionally. The privileges accorded to you, and the restraints imposed
on you, are thus set forth in the Constitution of the Nation and of the
several States — to wit :
" You shall have no power to take away from the citizen his vote, or
his musket, or his freedom of speech, or of the press, or of petition,
or of public meeting. But
" You shall have power to create whatever offices you please, fill
them as you please with yourselves and your friends — perform their
duties or leave them unperformed, as you please — fix whatever
* Indeed, tax would not bo wanted at all in a wisely governed country.
The action of this nation's currency would furnish fifty millions a year, as
shown toward the end of this book.
[A STRAY LEAF PUT IN PLACE.]
amount of salaries you please, and for whatever money you may re-
quire you can draw on the public, and the public engage to pay it
over to you, whatever the amount may be, but on this imperative
condition — that you shall CALL IT TAX !
' ' You may take the liberty to deed away to yourselves or others
the real estate of the nation, and to bond the people thereof and
their children. But you must call the deeds ' Patents of the United
States,' and you must register the bonds, and call it a bonded
debt. You can sell these bonds, and do with the money whatever to
you may seem good."
This is the exact substance, the distinct and definite condition pro-
claimed by the Eepublic at the commencement of its life. The Con-
stitution did not proclaim it in those exact words, but this was its
exact meaning, and the shrewd, unscrupulous -men were not long in
finding it out. The power thus conferred made its attraction felt,
less or more, in the very first elections that took place in the He-
public. And it grew with every succeeding election, and the steal-
ings, at first taken timidly, slender in amount and covered up in
their mode, increased with a progression that outstripped the most
wild estimates that were thought possible, of which this book will
present the most astounding examples.
And is this any proof of defect or evil in Republican Institutions ?
No ! If men rob in the name of Religion, is that a proof of evil in
Religion itself?
Another crime of appalling nature and magnitude was an inevit-
able concomitant of this great primary vice. From a conclave of
such men, met to legislate, bad laws flowed forth as naturally as im-
pure waters from a putrid fountain.* Inefficient and corrupt ad-
ministration of the laws was another necessary Qutflow from the
same impure source. But above all these crimes and impurities —
unapproached by their dishonor — the soul of Republicanism has its
home in the sky, ready to descend to us and protect and bless us
the moment we show wisdom and courage. With stupidity and
cowardice the Republic will never dwell.
* In New York City the police arrest and imprison men and women for
sitting on the benches of the Battery Park of a.sultry afternoon in August.
Of a Sunday afternoon in October they swoop through a whole street, and
arrest the men and women they find sitting on their stoops or standing on
their sidewalk. The word of ti single politician policeman is sufficient
proof that they are "all bad characters or idle persons," and the politician
Bencher sends them to prison from two weeks to six months. No crime ia
even imputed to them ! And is this law? "Aye, marry, is't? Crowner's
quest law ! "
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 21
NATIONAL GOVERNMENT.
From the central fountain at Washington corruption radiates over the
•whole land. Cabinet, Congress, Departments, Army, Navy, Diplomacy,
Custom House, Patent Office — all, in short, is corruption, and this is not the
place to go into the endless details. From stealing hundreds of millions in
lands and dollars, down to the pettiest theft,* nothing is too heavy to lift up,
nothing too little to stoop down to. For at this centre are the Collective,
picked and chosen Political Swindlers — the upfloated scum of the whole
corrupt, fermenting heap. Well might Judge Black defy the Senate to con-
vict the place seller, Belknap. " If you do — if his be a crime you convict
every man in office — President and all down."
I will not here enter upon the judicial murders perpertrated by the Penn-
sylvania Courts — Pennsylvania, where it seems the worst and wickedest
politicians are twisted together. Nor the unheard of tortures committed in
our prisons everywhere, because without date and evidence no man would
believe them. Those dates, incentives, and evidences will appear in
due place as wo proceed. As will also the villainies committed gen-
erally by the Courts and Legislatures. But here I may quote Mr. Windom,
our Secretary of the Treasury, on the nature of our Associated Press. In
speaking of Corporations here is what he says :
" In order to lay deep and sure foundations for the maintenance of their
power they have now seized upon the channels of thought. Look at it a
moment. One man, who controls more miles of railroad than any other in
the world, now also controls the telegraphic system of the United States and
Canada, and is (as I learn) also the owner of three out of the seven news-
papers which constitute the Associated Press, through the agency of which
the news is distributed over the entire country. He may at any time secure
•* Another — ;7ie other — and myself applied for a parent of submarine propeller for
•steamships. Model, drawing and £20 for cavtat. Patent refused, because the principle
•was published in an untranslated French book. They cheated us out of the ten dollars,
thalf price of the caveat , returnable to us by law. Applied again and again for it, and
-were again and again met by lying excuses, but no money. Neither wa* it strange.
Every mah in that office was a picked-out politician, and all politicians go into busi-
ness to make what they can. About this time Nelson, M. C. from Brooklyn, brought
up a bill to charge $500 for each patent. I sent a comment on this villainy to the Tri-
bune. It suggested that at one point in every county, there should be an " Inventor's
Room," attached to the shop of an intelligent carpenter who would furnish tools, ma-
terials, and handicraft instructions to inventors. That at fixed periods competent
judges should visit those invention traps, and see what they had caught. Horace so
far approved of this as to give it Leader prominence. But the subject fell to the ground.
Since that time I improved this submerged propeller, and invented a means of dis-
charging coal barges in a few minutes— avoiding the shoveling and hoisting now in
use, and facilitating the coaling of steamships. I projected a means of saving life on
Railroads — of which as we proceed — but I never approached the Patent Office again ^
partly through my natural repugnance, to hold intercourse with political thieves, and
partly because I had no money to risk, where experience taught me I would be pretty
SK-re to lose it.
22 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY;
the fourth paper, which will give him absolute control over the news which
the people shall receive. What opportunity will there be then for a fair dis-
cussion of these questions ? The daily news supplied to the myriads of
newspapers must first pass under the supervision of one or two men who
represent the Associated Press. They will have full authority, and doubtless
will be required to suppress, add to, or color the information thus sent out
ag may best serve the interest, the ambition, or the malice of the man to
whom they owe their places. Hence the twenty millions of people who read
their morning papers at their breakfast tables will daily receive just such
impressions as this one man shall choose to give them."
A gentleman lecturing in Chicago on " The Press," understands this sub-
ject. He states that "eight thousand newspaper proprietors, with their
twenty-thousand writers, possess a power over the destinies of the Repub-
lic that they could not abdicate, even if they would." He hopes they will
awaken to a sense of their responsibility.
What is written here is a mere meagre indication of the actual condition—
the nature and the volume of corruption that is now submerging the Re-
public. But thence let no man conclude that Republican government is a
failure ; far from it. The discovery of those evils lead us up directly to THE
CAUSE that produced them, and thus points out the way to their removal.
That cause is the UNBOUNDED POWER TO TAX, left open in the Constitutions.
The whole wealth of the nation left an unprotected prey, and " where the
carcass is, there will the vultures be gathered together." Now if the young
men of the nation don't see this, or if the young women don't box their
ears and make them see it, there is no other power under the Almighty
Power that can save the Republic.
As we proceed, this book will show one solitary example of the extent to
which individual virtue could and did resist the corruption. It will also show
the more effectual though less trying example of one honorable man,keeping
entirely away from it, and teaching, by his repeated and repeated efforts, a
lesson without which this book had never been written. Those efforts, with
the Great Truths they embraced, will be unfolded in the pages that lie before
us. Again ; I pray may the Divine Power inspire the young men of the Re-
public to take that lesson to heart, and emulate that chivalrous example !
We have seen the horrors born of British Civilization by the sword. We
have seen a sample of American Civilization born of civic swindling. But
the main object now is to indicate the true indigenous Civilization that has
been vainly attempting to take its natural place in the Republic. Through
a record of years will be shown the continuous effort thus made to drive
out the vicious and false, and oring in the true and virtuous. So far, that
endeavor has only realized the ominous lines —
" Truths would you teach, and save a sinking land,
All fear, none aid you, and few understand."
But the example is left, and unfolds a true Future to the Republic, Will
the young untainted manhood of the country take hold of it ? Will it be
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 23
their high destiny to wrest the Republic from the clutch of the criminal pol-
iticians ? Will they drive out the false and bring in the true? Will they be
the medium of au inspiration from On High ? Let us hope so.
" Hope springs eternal in the human breast."
Turn we now to the serious work of this section.
KETBOSPECT.
The assumption by the British Parliament to tax the Col-
onists— the Stamp Act and its reception — the discontents
and resistances even to the burning of Revenue vessels — the
snowballing in Boston — the orders to have those accused
of treason sent over to be tried in the English Courts — the
Boston Tea Party — the raid of Major Pitcairn on Lexington
and Concord, and the commencement of the war are all promi-
nent in the abridged Histories. But the earlier causes that
led to the Revolution are not brought out prominently. The
Colonists not only bore the brunt of the old French War,
but they undertook to meet most of the debt which was a
result of it. Up to that time it was not considered worth
while to tax them. This gave a hint which the voracity
of the British Boroughmongers took hold of.
Long previous to this the Colonial governments had
issued a much needed paper currency — and loaned it on
mortgage to individuals. It was based on the mortgage and
the stamp of the government gave it currency. From this
source the Colonial treasury was greatly benefited by the in-
terest accruing on the mortgage bonds. But the British
Parliament abrogated this right and compelled the with-
drawal of the money, and that involved a foreclosure of the
mortgages, and was both a public and a private wrong that
caused discontent, growing into disloyalty. And records
like the following well might also cause discontent.
In 1718 the Indians, some twelve thousand strong, took
attitude to defend their lands from " Patentees " who claimed
them under grants from the Crown. The Governor marched
on their great Camp with 1,200 muskets. There were no
politician Post-traders in those days to furnish rifles and am-
munition. So bows and tomahawks had to succumb. But
not till a full third of the white men were killed or wounded.
This was in the Carolinas.
24 TEE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTUKY J
The " Royal Patentees," though claiming the lands from
which the Indians were thus expelled would pay no part of
the debt resulting from the war. The legislature therefore
sold the land. " The terms offered," says the Historian (How-
ard Hinton) " were favorable, and five hundred Irish families
came and planted themselves on the frontier." But the
" Royal Patentees " deprived those settlers of their lands.
Some perished from want. Others fled to Northern Colonies.
" And thus," continues the Historian, " a strong barrier was
removed and the country exposed to the incursions of the
savages. Thus did the great curse that drove those people
from their native land meet them and murder them on what
they vainly hoped to be their adopted home."
Half a point from her course will plunge a ship into the
breakers. The spark from a tobacco pipe burnt Chicago to
the ground. The omission of a few lines in the present Con-
stitutions has brought this Republic to the very edge of ruin.
How this half point was mistaken, and our Ship of State
driven on the breakers, it is one object of this book to un-
fold. One other object is to show how that ship may be
rescued before she becomes a total wreck.
The murderous war of the Revolution is over. John
Adams succeeds Washington in the Presidency. He keeps
what is called a "Republican Court," and already public
parasites flock around him. He and they accomplished
the "Alien and Sedition Laws," and most unfortunately by a
bare majority of two votes, planted the germ of a Navy.
Greedy profitmongers of America, following the example of
England, sail over the world in 'pursuit of gain, instead of
developing their vast home resources. To protect them in
their outsailing greed, we get into a war with the Barbary
pirates, in which large numbers of our most promising youth
perish — the moiiarchs of Europe looking on whilst we fought
the battle which should be fought by themselves. Those
profitmongers aiid this navy involved us, too, in a second
murderous war with England. Tens of thousands of our
people are slaughtered, and our cities burned in this war.
All brought on us by the vagabondizing profitmongers who
could have worked more profitably even for themselves at
home.
"An unnecessary and disgraceful war," (says Howard
Hinton), and he adds, " the more detestable when contem-
plated as a series of human sacrifices for the preservation of a
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 25
Commercial system" This same Navy, and for the same " de-
testable " purpose, now costs us seventeen to twenty millions
a year, and the (45th) Congress made good a stealing of six
millions committed in its Department in Washington.
A twin monster is the standing arm}?, the twins consuming
between them far over a million a week, keeping 150,000 citi-
zens working every day in the year to support them. The
rnessroom a first-rate hotel — the cabins redolent of ori-
ental luxury — the soldier and the sailor on coarse, meagre
allowance and scanty pay. Cheated and even murdered by
the officers with impunity. * Congressmen, that is to say corrupt
politicians, name cadets to West Point for the army — to An-
apolis for the navy. " Common people " admissible only to
the rank of " petty officers." Diplomatists to complicate
us with foreign powers, deplete the Treasury, and import
cargoes of Royalist snobbery — themselves and their long
tail of idle secretaries and attaches. The latest duty assigned
to them, is to gather statistics of how little the European
worker can make out to starve upon. And this to prepare
the American workman to be assimilated to the same condi-
tion. A custom house filling the land with smuggling and per-
jury, levying probably three dollars from the people, andreturn-
ing one to the government. Practically allowing our snob mil-
lionaires to import what they please from Europe in their re-
turn trunks. And by a recent order the securities of smug-
gling merchants are suffered henceforth to go scot free.
Land monopoly, Mine monopoly, Banks and Debts, imitating
England in all her villainies, and exceeding her in not a few.
MY FIRST EXPERIENCE.— 1840.
Landed. It is night, and I am returning from a hotel
with refreshments to my wife, who is sick in the cabin of the
vessel. A sheet of water lies between me and the ship, and I
hail a professional boatman to push me across. He will
"for a shilling." All I have is a sixpence, which I
offer him. He refuses, not knowing it is English, and while
negotiating a voice sings out, " Coine around this way and
you can step aboard." I did. It w^is emblematic of what I
should encounter in the country. Hardness from the pro-
* Facts, figures and dates as we proved.
26 THE ODD BOOK OP THE NINETEENTH CENTURY J
fessionals (politicians), help and kindness from the non-pro-
fessionals— the uncorrupted citizens.
The country was staggering up out of the financial pros-
tration of '36. There is more merchant business done now
in one street — or half a street — than was then done in the
whole city. Brooklyn had only 20,000 inhabitants. The
materials for the City Hall lay around in fragments, and
there was no habitable house outside of Pierrepont Street at
Fulton. What is now the Eastern District, with its 200,000,
had only 5,000 people. Aided by loans on some fragmentary
silver and gold trinkets, I got rooms. Found employment
from the agent of that able periodical, the Democratic Review,
to canvass for subscribers. But the concern was so poor
that Mr. Webster had to borrow from his grocer on Saturday
night the little I had earned, and so the employment left me.
I wish some of the misguided men who are now driving the
Kepublic to ruin could have a little of my experience at that
time. It was worse than my trials in Liverpool ten years
before. Then I had only myself to take care of. Now I
had a little family, and to return to them night after night
from a vain search for employment (any employment I would
have worked at, pick or spade, or anything), was a trial
which words cannot describe.
It is the middle of April, and a driving snow storm fills
the street. Indian meal and molasses furnished our unvaried
fare, and after breakfast — " Surely you are not going out in
that tempest," said my wife. " Surely I am," was the reply.
" The employment-coach may drive up some day, and I'll
always keep on the road side to catch it." On that day I
got my first hold on existence in the New World.
Win. H. Colyer was a relative of the Harpers — a clever,
adventurous man, a re-printer of books, and an active Dem-
ocrat. He ambitioned position in the party, and Williams-
burgh was a Democratic village with a Whig paper passing
for neutral Mr. Colyer made a partnership with me on
liberal terms. He furnished all printing materials and
two printers, and a page weekly of Master Humphrey's
Clock (Little Nell) which he was then reprinting. My duty
was to keep the books, and report and write for the paper,
and make myself useful to the party. He also furnished me
$5 a week til the business would begin to pay. Evidence
of partnership for a year was deposited in the hands of a
very conscientious man, a friend of his, named Fitzgerald.
Oil, THE BPIKIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 27
HARD CIDER CAMPAIGN.
And so on the 6tli of June, 1840, the Williamsurgh Demo-
crat came out and " astonished the natives," under the con-
trol of a man supposed to know little of American affairs —
\ being only three months in the country. But the Hard Cider
campaign had just commenced, and there was no time to
stand upon trifles. I thought the Democrats the embodiment
of public virtue, and I did not like the exhibition of stuffed
owls, coon skins, toy cider barrels and miniature log cabins
as political arguments. They were employed however at the
instigation of Horace Greeley, and as I learned against the
will of the moderate Whigs under the rule of Thurlow Weed
and Governor Seward.*
I attacked their programme, but in a strain of good-natured
sarcasm like this :
" It cannot be denied that the Whigs, our opponents, are by far the best
Whigs in the whole Republic. Their Log Cabin especially leaves compari-
son far behind. Here's an indication of its history :
* Whigs carried the nation. The emblematic log cabins built everywhere,
the owls and coons, living and dead, everywhere paraded and made a great
many people believe that Harrison was a Democrat in his habits of ' life.
Doggrel verses helped them, such as
" Go it for the cooney boys,
Cooney in a cage ;
Go it with a rush boys,
Go it in a rage."
Horace Greeley was appointed to promulgate their national campaign
sheet, the " Log Cabin," and it astonished me very much that he would
dare to belie the most recent History in making out a case against his oppo-
nents. There could be no better political engineer than Horace. Another
help to the Whigs at this campaign was the cold-blooded apathy which Pre-
sident Van Buren had manifested whilst the Canadian officials of Victor! i
were hanging to death American citizens who had crossed the line to h^lp
the Patriots. It was a prevailing and not unreasonable opinion that Martin
could by a quiet friendly word or two have saved all those lives. A word or
two like this : " Our citizens have formed opinions on this matter. They
have read the history of Lafayette coming to help us. I, too, could have
made the matter hard for you by just giving a friendly wink to those desir-
ing to cross the border. I didn't. I saved you from that danger. And I
will be greatly obliged to you if you oblige me in return." But Martin didn't
do anything like this, and doubtless it cost him thousands of votes. He was.
indeed, an unworthy and unlike successor of General Jackson. At any
rate he had to step down and out. I give one or two extracts from McKen-
zi</.:> Almanac* which throws light on the blood-thirsty things that were
done in those days.
28 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY ;
OEDEB FKOM HEAD-QUAKTEBS, Juno 9th, 1840.
Sir : you are requested to meet at Daniel Woods house to-morrow morn-
ing, the committee to build the log cabin to proceed to woods of G-eii. John-
son for the purpose of cutting timber."
The March. — In obedience to the above signal, the "Tippeys" mustered
with rope in hand and axe over shoulder, and marched, executioner-like, to
the groaning groves of the gallant, generous General.
" Hewers of Wood" — 'Tis noon. Each succeeding bang of the axe sends
forth a succeeding rush of ciderated perspiration. Empty bottles are scat-
tered round in exhausted, useless, corkless confusion. The cider, like them-
selves, is exhausted. So they divide into two corps. One remaining " hewers
of wood" — the other commencing " drawers of water."
Dull and muddy was the standing pool. Soft, swampy, and singularly
slimy were its approaches. On moved the devoted bands — plash in went the
bubbling bottles — as Ossian would say, " the frogs retreated to the darkness
of their caves."
Evening. — The sun rolls its westering course. A mellow light floats upon
the forest, tinges the hill tops, and bathes — the yoke of oxen with a big log at
their tails.
Magnificent Vesper has drawn her transparent veil over the shadowy
scene. A silvery radiance lights up the embattled clouds, the queen of
night looks frern her balcony in the sky and beholds a — pile of logs in the
neighbourhood of Grand street.
The Curtain Falls. — Bepose has settled down upon the world — sleep seals
the eyes of the actors in this noble achievement — a gentle snore takes posses-
sion of their nostrils ; soft, salutary and gently sounding be your slumbers,
O ! worthy successors of revolutionary sires !
The Raising. — Another morn of blushing brightness has dawned upon the
patriotic scene. Again the venturous "forlorn hope" is astraddle on the
growing pile. Again rings the ponderous axe — quivers the echoing trunk —
heavenward speeds their progress — they are already eight feet from the
earth — they raise aloft the monumental crown a barber's pole, with an empty
cider barrel at the top, emblematical of the head of their old General."
At tlie dedication of tliis edifice I attended as a Reporter.
No doubt the " dedicators " were as surprised to see me there,
as I was when they hustled me out !
And yet there were real good fellows among them, as we
shall see, though I didn't know it at the time.
The most noisy leader in our opposing host was an English lawyer
named " Temple Fay, Esq." Ho was very dark visaged, and his loquacity
was unbounded, and in. all discussions I affected to believe that Templefay
was a village which sent forth confused noises. The following doggerel
b-rought me a good many subscribers :
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 29
" Ye Summer small birds thou will be " Fall " birds,
Ye bees that bumble o'er the flowery spray,
Ye winds that rattle and ye waves that battle
Up and down the Biver and all thro' the bay ;
Ye trembling treeses — ye bustling breezes,
Ye calves that stagger, and ye lambs that play-
Be hushed your noises, be dumb your voices,
Till I sing the praises of Templefay.
It's aspect clear as the skies of midnight,
When stars and moonlight are far away,
It's brightness beaming no bushel-hid light
To guide the Locofoco* on his way.
Sometimes its " moonshine" would pass for sunshine,
As o'er the waters it loves to play,
Sometimes it deares you — anon relieves you
As song or silence seizes Templefay.
0 1 hour delightful when close of nightfall
Brings brute and broker from work and play —
How sweet to float o'er, in ferry-boat o'er,
And hear the throat f roar of Templefay.
Ye ghouls of Wall Street, ye grubs of all streets
Come forth, come all meet, by close of day
For speculation to save the nation —
Catch inspiration from Templefay."
Here was my audacity before I was quite three months in the country. I
insert it to show that editors — even daily editors have individual powe&jf
they only choose to exercise it.
TAKIFF! TAKIFF!
"Unshackled in our opinions — independent in the use of our quill — we have
placed the names of MARTIN VAN BUBEN and BICHABD M. JOHNSON
at the head of this article — not because we believe them to be infallible in
their whole line of policy — not because we claim inpeccability for the men
of their appointment to office, seeing that they have only poor human nature
to select from — but because we believe that they are right in defending the
most extensive and unshackled exercise of the Elective Franchise— right
because they would have the Public Treasury unconnected with Banks —
*7. e. a "locofoco" traveller— one who journeys on his own two political
legs.
When the hold-back hunkers turned off the gas at a public meeting, the
progressive bought loco-foco matches and lighted up with candles — hence
the name.
30 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTUBY ;
right because they would purge the currency, and not have us lie down at
night with a sheaf of " money " in our desk, and find in the morning it has
undergone a wonderful transmutation — right because they would entrust
the nation's safety to the unbought gallantry of her free sons, and not to the
evolutions of a mercenary army — right because they would preserve in-
violate, but under the Constitution, the legislative supremacy of each State
in all its own internal matters — right because they would save us from the
eternal pestilence of a National Debt — right because they would steadily re-
sist unproductive improvements and encourage the wholesome progress of
Agriculture. For those principles and others growing out of them
or similar to them, we support the present Administration, even though
disapproving of their policy on the Tariff question; which disapproval WE
HEBE AVOW, and shall take another occasion to defend and justify."
I did so, but the article is lost. It likened the principle to
a man trying to rear up an orchard on a bank of the ocean
which the sea blast would not permit to grow. A high tariff
was a wall to keep from our young Factories the sea-blast of
cheap labor productions coming in from Europe. That was
the truth as I saw it, and there was too much of the old
Knights-errant in me to even keep silent on the subject.
The leaders remonstrated with me, but let me have my own
way — another very strange fact in political warfare. But as
soon as I found that we had unbounded public lands, I saw
that there lay the true " protection," and I abandoned the
tariff doctrine forevermore. Turned my face to the mercies
of Nature and my back on the mercies of the Cotton Lords.
The election is over. General Harrison is chosen. Fresh
from the Chartist agitation and believing that the Demo-
cratic Party to be all that it appeared to be, I had so acquit-
ted myself in the "canvass" that Judge A. D. Soper, our
"Association" Chairman, said this to me : "the New York Com-
mittee has been republishing your campaign articles in the
Sun and Planet. They think you will be more useful in a
wider field, New York or Washington." Of course I was
at their service, eagerly desirous to be as useful as I could.
But after the turmoil of the election I had leisure to look
around me, and I soon discovered that the amassing of a large
fortune was very generally considered to be the end and aim
of existence. The young man entering life was pointed to
some "distinguished person" who had commenced life very
poor and ended it very rich. Against this doctrine I was
hardy enough to publish the following protest :
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 3l
[I do not know whether this article brought mo under the notice of my
life-long sustainer Mr. * * * . But I do know that the tenor of his life
accorded with its suggestions.]
AMBITION.
" O ! Happiness ! our being's end and aim ;
Good, pleasure, ease, content — whate'er thy name —
Thou something art that prompts the eternal sigh,
For which we bear to live, nor dread to die." — POPE.
" Human Ambition is nothing else than a longing after a splendid and
exalted ' Happiness.' Developing itself in various forms, the goal of its
hopes and efforts is still the same- -some bright eminence where happiness
may be enjoyed in its highest and most sublime character.
The philosophic mind, whilst noting the career of distinguished men,
even without looking into its own feelings for instruction, easily discovers
that the approval and admiration of our fellow-citizens imparts to the cup
of human bliss its highest and most etherial zest. The Indian with his
tomahawk, and the cizilized savage of scientific war, go forth, alike, in the
hope of being hailed with loud homage on their victorious return. The
philosopher, as he unravels the secret principles of Nature — the mariner, as
he explores the unknown deeps — even the patriot heart that goes forth to
bleed in the cause of his country — all, all look forward to the moment when
their toils and dangers shall be rewarded with the general approval of their
brothers of humanity.
"And of all the beneficent laws of Nature, this law is, or rather was
intended to be: the most beneficent to man. This, the highest happiness of
which our mortality would seem to be capable, was to be purchased only
by such actions as would c^ll forth the approval of our fellows — naturally
expected to be good and virtuous actions.
' But how turned aside and perverted has been this law ! How conducive
to man's misery and destruction has it been made !
' In the ages of early barbarism,, the Chief who first repelled an invading
foe was received, and deservedly so, with paens of applause on returning
to his protected people. By an imperceptible transition, the same applause
was awarded to his success when, instead of being the victorious defender,
he became the ruthless aggressor. A louder fnmo hns ben 71 awarded to «°u
32 THE otoD SooK or THE NINETEENTH CENTURY ;
Alexander or a Napoleon than that which encircles the nathe of a Washing-
ton or a Jackson.
"But there is another kind of 'glory" — another species of ambition—
which bids fair, ' like Aaron's serpent,' to swallow up the rest, "We allude
to the ' glory ' which wealth imparts, and to the bastard, degenerate
ambition which prompts to its accumulation.
" We shall not go back to trace the times and the countries of oppression^
in which mere wealth found means to command the homage of the enslaved
multitude. It is enough for us to state that in despotic Europe ' wealth '
has become synonymous with ' honor,' and ' poverty ' with ' disgrace.'
" Here, too, we are fast verging to the same irrational and dangerous
mistake. Here — even in this Republic— wealth is beginning to command
an homage which by no means belongs to it — and here, too, the attainment
of a large fortune is held up to our youth as the ne plus ultra of human
ambition.
" In vain the Sacred Volume warns us that we ' cannot serve God and
Mammon.' It is in vain that the ' camel ' and the ' needle's eye ' arc brought
into contact to illustrate the wickedness, as common sense illustrates tho
folly, of giving up our days to the accumulation of riches. The old wiU
teach, and the young will learn — that, a large fortune achieved, the princi-
pal end of our existence is fulfilled.
" But it is an error, and a grevious one — let who will teach, and let who
will learn it. Shall we compare the wretches who purchased the Roman
Empire with their sordid millions to him whose earthly possession was seven
acres of land? When the names of our Washington and our Jackson go
down to posterity — gathering a halo as they descend into future agci — where
will be found the names of John Jacob Astor and men of his kind?
"We exhort the masses to beware of how they render tho semblance of
homage to mere wealth. To virtue, benevolence and public spirit let just
homage be paid; but let all attempts of men to arrogate to themselves
respect, merely because they are rich, be met and repelled by public con-
tempt and scorn. "Ambition!" Go like the noble bard and hold com-
with a skull—
' Look: at its broken arch, its ruined wall,
Its chambers desolate, its portals foul !
Yet this was once Ambition's airy hall —
The dome of thought— the palaco of the soul ! '
OB, -THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAY*. 66
"Away with all ambition that has not for its object the
welfare of tlie human race!"
I followed these articles with another, (which is lost), sug-
gesting principles the adoption of wThich would tend to
prevent large accumulations. No Land or Mine Monop-
oly. No public debts. Railroads made and operated by the
people. Nothing in which to invest large wealth save mer-
chandise that "moth or dust might corrupt or thieves break
in and steal."
This stirred up the Hunker leaders and notification was
sent to me that I must not publish such principles for the time
to come. They were not "Democratic" they said, "because
they were not adopted by the Party. I suggested that
they were essentially Democratic, and that the Party
should adopt them or change its present name. At any rate
they would get no "monopolizing" Democracy from me.
80 they took away the Party advertising (Sheriff's and
other) and gave it to the Whig Star, there being only the
two papers in the county. They also refused to pay me for
what advertising I had done for them. And when I sued
them they declared they would appeal it up, up to the highest
court. I was unable to follow in such a flight, so I had to
let it go.
This discouraged my partner. He had two young men
working on the paper worth to him in his book office twenty
dollars a week. He therefore proposed to pay me half that
sum weekly for the unexpired six months of the partnership
if I would consent to release him. I was surprised at the
generosity of this offer and he was not less so when I re-
plied that I would "take 110 money that I hud not earned,"
but would do what he required all the samo. He volun-
teered to leave me the use of his printing materials for a few
weeks to ascertain whether the advanced wing of the party
would furnish me new materials. They did subscribe $300
• — of which Henry Meiggs, since famous in South American
railroad enterprise and General Crooke wrho has recently
departed, subscribed one half. The General sustained the
paper for the next six months by sending in his servant and
34 THE ODE BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY;
wagon twice a week with the choice products of his farm.
I bought the press from Samuel Adams who was murdered
by Colt, and I met at his ("Adams") office that marine mur-
derer (as we shall see) Slidell Mackenzie — where he was actu-
ally having printed religious tracts of his own composition!
But the best of the "Hunkers," Judge Lott, got -elected to
the "Assembly," and vigorously advocated the principle of
Universal suffrage in a village charter (Chittenango) where
it was sought to restrict the voting to property-holders. I
heartily approved his action in The Democrat. Now, the
General and the Judge held different places in the same
Party. The General marching vigorously in the front and
the Judge cautiously bringing up the rear. Venality had
already shown itself, and as much in the press as elsewhere.
Little wras known of me. * Might I not be tampering with
Judge Lott?" Meeting the General he said to me: I "see
you have been praising Judge Lott." Yes, I was glad to
find him deserving praise.
"Don't you know he is opposed to Progress, and that he
and his friends did all they could to injure your paper?"
"Yes, but if my worst enemy does public good I will give
him credit for it, as I would denounce my best friend if he
did public evil."
"That's your choice. Mine is, if a man gives me one kick
I'll give him three kicks in return."
And so that friend, my first and my last in America, turned
away from me in, I suppose, silent contempt. He had seen
the paper that he above all men had cherished into existence
turned to the exaltation of his political opponent, and he
uttered no word of reproach. But he interchanged no
thought or word with me for weary months, and I supposed
he never would again.
In 1842 the Whigs of England got out of power, and after
a sordid silence of seven years, O'Connell raised the cry of
"Eepeal."
A Repeal Association was got up in Williamsburgh. I
refused to join it — denounced O'Connell as a sycophant of
the British crown, and a deluder of the Irish people — who
wanted merely to transfer the tyranny from London to Dub-
lin. This was the first causo of difference between my coun-
OE, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALEY IN MODEBN DATS. 35
tryinen and myself — though I offered to aid an invading
force, and contribute to its outfit.
At the same time they resolved to form an "Adopted Cit-
izens Democratic Association," from which all native Demo-
crats must be excluded. I am invited to address them, and
I say: "This is an ill-advised, ungrateful and even absurd
proceeding. What! proscribe men in their own country.
The very men who opened their hearts and their doors to
you!" But they carried out their purpose, and put nine
adopted citizens forward as candidates for the Town election
just approaching.
Mr. Minturn, President of the village came into the meeting
and said to me, " There is to be opposition to our Report on
the school matter to-morrow night. Come up and help us."
"Is it true," I asked, "that you propose to lease that under-
ground cellar instead of building new school houses?'*
"What could we do?" he replied; "money is so stringent that
we dare not lay a tax." "Well," I rejoined "I cannot con-
sent to put the children in that damp cellar for a lease of
four years, and I must oppose you. Just then a buzz ran
through the meeting, "Be up to-morrow night and oppose
the d d * * * * " — a ruse of the political leaders, for
there was no religious issue at all in the matter. Next night
brought a meeting in which there was more kicks and
pushes than arguments. After a struggle of two or three
hours the lease of the cellar was rejected, and a resolution
carried for new primary school houses. In those days every
local expenditure had to go through the ordeal of a public
meeting.
Against my most earnest protest, the Irish politicians put
nine adopted citizens — the whole ticket — up for Town offices
at the approaching election. I ridiculed the proceeding in the
Democrat, and they only polled one-third of the party vote —
some 130 out of 400. Judge Soper, who was comparatively,
even in politics, an honorable man, said to me: "The
Whigs are now supreme. You should keep quiet, and the
popularity you have gained at the school meeting will insure
you a share of the Village printing, and that will preserve your
paper. There was just one week between the Town and Vil-
lage elections — the former pertains to county, the latter to
village affairs. "I want to do it," I replied. "I will print an
36 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY;
Extra, calling 'all hands to the rescue!' Help with all your
influence, and we'll re-conquer next week." He did. The
Extra went out, a meeting called, excitement stirred up, and
we carried the Village election — the body of the adopted
citizens rallying to the standard. Their leaders only had
caused the late dissension and defeat.
And they continued their work. There existed thus early
a party fued in New York on the question of sectarian school
money. They had introduced it here, and lost us a Senator
by it. They had endorsed John A. Cross, the Whig candi-
date for Assembly, because he presided at a Repeal meeting,
and gave $5 to the fund. They had electioneered a " black
ticket, " from which every name was scratched off excepting
Wm. Lake, one of themselves. General Crooke was at the
time the most wakeful and watchful public man in the
County. He saw all that was going on, and he came and said
to me: "I did not understand you when we last met; I do
now, and henceforth count upon me as a friend." That sin-
gle assurance — that coming back of a friend whom I thought
forever lost — outweighed all the difficulties that beset me.
There was certainly a great deal of fight in me in those
days. I believed the Democratic party to be what it pro-
fessed to be, aud as I would defend liberty itself, I would de-
fend it. I resented in my paper all this disloyalty to the
party. Bat the "bolters" could still command the "Nom-
inations" by rallying their followers. And the native Dem-
ocrats were afraid to lose the nominations which was to lose
all hope of place. So they sent to me an ultimatum that I
must say nothing of the rebellion or the whole force of the
party would be leveled against nie. I refused, and it was
done. A public meeting was called to expel me. The at-
tendance was large and the excitement high. It was a sin-
gular meeting. One charge against me was that I was seen
speaking to such and such gentlemen, who were Whigs.
Another, that I had spoken disrespectfully of the Navy.
Another, that I wanted to divide out the public lands among
Individuals, instead of selling them as a resource of the gov-
ernment's expenditures, and finally that I was fierce in de-
nouncing those who ventured to differ with me. In reply I
did not admit it was a crime to be on speakng terms with
any fellow-citizens; maintained that the Navy was simply
infamous. Henshaw, of Boston, the Secretary, retaining his
OK, THE SPIKIT OP CHIVALBY IN MODERN DAYS. 37
own four thousand dollars a year, and reducing the laborers
in the navy yards to a dollar a day. As for the land charge
it was disposed of, when offered, by one general shout in my
favor. And I was proud, I said, of all the fierceness I had
shown against the continuous underhanded and ruinous
plottings, all of which I recounted from first to last. A vote
was called, and strange it was to see all iny countrymen
whom I had attempted so much for — not the lea it in my
recent attempts to keep them right in their public action — to
see them all voting against me, and all the native Democrats
for whom I had done or attempted very little voting in my
favor, although I had refused their ultimatum. So close was
the vote that the Chairman, Judge Soper, could not decide
it, and called a division of the house. The crowd was so
equal on both sides that two or three active bolters took
hold of Peter Y. Eemsen and Denies Strong, pulling them
to their side by main force. And thus fortified declared
themselves the victors.*
This producing no effect, another plan was resorted to.
Edward Neville was our party treasurer. A clever, active
young man, but who, like hundreds of thousands, was
vitiated and ultimately ruined by politics. He instituted a
libel suit against me for asking in my paper what had been
done with money paid into the treasury for printing pur-
poses. I had done the printing, and instead of my inquiry
bringing me any money it brought a Sheriff's officer around
with a writ to convey me to prison — bail fixed at $4,000. A
comparative stranger, I could not procure such exorbitant
bail, and so I was escorted into the County Jail — there prob-
ably to remain till a trial would or would not release me.
Money-resources I had none, and now my paper, the sole
dependence of my family, must go down. Eeflection was not
a pleasant companion, as I half undressed to throw myself
on the prison pallet.
It is midnight. A thundering at the prison gate is heard
• — a creaking of the hinges — a heavy tramping along the cor-
ridor. Stop at my cell door. It opens, and five or six gentle-
* I am well aware that these are very small matters, but I present them
because they illustrate a very great matter. A mixture of religion and
politics. A principle — an element that Republics will require to very strictlj
guard against.
38 THE ODD BOOK Oi1 THE NINETEENTH CENTtfRYj
men enter, with one of whom I had never exchanged a word,
though I knew them all personally. They were all Whigs —
all my political opponents. They had been at a Fireman's
Meeting — heard what had been done — took carriage — drove
to the Sheriff's house — roused him up — entered bail, and, to
enable me to return home with them, brought the Sheriff
along to insure my liberation. Though volunteer Firemen,
they were among the most opulent men in the village. I
have the names only of Barnet Boerum, John McBrair,
Leonard T. Coles, Henry Ackerly, and I think Daniel Woods
and one other. In our local politics perhaps not one of those
gentlrinen had escaped a scratch of my pen, yet here they
surrounded me, unasked and unexpected, prompted only by
that natural love of justice and abhorrence of wrong which
lies deep in the human heart, and which would show itself
in all our affairs, if we lived in a natural state of Society.
It was indeed a strange sight. To see those men for whom
I had done nothing — attempted nothing — corning to rescue
me from the persecution of men for whom I had attempted
everything possible to me — from the day of the war meeting
at Thrush Bank (see ante), to my efforts recently made to
keep them within the bounds of common sense. Your Irish
politician is to the full as unprincipled as politician can be,
He is as able, too, as the best of them — and he is dangerous
just in proportion to his ability. It was half a dozen sense-
less, greedy politicians raised this persecution against me.
And now, I repeat it, the strange sight is seen of Amer-
icans, virtually strangers to me, coming at dead of night to
rescue me out of their hands! If this was not "CHIVALRY
IN MODERN DAYS," I don't know where to go to look for it.
The gentleman with whose character this section opens was
u member of this same Fire Company. What a prompt,
generous, chivalrous spirit had governed the Republic, had
not the worst men in the country everywhere rushed in and
taken control of it — effectually barring the best men out.*
General Crooke, residing at a distance, did not hear of the
* Monarchists and Oligarchs, and vicious men all over Europe, clutch at
the thought that all honor of the Bepublic lies buried in the sea of selfish-
ness, and fraud, and snobbery that covers the whole land. They little dream
that, apart and unknown, keeping itself away from the contamination, there
exists a manhood that may yet drivo out the politicians, and make the Re-
public worthy of its founders — a light and a hope to the prostrate nations.
OK, THE ..iPIiilT OF OHIVALUY IX MODERN DAYS. 39
affair till the next day. Then I found him at my side with
his characteristic promptitude. "Take care of your busi-
ness," said he, "I'll take care of your defense." But the
" defense " was not so easily taken care of as he supposed, as
we shall see.
He entered into an agreement with Egan, Neville's counsel, that
no step should be taken without mutual notice. I expressed a doubt
of their good faith, and he rebuked me for thinking such evil of
them. But a month after he hailed me as I was crossing New York
City Park. "This is fortunate," said he. "We have no time to
spare," and he hurried me into the Court House. Those men had
broken parole ! Secretly procured a Sheriff's Jury, and representing
that I had no defense to make, got a verdict against me for $2,000.
The General had just time to enter tho necessary appeal. And
finally, with much labor to himself, he baffled their purpose. If he
had not I had already built a house and they would have taken it
from me for their Judgment of $2,000.
The Coon Skin Log Cabin Campaign, a singular proof of public
gullibility, had swept Harrison into the chair, and an overwhelming
majority of Whigs into Congress. In the canvass they had disowned
a National Bank policy, and yet an Extra Session was called and a
National Bank, virtually $210,000,000 hurried through Congress by
Henry Clay — a very able, and I believe, a very dangerous man.
But President Harrison died one month after his Inauguration, and
John Tyler, now President, vetoed the bill. Mr. Tyler had been a
life-long -anti-Bank man. To emphasize their denial of a Bank pol-
icy (they had been three times defeated on that issue) the Whigs put
Tyler on for the Vice-Presidency. When he vetoed their Bank they
were in great wrath against him. And instead of sustaining him the
Democratic leaders were scarcely less marked in their hostility than
were the Whigs themselves. A striking instance of politicians' in-
gratitude.
I had been writing articles on the subject of "Preserving the Public^
Lands." Geo. H. Evans and John Windt came to my little printing
office, and there w£ projected The National Reform Party to pre-
serve the Public Lands- for actual settlers, called a public meeting,
which issued a Report, of which I give extracts. After showing the
progress that Machinery had made even then, (1844), the Report pro-
ceeds :
"This triumph of MACHINE LABOK, and ultimate prostration of HUMAN
LABOR— cannot be .averted. As well might we attempt to alter any of Na-
40 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTUHY J
ture's fixed laws, as to attempt to arrest the ouward march of science and
machinery."
" The question then recurs — How shall we escape from an evil which it is
impossible to avert? "
" Nature is not unjust. The POWER who called forth those mechanical
forces did not call them forth for our destruction. OUR REFUGE is UPON
THE SOIL, in all its freshness and fertility— OUR INHERITAGE is IN THE PUB-
LIC DOMAIN in all its boundless wealth and infinite variety. This heritage
once secured to us, the evil we complain of will become our greatest good.
Machinery, from the formidable rival, will sink into the obedient instrument
of our will."
In Europe God's Inheritance to man is usurped by the Aristocracy.
There the disinherited man has nothing to fall back upon.
" If to the Common's fenceless limits strayed,
He drives his flock, to pick the scanty blade.
Those fenceless fields the sons of wealth divide,
And even the bare worn Common is denied."
" But in this Republic, all that the Greater designed for man's use is ours
— belongs not to an Aristocracy, but to the People. The deep and intermin-
able forest; the fertile and boundless prairie; the rich and inexhaustible
mine — all — all belong to the People — are held by the Government, in trust
for them. Here, indeed, is the natural and healthful field for man's labor.
Let him apply to his MOTHER EARTH, and she will not refuse to give him
employment— neither will she withhold from him, in due season, the fulness
of his reward."
" Your Committee does not recognize THE AUTHORITY of Congress to shut
out from, those lands such citizens as may not have money to pay ransom
for them. Still less do we admit THEIR AUTHORITY to sell the Public Do-
main, to men who require it only as an engine to lay our children under
tribute to their children to all succeeding time. We regard the public lands
as a CAPITAL STOCK, which belongs not to us only, but also to Posterity. The
moment Congress or any other power proceeds to ALIENATE THE STOCK to
speculators, that moment do they attempt a cruel and cowardly fraud upon
posterity, against which, we here enter our most solemn PROTEST. Go to
Europe. Mark the toil, the rags, the hunger, and the despair which is the
sole inheritance of its countless millions, while a few thousands run into the
opposite extreme of luxury, excess, and guilt unspeakable .' Look at this
horrible state of things, and whilst you do so remember that the same fate
awaits our own Eepublic, if we permit a landed aristocracy to grow up
among us.
" The first great object, then, is to ascertain and establish the right of the
people to the soil ; to be used by them in their own day, and transmitted —
AN INALIENABLE HERITAGE — to their Posterity.
"That once effected, let an OUTLET Reformed by the Government that will
carry off our superabundant labor to the salubrious and fertile West. In
those regions thousands, and tens of thousands, who are now languishing
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 41
in hopeless poverty, will find a certain and a speedy independence. The
labor market will be thus eased of the present distressing competition,
and those who remain, as well as those who emigrate, will have the oppor-
tunity of realizing ^comfortable living."
Such is a brief synopsis of the Keport. On this basis we founded
The National Keform Movement that eventually led to the Great
Civil War. Every member of the Association had to pay and did
pay weekly two or three cents, or whatever he could afford. Made
platform of a wagon and held two or three meetings in the Streets
and Square Corners every week, besides our weekly indoor meeting.
New York had achieved the ten hour law, arid Massachusetts call-
ed a convention on the subject in Boston. Evans, Mike Walsh,
Bovay and myself were deputed to that Convention. Our consti-
tuents gave us money to pay for the best of everything. But we
thought it our duty to " rough it," as our constituents would have to
do. Our doing so disclosed to us a most villainous proceeding on
the part of the Corporation that owned the line. Not a seat, not an
inch even of freight left so that you might sit on it during the night.
The officers when they found Mike Walsh aboard offered him all
hospitality. He rejected it — denounced the owners, and with our-
selves so exposed them when we returned to New York that by this or
some other means an end was put to their inhumanity. Their vil-
lainy was carried from the water to the land. The despised car that
carried us from Providence to Boston was left in utter darkness,
while the Select cars were bathed in a flood of light. This was
Avithin a matter of two or three seconds of cos-ting me my life.
Coming out from a five minutes' stop for refreshments, in the dark-
ness and haste I grasped the iron guard in front of the platform and
stepped out in front instead of upon it. Luckily I had hold of the
iron when I fell, and just raised myself up as the train moved on.
And those greedy and inhuman men did all this in order to force
people to pay the high fares.
Our novel agitation, and the downright worth and simplicity of
the Keform itself, found such a response in the public mind that
early in 1845 the New York Assembly endorsed our principle by the
unusual vote of 103 to 5 dissenters. And next or second week
Daniel Webster, then John Tyler's Secretary of State, pronounced
formally in its favor.
There had already been one raid into the Anti-Kent district (Cen-
tral counties of New York), to enforce the claims of Patroon Van
Kensselaer. Troops were now demanded from New York city.
Whereupon the Reformers placarded New York, calling a public
42 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTUKY;
meeting to memorial the Governor against this use of the military
and ask him to refer the whole subject to the Legislature for peace-
ful arbitration. This set the New York dailies all in a blaze, and
they called upon the lieges to be up — attend the meeting — and,
once for all, squelch the ' ' Agrarians." Such was the villainy of that
press even at this early day. We found the sidewalk crowded, our
room packed full, and the Adjutant from the Arsenal in possession
of our platform reading a string of resolutions that breathed fire
and sword. What followed is honorably characteristic of American
character. The crowd made way for us. I was pushed forward by
John Windt as our spokesman. Appealing to their love of fair play
the dense throng listened to me as commencing with the command :
"Go forth and replenish the earth," I swept through the horrors
that Land Monopoly had inflicted on the human Family in all the ages
down to the present day — now, when it was introducing distress
and dissension even into our own Republic. At the close of which
the meeting rejected the Adjutant's war resolutions, and carried
our peaceful memorial by a majority nearly unanimous. And never
afterward did the military appear in the Anti-Kent region.
RETROSPECTIVE.
In the winter of 1840 the farmers started the Heldeberg Advocate in
a remote village. I saw their advertisement and wrote letters for
it. Of the only one I have I give a sample :
LETTER III.
WLLLIAMSBUBGH, L. I., Feb'y 22, 1842.
" For the land is mine saith the Lord, for ye are strangers and sojourners
with me." — Leviticus, Chap. XXV.
To STEPHEN YAN HENSSELAEB :
SIR— That you are a "great" man everybody is agreed— but some little
difference of opinion may exist as to the particular class of great men to
which you properly belong.
The first class are those who give their labors, their wisdom, and their
virtues to the establishment of happiness among the human race— of this
class was George Washington.
The second class comprises all those whose investigating minds opened
out new truths to human ken ; dragged latent agencies into the light, and
made them subservient to our daily wants and purposes. Such was a New-
ton and a Watts.
The third class are those who, content to forego the dignity of man's
nature are willing to live by preying upon the produce of others' toil.
OE, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 4
These form a very numerous class, and they comprise, in their own
estimation at least, the greatest men in the community. To this genus
belong Dukes, Earls, aristocrats and Highwaymen."
It is not necessary here to do more than thus indicate the tone of
those letters.
At the seventh letter, the printer, a "Party Democrat," would
publish no more of my writings. The paper died and another named
the Guardian of the Soil soon after followed it. I attended their cele-
bration of the 4th of July, 18-12, in Rensselaerville, twenty miles above
Albany. Ratified a treaty, they help me to free the Public Lands,
to actual settlers only, I to aid them in their local war — write — at-
tend their conventions, and made the condition that I should pay
my own expenses which now I was able to do. The Know-Nothing
movement, then in full career never reached me. Eesolutions of
thanks and confidence met me at all the conventions. One of which,
I preserved on account of its peculiar terseness and style :
" Resolved— That the Anti-Renters of Rensselaerville, in public meeting
assembled, do present to our brethren throughout the county of Albany,
THOMAS A. DEVYB as a proper and deserving man to receive their suffrages
and ours for Member of Congress at the approaching Fall Election,
any man labored in our cause ? He has labored more. Has any man sacri-
ficed ? He has sacrificed more. Has any man produced results ? He has
produced greater. For this, therefore, and the consideration of his eminent
abilities to discharge the the duties of the station, we make this present-
ment as our first choice. "
This was in the winter of '45. In the following summer, the
Whig and Hunker politicians wormed themselves into the move-
ment. In every town of those central counties, as indeed in every
town of the State and nation, the most live men were active politi-
cians. As soon as the Anti-Bent movement could elect legislators
and decide governors, all those township politicians under orders
from their Headquarters set themselves to take control of the move-
ment. How they tried to keep me out of the editorship of the
Albany Freeholder — and failing, how they tried to corrupt me to
seize on its ownership, how they forcibly locked the farmers out of
their property. How I started the Anti-Renter and sank in it my
last resources in trying to make head against the double combina-
tion of Whigs and Hunkers. How I attended most or all their con-
ventions and public meetings I will not describe here — often left
by a farmer's wagon, miles from my hotel, in the dead of night. It
was with the politicians of the Central Counties as it was with the
politicians of Williamsburgh. But it went in the latter case even to
44 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY j
ordering their band to strike up, at the last great meeting I attended,
to drown my voice. That voice so broke down that for days after
I could not speak louder than a whisper. I shall only preserve two
or three records of all that lies written before me. And those be-
cause they are not surcharged with confusion and gloom.
Oct. 7, '42.
I write from the house of a Revolutionary Soldier — Francis Garvey, now
in his 82d year. He entered the team service of the Republic in his 16th
year, on the banks of the Hudson, and served three years afterward in the
Regular Army. He describes General Washington as a large, portly man
not very handsome, but of commanding appearance. He speaks of a Review
at which ' Steuben put them through the manual exercise, by word of com-
mand ; by roll of the drum ; by flourish of his (Steuben's) sword. This was
at Stony Point — 4,000 men present, and Generals "Washington, Steuben, Put-
nam, and McDougal were highly satisfied with their state of discipline.' "
" The old man's mental faculties are, with trifling abatement, remarkably
sound and vigorous. He imitated to great perfection the broken English of
Steuben, as he shouted to the men in line, 'Attention!' 'Holt up your
heats !' (heads.) ' Look like the Tevil — look like me 1' "
" General McDougal he describes as a Scotchman, who was promoted for
his natural talents and gallantry, although as the old man confidently avers,
he could not write his own name, but had a man attending on him in the
capacity of secretary. McDougal, he says, carried a quantity of snuff loose
in his waistcoat pocket, into which he would dip a quill for the purpose of
use. Washington he describes as mounted on a roan horse, and attended
by a small mulatto servant."
" He gives some anecdotes of him that were current at the time of the
war.
On one occasion a ball struck the pummel of his saddle and tore it up, leav-
ing an unsightly breach which the general smoothed down with his hand,
observing, ' the balls are a little careless this morning.' "
" General Greene jested with him on what the British Government would
do if they got hold of the Commander-in-chief. To which Washington re-
plied, putting his hand to his cravat, i4 this neck was never made for a
halter.' "
" He remembers the capture of Andre well, and states that David Williams
would have been seduced by the offered bribes only for the sterner virtue
of Paulding and Van Wart. He affirms, too, that General Washington
awarded to Williams the same reward that was decreed to the other two,
but accompanied it with the remark that he did not deserve it."
" Mrs. Garvey is now in her 82d year. Her brother was called upon to
serve in the ' Continentals.' He furnished a substitute for a service of
three years. For this he paid a bounty of ' thirty silver dollars, ten bushels
of wheat, and a barrel of pork.' This, it appears, was appropriated to the
use of his family, the substitute himself receiving the rations of a soldier."
" Their covered wagons reached along the road for half a mile— ranged on
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 45
one side, while their horses were tied to the wagons and fences, and pro-
vided from her ' father's meadow,' "
" The old man is very indignant as he well may be, at the treatment he
has received from the Van Rensselaers. He says that neither Land Monoply
nor Bank Monopoly was ever contemplated by the heroes of the Revolu-
tion."
Saw the tomb of David Williams in Livingstonville. Met a
French peddler who had served in Louis Napoleon's army at Borne,
against Garribaldi. The second draft of 30,000 men, he said, was
divided into three brigades, each to take eight hours work, day and
night, in the trenches. Those were cut zig-zag to prevent raking
from the city. Each column when on du!;y had a quantity of wine
in their haversack for copious refreshment, and so they slowly but
surely approached, and I think the aid undermined the walls.
At a sale of cattle in Delaware County for a distress of rent, a
party of young men armed and disguised as Indians assembled.
Deputy Sheriff Steele fired upon them. The fire was returned and
both he and his horse fell dead. O'Connor, an Irishman, and
Vansteenberg, an American, were tried for murder. The previous
legislature had passed a law making it felony to disguise. This
assumed felony made the shooting of Steele murder instead of man-
slaughter. But the law was pronounced void as the legisla-
ture had no authority to interfere with the dress of the people.
Judge Parker charged the jury that their most important duty
would be to fix the grade of the crime, and he designated Mitchel
Sanford to defend the prisoners. Sani'ord admitted that the crime
was murder, and this Judge Parker seized upon, and in summing
up informed the jury that it was admitted that the killing
of Steele was murder, and that all they had to determine was
whether the prisoners were responsible— reminding them that
when a body of men were assembled to do an unlawful act
the action of one was the action of all. The whole State
was in a condition of excitement not to be described. A ver-
dict of guilty was rendered and the young men sentenced to be
hanged. I criticised both Parker and Sanford for their conduct on
the trial, and also published two successive letters to Governor
Wright recounting the case of Sally Bodine, in Staten Island, and
Bolam, in Newcastle-on-Tyne, to show the wrong done to those
young men by forcing on their trials at a time of great public ex-
citement. The Governor sent for me to his residence and after a
long interview I left with the joyful hope that he would commute
46 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY ;
the sentences. He did. And in a year both were pardoned out by
Mr. Wright's successor in office.
It is 1846 and the morning of the Fourth of July. The politicians
have entire control, and I am not invited to speak at the Celebration
— twelve miles from Albany. Hard driven to get the paper out. I
am at work in the office when two or three smart young fellows
enter. " Are you going to the celebration?" "Yes I'll start by nine
o'clock!" " Don't trouble about a conveyance. We have carriages
and will call for you if you say so." I agreed and worked on and
waited in vain for them till I realized that they came only to de-
ceive and keep me away from the meeting. But I started on foot
and (regaling myself with wild strawberries along the near cuts, for
by this time I knew the country well) reached the ground in good
time. Though uninvited by the leaders, I was called on by the meet-
ing, and I preserve the following speech as it shows the progress
made by the movement up to that time.
ME. PRESIDENT, LA.DIES AND GENTLEMEN :— From the centre to the shores
of thja vast Kepublic twenty millions of freemen are met this day to cele-
bratejthe most sublime event that ever was written on the page of history?"]
Anoyet, from the hills of Maine to the prairies of Texas — from the Atlafl^
tic's wave to the shores of the Pacific — there is not to-day assembled a meet-
ing of such importance to the Kepublic, and to the cause of freedom over the
whole earth, as that which is here assembled among these mountain hills.
How ? Let us examine :
When man was created, and went forth to people the earth he soon turned
aside after evil. The thoughts of his heart were, in the emphatic language
of the Scripture, " evil, and only evil, and that continually." So much so
that the Almighty sent a deluge upon the earth, that destroyed the race, saving
only Noah and his family.
These went forth from the Ark, and again peopled the face of the land,
and branched off into various nations and tongues and kindreds, and selfish-
ness and vice again spread over the world.
Why trace the long and painful history that succeeded — the luxury and the
crimes of the few — the degradation, misery, and bondage of the many ?
Kings and lords and chiefs, and mail-clad robbers parcelled out God's earth
among them. But, like the LOST ONE of old, in assuming the power of Gods,
they fell and became devils.
Devils that tortured and starved and slew their fellow men with a fierceness
and a ferocity which would bo wholly incredible were not the facts guaran-
teed by what is passing at the present moment throughout the old world.
Wickedness abounded enough to move the Creator to send another deluge
on the earth, had not His promise been given — His " bow hung in the clouds"
as a pledge that he would not, again, destroy the world by a flood.
The time, too, had, in the language of the new dispensation, come, " not
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 47
to destroy but to fulfil." So the All-wise upheaved from the silent depths a
new, a vast, an unpolluted continent. The soil of Europe and of the East,
had been too deeply polluted with crime and suffering. And a new, a stain-
less, and untrodden world was called into existence. It was, as I iirmly
believe, Mr. President and fellow-citizens, set apart for the earthly redemp-
tion of the human family.
And when great works are to be accomplished it is interesting to observe
how they are brought about. Does the Euler of the World go to the palaces
,^of the great or the halls of learning to select the instrument of His Will ? No.
The Republican fishermen of Gallilee wore chosen to the work of our spirit-
ual Redemption, and, the Republican fisherman of Genoa was chosen to
i open the path to this last refuge and resting place of Liberty on the earth.
No sooner was the path made across the water, than the men of free spirit
— those who felt most impatient of insult and of. wrong — embarked upon
those waters and crossed the desert billows to the promised land.
Then gleaned the axe, and followed the ploughshare, and curled aloft the
cottage smoke. Not by force and rapine and bloody fields was their pro-
gress marked. The men who landed on Plymouth Rock were pick men —
the adventurous, the daring, and the free came forth. Thus was it so order-
ed that the very breed of men, destined to people this new continent, was
the best that the old races could afford.
In those deep solitudes, and in the kindly, but at the same time vigorous,
strife with Nature, the germ of freedom expanded, and grew and struck
deep and universal root among the rising people.
France had grasped a neighboring country, and the strife and bloodshed
of despots was transferred from Europe to the New World. This, though
seemingly a great calamity, was destined in the All-wise plan to powerfully
aid in working out our independence. The defence of Crown Point, the
sanguinary defeat of Braddoek, at which Washington himself was present,
taught the Father of his country, and the other noble men of the day, a les-
son in the art of war, of which the oppressor was doomed to reap the con-
sequences.
At the close of this Border War the generous spirit of the settlers scorned
to tax the Mother country with the expense. They not only furnished
forces and supplies during the contest, but they undertook to pay off the
responsibilities of the War.
How did the Government, which means the Aristocracy, of England re-
ward them? Why, by attempting to introduce that system of " Taxation
without Representation" which has so long been doing its work in the
British Isles. They concluded that if the Colonists had resources sufficient
to maintain an arduous and expensive war, they surely must be worth a
plucking, and so they set about taxing the Colonies against their consent.
Lordly mouths had been multiplying, and in those late days one lordly
mouth had learned to swallow more than would feed a score of them a cen-
tury earlier. Out came the stamped parchment, and the Taxed Tea — one
48 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY;
of them was met by the Sous of Liberty in New York, and the other was met
by the Boston Indians,
It would be superfluous, in me, to trace the progress of that glorious
struggle to its glorious termination. Let us now draw from it a lesson, and
an example, which ought to bind together the men of the East and the West
— of the city and the country — the glorious movement for Land Reform
which is now going abroad over the earth.
If the Boston men had struggled for themselves only — if their whole en-
ergies had been confined to a repeal of the Boston Harbor Bill — if they had
been desirous of making their own peace regardless of the welfare of the
country, who would have helped then\? And what could they have effected?
Nothing. The power of England could have crushed that of Massachusetts
in a day. But when the voice of patriotism went forth — when it echoed
over the middle States and into the Carolinas — when the struggle ceased to
be a local orie^ and became national — the fate of despotism was decided.
Then look at the men who assisted at the National Baptism, and attended
at our presentation among the nations of the Earth. Where in history shall
we parallel the fame of a Washington, a Franklin, a Jefferson, a Samuel
Adams, and the other groat and good men of the He volution? The work to
be accomplished was great, and the chosen men were worthy of its accom-
plishment.
See, too, the time selected for the founding of this great Nation. At a
period when the lost arts were starting from their grave of ages. At a time
when Modern Genius was about to subject the Mechanical forces, and even
the very lightnings of Heaven, to our will. At the time when the steam
Engine careered the Ocean ship — ploughed up the Prairie wilderness — en-
tered the Factory and sat down patiently to spin and weave. At the time
that the Printing cylinder could throw off ten thousand impressions of
man's thought in an hour, whilst the Railway scatters them almost over the
Republic in a day. At such a time, my friends, was this young and mighty
Republic called forth from the nonentity of the past.
Then contemplate the field chosen for the great Experiment. Look at its
extent of surface — its variety of clime— the diversity and profusion of its
productions. We are told of the fertility of Europe. I speak the language
of experience when I say the British Islands in point of natural fertility fall
far short of New York. And here you can gather into a quarter acre lot a
greater variety of fruits than can be raised in the " three Kingdoms." Look
at the natural highways which intersperse and and spread over the whole
interior. Begin at our own Hudson — trace its connexion, by Railway and
Canal, with the great lakes, mark these, extending to within hailing distance
of the vast southern outlets — the Mississippi and its tributary streams.
And, last and greatest, look at the institutions that preside over all, founded
upon the eternal truth that men are created equal and that the legitimate
source of all law and government is the people at large.
Whoever, Mr. President and fellow-citizens, will contemplate these things
can hardly fail to perceive, running through all of them, ONE GKEAT AND
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODfcRN DAYS. 49
UNIFORM DESIGN — the earthly redemption of the human race — first through-
out this continent, ultimately throughout the world.
That DESIGN would be frustrated. Progress, Liberty, IndependenceT
would be impossible if Land Monopoly were allowed to fasten itself upon
the Republic. And think ye that all this beautiful train of circumstances
are to be broken— all those bright hopes to be blasted— in order to make way
for the little, crouching, skulking cripple of Land Monopoly? No, my
friends — no ! That heartless and ferocious cripple is doomed — he never was
able to go alone, and henceforth no man will be found to carry him. He is
doomed, and we, my friends — WE are appointed to carry that doom into
execution.
Men of the Mountain Towns ! Let us perform the mission to which we
are appointed. Let us this day, renew the pledge that you war, not only
for the freedom of your own fields, but for the freedom of the wide field of
the ichole Republic. Tell the world, that, at the bottom of this local struggle,
lies a principle deep as the foundations of the earth, broad as the earth's
surface — enduring, in its application, as the earth itself. On a day like this
will our sympathies not go forth to the oppressed, the houseless, and the
degraded? Shall the cry of their distress go up from cellar and garret — sJiall
the poverty of our brotliers — the rags of their wives — the hunger of their chil-
dren, find no answering sympathy from the men who first flung to the breeze
the standard of man's earthly redemption? Shall our watch light go forth
a beacon and a hope to all nations of the earth, or shall it smoke and nicker
and perish where it arose, among the Helderberg Mountains?
And now, my friends, having said so much on the general subject, let me
come nearer home — let us examine what we have been doing for the past
few years, and measure the amount of work we have performed— of progress
we have made.
Ten years ago, none of you were considered good enough to own a title in '
fee. Rents were flush — cattle could not find room in the Patroon's yard,
and his granaries were groaning under that " merchantable winter wheat."
As for " fat fowls " they were a drug in the market. The Rent was as much
as the Patroons could possibly squander, and more too. How, then, could
you expect that he would sell you a title in fee. No— no, they would not sell
an acre, at any price.
But hark ! a signal gun is fired in one of the deep glens of the Helderberg.
It is answered by another, and another. The deepened rolls are blended
with many voices. The Patroon pricks up his ears at the hojrid noise, and,
mixed with a thunder cheer, that shook the skies, he hears a loud voice ex-
claim, "DOWN WITH THE RENT 1"
Hearing the thickening and deepening uproar, the Patroon thought it best
to call an Auction on the lands. In ordinary cases it is usual for auctions
to begin low and work up high. But being somewhat of a Dutchman himself,
our Patroon thought it best to do business on the principle of a Dutch Auc-
tion, that is, to begin high and come down low. Well, he set up sale— price
50 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY j
eight or ten dollars an acre. " Seven, six, five, going, going. Who bids?
Who bids?" "Hurrah! Hurrah!" shouts the crowd— " Down with the
Kent ! "
But when he came down to " four," and to " three " some few nibbled at
him. To their own grief— for now he is down to "two"— to " one fifty,"
and since he (Mr. D.) came on the ground he had been informed that the
selling price now is fifty cents ! Another jump or two and he would be
d< nvn to the right figure.
What followed from that day till I left the farmers to themselves
four months later, I recall only as an incredible and painful dream.
At every meeting and convention, and I attended all within reach, I
was met by a storm of sordid politicians — but let me shut up the
page.
It is November, and I am without resource though eight or nine
hundred unpaid subscriptions are on my books, I am driven to an
extremity that I will not write down here.
But I remembered what a gentleman — the gentleman had said to
me when leaving Williarnsburgh for Albany. I had called to pay
him a small sum I was indebted. "You have acted honorably,"
said he, " and wherever you may be if you want a friend write to
me. I had previously built a house and it was about to be sold for
mortgage on the lot, when he saved it by taking up the mortgage.
I now wrote to him. " Farmers have not realized. I am out of
money. Lend me $150."
The conclusion related to their local organization. But within
three months that organization was utterly broken — and all lost.
It came by return of mail. Four weeks after (it in now Decem-
ber, 1846.) I write again :
" Send me six hundred dollars, or live hundred, which you please,
and take deed of that house — now held in joint stock between us,
in Williamsburgh."
The answer came prompt as before — but not exactly to the same
purpose — "Not a cent! What! Utterly ruin yourself in the service of
men who will not furnish you even with rations and ammunition to keep
tJieJield? Strike tents. Come down here. You have worlml for the pub-
lic long enough. Now do something for your family. When here call on
me. Tell tJiem not a word, and not a cent /"
I obeyed this friendly and wise summons, not without regret. A
mirage of great usefulness rose before me. If I could hold out for
another year. But I had already held out so long that while it was
difficult to go it was impossible to stay. Edward Lawson, once a
Chartist schoolmaster in County Durham, England, had previously
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 51
recognized me at A public meeting in Albany. Of course we became
close friends. I had a claim on the county for some $30 or $40. He
gave me the money for it, and I got off down the river just as the
ice was closing in. My reception from that true and wise man ! — but
it is facts — not feelings must make up this record.
" Take your note book," said he, "and go round the water front-
age of New York and Brooklyn. Ascertain what property is to be
sold — the description, the owner and the price. Spend a whole
week at it. Then come to me with your notes and diagrams." I
did so. He put his fingers on one of the diagrams. "Secure that.
Here's a check for the purpose. You want employment, too. Begin
at once to improve it, and draw on me for means to carry on the
work. Such property," he added, " will be wanted, by and by, and
that which is even partially improved will have the first market."
Wise foresight. It came out like a prophecy.
I am now at work with men and horses turning tide water into
land. The ten hour system had been achieved by the mechanics of
New York, but the laborers had to work from "light to dark" —
wages 75 cents a day. Living was cheap, potatoes, meat, butter,
tea, sugar, coffee, &c., &c., all about half what they cost now (bon-
daged 1881). The anti-christian inhuman code of political
economy would have given me laborers of 12 to 14 hours a day for
75 cents. I fixed the time at 10 hours and the pay at seven York
shillings, 87 >£ cents.
I had felt the monotony of long hours at work, so I broke it by a
short rest and an allowance of ale in the forenoon and the same in
the afternoon.* I had brought my printing materials from Albany,
and my printing office in the rear of my Grand street house was let
at $5 a week and from it was issued the " Morning Post," by Joseph
Taylor, Geo. Bennett and T. Anderson Smith.
*A man toiling for live hours ;it a stretch feels considerably fagged dur-
ing the last hour. The thought that he has still a long time to work through
will tell upon him from the beginning. On the contrary, let it be " hurrah
boys ; four hours is the time !" and they will start \vith energy, continue
with cheerfulness, do the work " with a will" — and the result will not be a
heavy loss to the employer.
But, whether it does or not, it is just as useless for the employer to resist
a reduction of hours as it would be for him to resist the progress of enlight-
enment. With the immense and varied machinery, chemistry and the arts
generally, man may have not even three or four hours per day to work.
This, then , is the time — the time intended by that Divine Power. As man
became intellectual, those arts were given to him that he might have time
to cultivate that intellect.
52 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY J
[This I wrote at the time, twenty years ago, before the Corpora-
tion reign commenced. Under the reign of those monstrous tyrants
justice falls prostrate and progress turns back. The new condition
will be work all your waking hours for the smallest modicum that
will keep you alive, to work on, or till enough of Chinamen comes
over to take your place. ]
Mitchel Sanford had instituted a libel suit against me for com-
menting on his conduct at the trial of Van Steenberg. That libel
suit came on now after my return to Williamsburgh. My comments
had come as hard on Judge Parker himself as they did on Sanford.
And yet that hardened politician managed to try the suit. Sanford
begged the jury for a verdict, assuring them that he would not
touch a penny belonging to the defendant. The Judge charged
that though he understood a part of the jury was favorable to the
defendant, still, as Mr. Sanford would not take any money he .(the
Judge) thought it was their duty to agree on a verdict for the plain-
tiff. Of course he knew such was not their duty, and he knew San-
ford would take all he could get, but the jury took his advice to the
amount of $500. Sanford agreed to discharge this on the spot for a
sum of $60 of costs. Half of that sum I paid him down and the
other half I sent him from Williamsburgh by next mail. After which
he entered judgment against me (in Kings County where my prop-
erty lay) to the amount of $700, including costs.
COLONEL CEOOKE.
The reader has soon in preceding pages how vigilantly this Amer-
ican gentleman watched over and sustained me. He is now pro-
ceeding with me to Albany to move for a now trial and protect me
from this wrong. It is midwinter — the steamer is cutting her way
through the ice now forming on the Hudson. We are together in
the saloon and he thus speaks :
"Do you know why I come with you on this business?"
I spoke of his general disposition to do good.
"That disposition, if I have it, would not bring me so far and at
such a season. No, let me frankly tell you why I am here. I have
noted that your countrymen are very ingenious fellows — most of
them— so ingenious that if you ask them a question they give such
answer as may suit their purpose, whatever that purpose may be.
Now, I have watched you narrowly, since you came among us, both
in our personal intercourse and your writings, and if I had seen in
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 53
you the least tendency toward that kind of "ingenuity" I would
not turn round to serve you." And this man was an American, who
had labored through his long life to redeem from fraud the politics
of his country.
Arrived at Albany he saw Sanford and gave him a warning that I
will not write here. It resulted in $600 of a saving to me, and in
one other illustration of American character and " Chivalry in Mod-
ern Days."
THE GREAT FAMINE IN IRELAND.
It was now 1847, and the great land robbers of Ireland
who had always murdered on a scale of .some 70,000* a year
were now to murder by the million. The potato was a mass
of rottenness. Nothing else had for generations been left to
sustain the people, and now that it was gone the land rob-
bers insisted upon the Blasphemy called Rent for " their
land " all the same. So all the other products, grain, cattle,
even poultry and eggs,' were sold or seized upon to pay the
Blasphemy.
What are called Rockite Notices were put up in Galway
and other ports, declaring an embargo on the ships that were
carrying away the food. For answer horse, foot and artil-
lery were drafted in to offer a choice between being shot or
starved. A survivor of imprisonment in the black hole at
Calcutta exclaims, " Had we known what was before us, we
would have rushed on the bayonets of the Sepoys rather
than be driven into that hole."
The generous heart of America arose up far more gene-
rally than it did in the recent famine. For the need, though
great in '80, was far greater in '47. Every city and most
towns rose, and spontaneously contributed with unparalelled
generosity. In vain ! In vain ! And let us examine how
and why it was in vain. How the half million dead would
have been saved, and why they were lost.
In "Williamsburgh a meeting was called, at which no less
than six gentlemen, the elite of the place, made speeches from
the heart — besides calling on myself, a veteran of famines.
I said I had " seen cargoes of oatmeal consigned to principal
* See report of Government Commissioner adduced on O'Connell's trial,
also pamphlet of Manchester physician, declaring that number, and adding
that deaths rose or fell with the price of bread.,
54 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTUKY ;
men in my neighborhood (Donegal), for distribution. It
was grossly misapplied — reached only comparatively few of
those needing it. The Nesbit, before noticed in this book,
had his demesne adorned with walks, plantings, and a stone
bridge out of such a consignment, and half of it made its way
to the compost heap — heated and rotted, while people died
for want of it. Mere almsgiving would always run a risk like
that. Ample funds were now in the hands of the Relief
Committees. The price of breadstuff's in New York was two
to three cents a pound. The true way to meet the exigency
was to enter the market, buy up and send over by the cargo
to all the Irish ports — sink the freight, and sell at the New
York prices. This would drive all speculators out of the
market. It would cheapen food not only in Ireland, but in
England, Scotland, and even on the continent. Much domestic
work was always to be done. Some public works were com-
menced— more would follow — men would get work every-
where at say a shilling a day. That would buy 12 Ibs. of In-
dian meal or 8 Ibs. of wheat flour. In the cheapest of times
in Ireland, oatmeal was never less than two to three cents a
pound, and in cheap times no one died of hunger." The
meeting applauded this view, and drew up a resolution em-
bodying it, and instructing our committee to recommend it to
the National Committee sitting in Wall Street. They did
not object to this, but said it would do no harm to let it lie
over for a week, when they would call another meeting and
take final action on it. Alas ! alas ! They broke their prom-
ise— handed the money over to Wall Street, and called no
other meeting ! Had that gentleman who gave the largest
subscription ($225) been on that Committee that promise
had never been broken. The absence of honor in the local
and stupid obstinacy in the Wall street committee cost, I
sincerely believe, half a million of lives.
When this transpired, the whole ghastly scene that was to
follow rose up before me. I left niy work in other charge,
and went to the Committee in Wall Street. The Committee
Avould not act without the President. I continued to call
four days in succession before I found the President. Stated
my purpose — urged the facts known to me, and the endorse-
ment of our public meeting. " No !" he would not interfere
with THE LAWS OF TKADE. That was a thing that
must not be thought of. " But," I rejoined, " there are a.
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 55
million of lives at stake. THEY WILL BE LOST if you
do not suspend those laws for this brief season. If you do
suspend them, and adopt the plan approved by our public
meeting, you will xave every life. If you do not, they will
perish." He refused point blank to unsettle the " fixed prin-
ciple* of that quack science called Political Economy" I re-
tired. I stood stunned on the sidewralk — stunned with the
weight and vastness of my defeat. I had fought for a mil-
lion of human lives, and lost the battle — defeated by that
cast-iron fiend, begotten of Adam Smith. How truly was my
forebodings realized. Misapplication, fraud and rottenness
fell upon the almsgiving. In Mrs. Nicholson's "FAMINE IN
IRELAND" (Scribner, New York, 1851) I find the following :
" Let the policemen speak out if they will, and testify if many an injured
ton of meal has not been flung into' the sea at night from ports in Ireland,
which were sent to the poor, and by neglect spoiled, while the objects for
whom it was intended died without relief."
I also find this entry in my records :
A ROYAL FARCE.
" There is nothing new under the sun," said some sage of the olden time,
but he hadn't seen a "gracious Queen" of England put herself and her
household on short allowance of broad — and even that of inferior quality !
Can it bo that this exhibit of benevolence on the part of her majesty is
made for show, rather than for service. Really there are so many nooks
and corners in the least of her majesty's palaces that the facilities for smug-
gling bread enough for the " household " will be very great. When her ma-
jesty's equerry in waiting, who is never less than a lord's cousin or son, has
consumed his " pound of bread," the chances are that he will make up the
difference in confectionary, or odd crumbs.
It is melancholy to see a farce so exceedingly grave played in the face of
a famishing nation. Her Majesty's receipts, a year, amount to between half
a million and a million of dollars. Now, if she set apart five thousand dol-
lars of this for her support, and informed her equerrys, and grooms of the
stole, and ladies of honor, that they must board themselves for the nex^
three months. If she had done this and given the balance of her income to
help to save the lives of her "subjects," there would have been some sub-
stance in it. But her " gracious majesty " takes a cheaper path to charity.
Perhaps the bare supposition that her majesty, and Albert, and the Lord
Georges and the lady Janes, in waiting, will each get only a pound of coarse
bread in the 24 hours — that this supposition will be as good to the Irish peo-
ple as if each of them got the daily allowance himself."
The foregoing I find published at the time, but it is almost
56 THE ODD BOOK OV THE NINETEENTH CENTURA
too horrible for belief. If this woman had called together
her " faithful Commons " for a loan to save life as she is con-
tinually doing for purposes of destroying it, life could have
been saved by a dash of her pen. Was not the " pound of
bread" affair too clumsy — too insulting."
The Morning Post was feebly conducted. The editor, I. A.
Smith was retiring, and his partners, George Bennett and
Joseph Taylor asked me to take hold or lose the rent of
my office. I did. I thought I had no right to touch a
penny of money advanced for the dock work, and the
$5 paid my weekly expenses. I was wrong. My work
was worth my expenses. But I didn't think of that — took
hold — made partnership for a year. Compiled, reported, and
wrote leaders for that small daily for the whole year, and
overlooked and helped my men at the dock for ten hours
every day of that time. That formed one oddity. In look-
ing over that file I find another oddity — an already ancient
telegraph lying in ruin along our street — thus celebrated
TO THE LIGHTNING.
" Child of the marshalled clouds, whose playful form
I've watched careering through the skies of night,
The storm illumed by thee, I deemed no storm,
Thou wert so fitful, beautiful and bright.
Free'r than monarch of the billowy main,
Freer than eagle in his field of space,
Or Indian on his undiscovered plain,
Earth was thy sport, and Heaven thy dwelling place.
Thy freaks were brilliant and thy voice was loud,
Where cloud and counter cloud agreed to meet,
Till a chain rose from earth and pierced thy shroud
And brought thee trembling to the sage's feet.
Thy limbs lay lock'd in steel for half an age,
Fettered and valueless, until, at length,
Arose in Franklin's land another sage
Who gave commission to thy spirit's strength.
And thou — obedient as the carrier dove,
Goest on thy errand o'er the hair-line path,
Less frequently, alas ! the voice of love
Than of contention, bitterness and wrath.
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 67
Nations and men are rushing to thy shrine,
Thy voice and fame are heard from sea to sea !
But here— dismantled poles and shattered twine.
Are all the homage that we pay to thee.
Is Williamsburgh, alas 1 so dull and dead ?
Is it so dumb, and lame, and deaf, and blind ?
Peace, fool I It only goes so fast ahead,
That it has left the Telegraph behind.
That's it, Mr. Editor. How many inhabitants will AVO have by next year ?
And what do you think will lots be worth ? LIGHTNING ROD."
The following are also scintillations from the Pout:
JUNE 12. — "There is nothing presented in this Republic so. calcu-
lated to give us pain as the vulgar, coarse and repulsive language and
general demeanor of too many of our boys — the future sovereigns
of the Bepublic. The old Republics had their philosophers, who
instructed the Youth — taught them, in uubought lectures, love of
country, reverence for her institutions, a sense of their own dignity
and of the important and honorable duties they were destined to
fulfil. But who teaches our youth? and how are they taught?
"Many and many a time have we fallen into this painfully interest-
ing train of thought, but we generally forbore giving expression to
it. We did so under the sad conviction that to speak of any-
thing of mere public interest and utility would be singing lullabys
to the tempest."
Every LIVE man was attached to one or other of the two
parties. I did not knowT, nor perhaps care, how many enemies
I made by such articles as this:
JUNE 18. — "The infamous Slidell McKenzie, who hanged to death
three American citizens in contempt of the most solemn laws of the Re-
public, has been appointed to the command of another of our national
vessels. The first time he is becalmed again, in need of a little
pleasureable excitement, he has the same permission to hang up as
many more for his amusement. And what are we to say to the
government that thus rewards him for his heinous crimes, and puts
him in a way to continue them ?
" 'Here!' the politicians will exclaim, 'this is anti-neutral. You
are finding fault with the Democratic government.'
"Gentlemen, is it any comfort to you to hear that a Whig govern-
ment was just as bad? When McKenzie came home with the blood
58 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURA ,'
of those three men on his soul, the Whig government took him out
of the hands of the civil authorities, and transferred him to the
hands of co-criminals of his own kind, to screen him from justice.
Fellows who had for long years smacked their champagne with all
the more gusto that groans of tortured seamen still rang in their
ears — seamen, who are treated worse than wild beasts - — who are
fed out of a rice trough, while Oriental luxury reigns in the cabin.
Public Opinion stepped in, however, and rebuked the government.
McKenzie was kept at home, and, riding out on a spirited horse, at
Tarrytown, he was thrown — his foot hung in the stirrup, and the
horse dashed along till he avenged the three innocent seamen."
JUNE 20. — ' ' Discover a fossil turned out by a stone-breaker. Advise
geologists to print instructions for quarrymen."
FOURTH OF JULY. — "We have wisdom to plan, activity to urge,
strength and skill to execute. Many a future city reposes in the
unawakened resources of this great land. Genius will arise; the
Arts be restored and pushed forward ; Science will tower to heights
proportioned to the extent of our domain. But there is danger —
danger that all those resources will be directed too much to indi-
vidual aggrandizement. On that single pivot hangs the fate of the
Kepublic. Let us begin, then, individually, to lay the foundation
for national virtue. If you can do good to anyone without loss— or
even with trifling loss — do it. Better your axe should be blunted
— your umbrella lost — your wheel-barrow broken — than that you
should contract that impenetrable selfishness which, when it be-
comes general, destroys nations."
YACHTING. — AUGUST 16.
" Once more upon the waters — yet once more ;
And the waves bound beneath me like a steed
That knows his rider."
"Unquestionably, usefulness you are a useful thing, and we could
delight to see you going down into the deep future growing more
perfect and powerful — till at last you made the long latent forces
of Nature do all the work — and gave man — every man — one long
and joyous holiday.
But the quick and accelerating march of utility has a mortal and
relentless tendency to crush out the beautiful — itself from existence
— its worship from the human heart.
The chivalry of ancient times is gone, and in its field stands
modern conventionalism. The short, quick bang of the fowling
piece has forever (or has it forever?) chased away tho primitive,
OR, THE SPIRIT OP CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 59
graceful and intensely interesting sport of "Hawking." The echoes
of America have hardly ever been awakened by the ' ' Horn of Chase" —
nor has, that we know of, the deep baying of the "opening pack"
ever loaded the breeze of a cis- Atlantic vale. The free saddle has
given place to the parlor snuggery of the light wagon. Men fish
now-a-days with a silver hook, and sail in steam tugs !
Utility ! stern, loveless, unpoetic power ! We welcome your sway
— universal drudge of a universal holiday. But why should you
kill off all the beautiful things, and sear up the still more beautiful
feelings of the past? What were the holiday you promise us, if those
beautiful things and those delightful feelings are not to make a part
of it?
Well, it is one consolation to know that the iron of the times has
not entered into all the souls among us — that there are still a few
(and their number increasing) who hold the philosophy that enjoy-
ment, under guidance, is wealth — the only wealth a man really
possesses, and that all other merely slips through his fingers."
In the absence of news I strove to give variety to the paper,
and force it into usefulness. I mention this as a contrast to
what follows.
But at last the year had run round, and the partnership
expired. The paper had paid every one connected with it a
fair compensation. To make it day work for the printers,
it had been changed to an evening paper. It was a complete
success. But it was only an honest success, and to my aston-
ishment the. partners declared off. Bennett was going to
journey work, he said, and he wished me to remove the ob-
ligation to take my materials at $500, which had been agreed
upon. It would do me no good to hold it over him, and have
it weigh on his mind wherever he might go to work. I
believed his falsehood for truth, and gave him a formal quit-
tance. That accomplished, out came the prospectus of the
Williamsburgh Times. Behind it stood all the prospective
thieves of both the political parties, .and the prospective
harvest was so tempting as to seduce men naturally inclined
to be honest. Incensed at this baseness, and foreseeing its
object, I resolved to carry on the paper, and employed two
brothers — professed Land Reformers, and good printers—
to help me through. Of money I had all that was necessary.
I changed it back to a morning paper. But the prospective
thieves seduced those two men so effectually that they blew
out the lights and left the office late in the night without a
fiO THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY;
word of warning. I could not discharge my men at the dock,
and cease their work. When my family got floating-about
printers from New York, a chum would beckon them out,
and, after brief conference, they would return for hat and
coat, and disappear. The conspirators (for that the sequel
proved them to be) had money and political preferment to
offer, and several of the seduced got political places which
they hold to this day. The tax-payers looked stupidly on,
not realizing what was to come. I concluded that the taxes
would be doubled — perhaps trebled. But I had not the
least apprehension of the audacity shown by those political
thieves. First they went to their brother rogues in Albany,
and got the public meetings abolished »,kat heretofore author-
ized the public expenditure. They substituted an elected
Board of Finance. But in its first year the rogues spent
(stole) $30,000 above what the Finance Board prescribed.
The next or second year, their brothers in Albany abolished
the Finance Board, and let them loose at taxing (stealing)
without restraint. In the seven years ending 1855, the
population had doubled, and the taxes went up from $23,000
to $313,000, or over twelve dollars for one.
An instructive phenomenon here presents itself. During
the existence of the Post the activity of Thought was remark-
able, if not unprecedented, in a population of 10,000 people.
The Lyceum, the Land Reformers, the Liberty Party, the
Workingmen's Library Association, were in full activity,
with lectures, meetings and discussions. In the f oh1 owing
year, under the sordid reign of the thieves' organ, all this
was reversed. Meetings, discussions, lectures — all passed
utterly away. There is a theory that it is not only
the sophistry of dishonest writers that misleads, but that the
virus of their corrupt minds flows into and vitiates the mind
of the public. The going out of the Pout and the coming in
of the Times furnished a very distinct evidence on this
subject. And this: .
A negro troupe advertised a week's performance in Lexing-
ton Hall, of singing and stuff like this:
Miss Lucy had a baby,
And just when it was bo'n
She dipped it in the batter pot,
And called it Lucy Long."
"Like to like," the Times gave them the full use of its
Oil, THE SPIRIT OP CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS.
columns, and bespoke for them a full success. The Post (it
was yet in existence) denounced an exhibition so degrading
to public taste, and after the first abortive night, it disap-
peared.
MEAGHER AND O'BRIEN.
About this time ('52) Thomas Francis Meagher made his
way from Australia to New York. His fame had long pre-
ceded him, and the announcement of a lecture by him brought
together some 5,000 people. I was present, and in relation
to it addressed a letter to Mr. Meagher, which I abridge :
"This letter is to convey to you my protest against the manner in
Which you trifled with the time and attention of the thousands of
ardent men who attended at your lecture.
No human being who believed in your reputation could deem it
possible that you would lecture on any other subject than the late
disastrous events in Ireland — her present position, and the condition
of things in Europe and here, as those might bear upon and affect
that position.
Instead of that you gave us — you gave that immense meeting — a
lecture on the twaddling inanities of Australian History. Australian
History ! Well and truly did you tell us, at the outset, that her his-
tory is "a white page." That she had no history.
What were you afraid of, sir, that you would not approach the
"imperfect light" that now hangs over Ireland, and endeavor to
lessen that imperfection. Who were you afraid of, sir, that you
would not approach her "defeat," for the purpose of preparing the
way, that it might one day be turned into victory?
"Our gracious little Queen," as Dan used to call her. "Her popu-
larity it is that holds Republican ideas in check!" so you tell us.
Ah, sir, that mind which could have the least reverence for such a
piece of furniture is but poor soil for the growth of Kepublican prin-
ciples. How many good women in England, and in Ireland, too, die
yearly of famine and the diseases it induces? Is not every brilliant
in that woman's hair — every hair itself — purchased with a human
life?
You mistake the field of your power, if you suppose it lies in
paying court even to female crowned heads, or sly, gouty conserva-
tives. Such field will lead you to nothing, sir, but ignoble sloth and
obscurity.
Once a true Republic shall be formed in this country— and a true
62 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY;
Republic must guarantee to every one of its citizens the right to dig bread
out of that Republican soil— once this is done, and done I trust it soon
will be, let us cast about for a wise disposition of the hearts and rifles
that are ready for work . in this country. Such a disposition as will
send forth from these sliores that redemption to Ireland, and to Eng-
land, too, that those unhappy nations are not likely to soon achieve
by their owrn unaided exertions. I have the honor to remain,
Your obedient servant,
THOMAS AINGE DEVYR."
For this a torrent of anonymous vituperation was dashed
upon me in our local press, ending in this way:
" ' Tis sweet for one's country to lie;'
to die for it is trifling. This is the teaching of our second Daniel, and truly
he ought to know. Practice is said to make perfect, and he must therefore
be as near perfection in this matter as it is possible for man to attain."
I was not very long out of London at the time, where
those connected with the press must take the ten-pace risk
if they are insulted. So I wrote to the editor:
" Now, sir, this is not the fair thing. You know it isn't— and I trust if any
of your correspondents has anything personal to growl out for the future, you
will let him growl it himself, not make you his mouth-piece. You and I, Mr.
Editor, know the code in respect to these things ; your correspondent evident-
ly does not. But probably he will bear teaching. I am likely to enter upon a
work in which I must adopt the motto of Ossian's Fingal, 'Never seek the
combat, nor shun it when it comes.'
Now, sir, if things have gone to the devil in Europe, and if they are going
to the devil here ; if the sword reigns supreme in the one, and if cheating
and corruption and hypocrisy are beginning to reign supreme in the other ;
and if I am little over forty years old, and have little else to do than amuse
myself by making war on these things for twenty or thirty years to come —
and if I should determine so to do, it will be necessary, at the outset, for
the conditions to be made known. These public things are the legitimate
field of controversy. It is not necessary for men to turn aside from that
field, for the purpose of slandering my private character. No man of honor
and taste will do it ; and if others will, I can only defend myself as circum-
stances may require.
This is indeed a grave matter ; far, far too grave for buffoonery, though
buffoons may not be aware of the fact. Liberty is openly struck down, and
writhing from the White Sea to the Mediterranean, In Great Britain she is
permitted to danee in her chains, to the tune of "Britons never will be
slaves." In America, corruption is throned in our capitals, and stalking
abroad over the land. Is there nothing to do for such men as Meagher — in
view of the ruin accomplished in Europe and impending here?"
OR, THE SPIBIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 63
The editor actually tried to show that there was nothing
in the foregoing paragraph to which I could take exception.
And the libeler came out with the following denial of his pub-
lished words. I quote it to show the depths to which vicious
natures will descend:
To THE EDITORS OF THE "INDEPENDENT PKESS:"
Gentlemen— You are quite right in the construction which you place upon
the sentence in my last communication to which the great Devyr takes such
signal exception. To assail the personal character of Mr. D , least of all
in respect to his veracity, was never my thought. I have no knowledge
upon which to base such an assault, and no cause to make it if I had.
"When Mr. O'Brien touched these shores I enclosed to him
these strictures on Mr. Meagher's debut. I told him of the
degrading uses to which our unreflecting countrymen are
put by their self-seeking leaders. I had been pre-
sented to Mr. O'Brien, in London, so early as 1836, as a
Land Reformer, in which good work he was then ardently
engaged. But I waited for some days in vain for any response
to my communication.
Fearing to misinterpret him into a mere member of the
Irish Gironde,* I again wrote to him, that there might be no
mistake. The following is his reply :
"WASHINGTON, March 9, 1859.
Sir : —I did not answer your ilrst letter because I was unwilling to say any-
thing that would offend you ; but since you seem to interpret my silence as
a want of respect, I think it right to say that the perusal of any publication
disparaging to my friend, Mr. Meagher, can afford me no gratification, but,
on the contrary, much pain. I have the honor to be
Your obedient servant,
WM. SMITH O'BRIEN.
THOMA.S A. DEVYB, Esq.
To this note I sent the following reply — intended less for
Mr. O'Brien himself than for the public:
WILLIAMSBULG:T, March 16, 1859.
Sir : — I did not suppose my strictures on any of your compatriots of '48
would afford you "gratification." I did not intend to pay court to you in
any such dishonorable way. How could you suppose I did?
On the contrary, I believed it would give you " pain" to read, as it gave
me pain to be compelled to write them.
But what then? Can you not look a truth in the face because it may give
you pain? Will you give no heed to facts bearing on the fate of the Irish
*" Gironde" was the middleocracy of France, who would substitute their
own power for that of the monarchy.
64 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY;
nation because they also bear on the conduct of one of your friends? Revers-
ing the famous aphorism, do you indeed exclaim, "Not that I love Home
less, but that I love Ccesar more ? "
And yot Ireland looks up to you, and her children and friends in this
country look up to you, with a vague hope. A hope that, perhaps, God has
chastened you into a great deliverer.
Tell them to dismiss that hope. And, above all, tell them that their own
domestic oligarchs press upon them with a weight closer and heavier than
the foreign chain !
"Where is enslaved man to turn his eyes for hope? Those who, like myself,
had an early struggle with poverty — who know what it is to stare actual
famine in the face— have they any power to make themselves felt? Alas ! no.
Their sense of wrong may drive them to the shadowy hillside, and the night-
echoes of their musket may ring tho knell of the individual oppressor. But
they possess no other eloquence.
" Knowledge to their eyes her ample page,
Rich with the spoils of time, did ne'er unroll ;
Chill penury repressed their noble rage,
Aud froze the genial current of the soul."
Sir, if you realized the wrongs of these unhappy men — if you were fit to be
their deliverer— you would bid "friendship" stand back. You would
trample on politeness. You would thank God, who had spared your days
and given you power to aid in righting them, and you would devote to the
holy work every waking moment of your future life.
But will you do this work? Do you oven comprehend it? Do you under-
stand the right of that miserable man bending over his spade. His right to
a sustaining spot on this earth as a child of our common Father? Do you
realize this Great Truth: that as the "structure of his lungs gives him a
man's right in the atmosphere," so does the " structure of his stomach " give
him a man's right in the soil?
No, sir, you do not realize those things. You are a gentleman — an " esta-
ted" gentleman — yourself. It is two thousand years since the Gracchii
perished. And their order— has it produced one inheritor of their virtues
up to the present day. "Ireland for the Irish." What does it mean, sir?
Is it that a few Irish lawyers and Irish gentlemen shall "play at govern-
ment" and TAXES without interference from British power? If so, a fig for
it. I would not raise my linger to produce such a change. But if " Ireland
for the Irish" means that the Irish land " belongs " to the Irish people ; that
It ought to furnish them with " plentiful tables " and " happy homes ;" that
the landlord or sheriff shall " not vex them " any more ; — if it means that the
government of Ireland shall be the collective will of her whole adult man-
hood ; that its paramount duty shall be to regulate equitably the ownership
of this Irish land— then, sir, is he worthy the name of man who would not
almost wade the Atlantic to strike for such a Revolution?
I have the honor, &c.,
THOMAS AINGE DEVYJ$,
OK, THE SPIBIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 65
KOSSUTH — HUNGARY — ENGLAND.
I find the following in my printed records of 1851 :
Men's opinions differ now and then. I suppose it is right. At any rate,
it is our nature. In reference to the Hungarian affair, mine agreed with my
fellow-citizens' up to the point where Kossutli so zealously endorsed the
British Government. Now, that government is distinguished from the other
despotisms of Europe only by its subtlety — as the serpent in the garden was
distinguished "from all tho other beasts of the field." When, therefore,
Kossuth told the people of England that they were "not free because they
were great and prosperous, but they were great and prosperous because
they were free," I stopped short. When he told the English people that the
bulwark of their freedom was their municipalities, it is no wonder I cried,
" hold ! " For those very municipalities had put steel handcuffs upon me at
the bidding of the government. In fact, the big tarantula has his den in
Downing street (London), and all the municipaUties are so many of his
\claws.
~~ I believed that these empty and lying boasts about British liberty were
calculated to discourage the democratic element everywhere, so I published
my views on the whole matter, and sent them on to Washington. They did
good, and helped to kill off the impostor when he reached that capital. The
following is an extract I wrote and published while Kossuth was yet in Eng-
land, and before he reached this land, where the shrewd Yankees let him
x- swindle them out of some seventy thousand dollars :
Hopes are built upon it that, in the event of Hungary again raising the standard of
Independence, England •will join in aiding the new nationality. I have no evidence
before me that England will do any such thing— especially if the new nation aspires
to the rank of a Republic resting on the sovereignty of the whole people. Let us
briefly analyze the nature of England's institutions, social and political.
All the land of the British Islands, and all the minerals, are in the hands of an
aristocracy— " the landed aristocracy." Nearly all the capital, the manufacturing
machinery, and the commerce of the nation are in the hands of another aristocracy—
" the moneyed aristocracy." The Itglslation of the country is divided between them,
and pretty equally divided. The laboring millions are excluded from all participa-
tion in the controlling of public affairs. These two aristocracies issue their will,
christened by the name of "law," and enforce obedience to it by the mediation of 50.-
000 bayonets, aided by an army hardly less numerous of rural police and municipal
constables. Liberty perished alike beneath Augustus and
«* The thirty
Mock tyrants when Rome's annals wax but dirty.1*
The first typifies your Russian Czar, the second your British Oligarchy. The one
is the iiend touched with Ithuriel's spear up in its natural proportions The other is
the same fiend groveling on its bellv in the garden and breathing falsehoods into the
xr< man's ear. Which of the vwo despotisms is the best or the w-»rst in practice I will
not undertake to say. The English Parliament— the Reformed Parliament— voted
to Adelaide, dowager of William IV., half a million of dollars a year, and a seventy-
four-gun ship to jaunt her up the Mediterranean for the benefit of her health. This
66 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY;
to the very woman who drove the country to the verge of civil war in 1832, by oppos.
ing the Reform Bill. The workingman, or his wife or mother in poverty and old age
were, by the vote of that same Parliament, consigned to a prison workhouse, starved
upon fifteen pence worth of food in the week, and the very hair shaved off their heads,
as an indignity added to their miserable condition !
This is a sample of government justice in England. Of government rapacity it is
enough to say that it has the working millions formed into one vast gang of white
slaves, toiling in the field, and in the mine, and in the factory, ior a subsistence far
less adequate and assured than is given to the very horses that are yoked to the
wagon and the plough. Two dollars and a half per week will more than average the
reward of labor. "With five hundred dollars a week, an English aristocrat would con-
sider himself a beggar. The one produces all England'* wealth ; the othtr docs
nothing but debauch in London, or ride after his hounds.
TAX-PAYEES' MOVEMENT.
It is now 1855, and local taxes have so enormously increased that
Directors of the City Bank and others subscribed three or four hun-
dred dollars to start a weekly paper to combat and expose the rob-
bery. At the suggestion of Mr. * * * they appoint me to take
charge of it, with Field, Cashier of the Bank, to assist me. He
showed me the list of subscribers names, and said he would collect
the monies. Meanwhile I need not delay. I could borrow a sum
from Mr. * * *, which I did. Purchased press and material.
Founded the Tax-Payer's Association — held weekly meetings for
several months. About twenty reformers, all poor men, attended
those meetings, and an opposing number of taxeaters also attended
them. Not an owner of property came to help us. Not a subscriber
to the press fund excepting that one man whom we all know by this
time. He subscribed double and paid it. But I came out a loser of
several hundred dollars and six months effort.*
Floating-about printers are easily bribed, and the taxeaters had
plenty of money to bribe them. So as soon as I employed one a
visitor would come and ask him out to confer. He would return,
put on his coat, and leave, just as it was done by the same political
rogues in the affair of the Morning Post. Mr. Field went over bodily
*It is believed that Tax Assessors connive with rich men. And if a formi-
dable opposition presents itself lower the tax demands to get rid of the
opposition. This was probably done in the present instance. I presented
that thought to Mr. * * *. He gave me written authority to have the Bank
taxes so examined as to either disprove or confirm the suspicion. Finding
what my purpose was the Bank officials baffled it for weeks, and finally
\vouUl not allow the books to be examined.
OK, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DA^S. 67
to the taxeaters— foil into ill health, and his brother had to take care
of him till he died.
I worked at case and the press myself, with my two little sons to
help me, and finally fell dangerously sick, and the politicians were
triumphant, and the taxpayers were and are just where they ought
to be, Bobbed — by taxation the highest, local Debt the largest, and
government perhaps the very worst in the world.
The programme of the Taxpayers' Party was thus set forth :
" The object of the Party is to put down fraud, waste and oppression
in our City and County government, and to rouse up into life its laziness
and inefficiency.
To restore the rate of taxation that prevailed ten years ago. A man who
paid live dollars on his house and lot then, ought not to pay one cent more
now,
There have been as many improvements made since that time — houses built,
factories established, wharves and stores erected— as are sufficient to bear
the legitimate increase in the expense of government.
Tax-payers ! Have your burdens rapidly increased from year to year till
they are now insupportable?
Have these burdens driven away New York capital to other places? Is
not Williamsburgh left as poor as a church mouse?
Does anything flourish but the office holders?
Have the watch dogs of the Press leagued with the robbers? Have they
remained silent? Have they taken their share of the spoils? Have they
worried and bitten the good men among you who would dare to disturb the
public thieves?
Have they driven out all truth from their columns? Have they presented
you, for years, with falsehood and carricatures?
There are in every town and ward discreet and intelligent men who have
not been much mixed up in politics. Let these men consult with each
other, and fix upon a proper 'man say for the office of Alderman.
Let a requisition be got up asking him to serve — Let that requisition be
carried round to every voter — let all sign it who are determined to put an
eTfid to this state of affairs. Primary meetings have become odious, and in
our programme they are unnecessary. A gentleman nominated in this way
can hardly fail of being elected .
Ten years ago we used to meet in mass convention, men of all parties,
and debate what reforms we wanted from the Legislature. We used to ad-
journ from night to night until we agreed upon the necessary measures.
Then we sent a deputation to Albany with those measures, and they came
back to us enacted into law. Why is this not done now? " O ! the Bennetts,
the Fields, the Sparks, the Comstocks, the Huntlys and their drummed up
recruits, would not let us" do it." Ah well ! If that indeed, be so, let us
68 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY J
like the falling Csesar, cover our faces with our garment and decently resign
ourselves to our fate."
THE COKKUPT COKPOKATION PRESS.
The main reason urged by me against feeding this foul press, was, not
the fifty thousand dollars a year, and more, that it costs the city — not the
many thousands more that it sacks by the numerous Sheriff's sales brought
upon us by the deplorable state of our affairs — not the sums of blackmail
which, to my cost, I know it is in the habit of levying : O ! no— NOT these
by any means. If George Bennett would take his sheep's head back to
Cockneydom and keep it there ; and if the other men of types and lamp-
black (who are less hurtfull, because they are less mendacious and veno-
mous than he is), if they would all take themselves off, and guarantee us
against another batch of the same sort — I, for one, would vote them tJie fifty
thousand dollars a year, during their natural lives — rather than not get rid
Of them.
And never did a plundered city make as good a bargain before, as this
would be for us. Why? Simply because the $1,800,000,* which are plun-
dered off us yearly, is plundered off us by means of this corrupt and vil-
lainous press. Their falsifications — their concealments — their slanders of
our best public men who does not know these were the things which run
the plunder up to an amount so enormous? Well did Madame de Sael say :
" In the same way as regular troops are more formidable than militia
to the independence of the people, so do hired writers deprave and mislead
public opinion much more than could take place when men communed
only by words, and formed their opinions by facts which fell under their
own observation."
We have now " hired writers"— hired, paid, fed, by the men who literally
" reel to bed " under the weight of our plunder.
" The Flint, one day reproached the Steel, for striking it so hard in order
to bring forth its fire. " It is no pleasure to me," said the steel. " This
hard striking injures — wears — and cuts me up — as much as it does you.
But, though you are full of fire, when would you give sparks if I did not
strike you hard?" " There may be some reason in that," returned the flint,
"and is it possible this hard striking is disagreeable to you as well as to
me? And does it happen only because I will not give fire without it? Let
me reflect."
The enemies of Reform will, of course, resort to every possible untruth.
\ Among the rest I am too " impetuous — too fiery." I am. Far too much so
I for my own welfare and quiet. I am The Steel because they are The Flint.
Here follow items and incidents connected with this effort:
" Of our first number we printed 3,000 copies. The printer's bill amounted
to just $27 — paper, 15.50— placards, advertising. &c., brought up the total to
It is now some eight or ten millions, with a debt approaching forty millions.
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 69
over $77, leaving all the editorial work — all the examination into public
records. &c., to go " free, gratis, for nothing."
Now, 3,000 copies, at three cents each, would come to ninety dollars, out
of which the carriers receive $30 for their labor. Then there is the trouble
and loss in collecting, which will bring down the receipts to $50, or less, for
what cost $77, with editorial labor, office rent, &e., <fcc., thrown into the
bargain.
I did some advertising, but got no pay for it. Mr. * * * ordered
the Insurance Co. and Bank to advertise. They did, but so managed
as not to pay me a cent.
I give here the record of one of our meetings as published at the
time in the Taxpayer. It is strikingly illustrative of the good that
may lie dormant in the human mind :
" Mr. Field, now justly doubtful of his power to further perplex and mis-
load us ; was, by some lucky chance, accompanied by ex-Maj7or Wall. That
gentleman threw himself into the breach. Told us that we "wanted no re-
formers." That we " would have none." That men were elected before as
' Reformers" who, as soon as they got in " set to stealing the money," this
was said with an emphasis and gesture toward Mr. Devyr ; as if that indi-
vidual had been a public plunderer, and was now at last detected, and
dragged to light by the great discernment of Mr. Wall.
Mr. Devyr said : If knaves called themselves Reformers and got into
office by that means, it did not sully the character of those true men who
labored for Reform and neither received nor asked office or reward. He,
Mr. D. defied Mr. Wall and the most malignant press in the city, to charge
him with one dishonest or dishonorable act during the seventeen years he
hid been connected with Williamsburgh. He could say as much for
the Chairman, Jas. A. Pyne, and Secretary John Tobitt, who always
were Reformers of abuse; and for Mr. Stearns, also, who had done
much for the public cause. This stale plan of abolishing a church because
two or three knaves might creep into it, was scarcely worthy of Mr. Wall.
Thus admonished Mr. Wall proceeded to address the meeting. A
most able address, little in accordance with the spirit he indicated a
few minutes before. He said :
" Though frequently in public office, this was the first time he presented
himself to address a public meeting. He did so now because he felt a
deep interest in the subject that had brought them together. That interest
had extended to the whole consolidated city, but especially to the Easter^
District. He had long watched the movements that were going on ; and it
was now time for every man to buckle on his armor. He had seen a " Re-
form Party" arise before now ; and it elected a City Clerk and Street Com-
missioner—and in their time of office nothing but ignorance und careless-
ness prevailed ', except, indeed, they contrived to do wrong. Contracts for
70 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY ;
streets were estimated at $2.94 per foot, and entered on the books at $4.94.
These things were followed by defalcations— public stealings he must call
them ; and so, every man who owned a piece of property, or rented a house
was compelled to pay them. Why was this done ? Because people let
evil men control their affairs. Men looked at their tax bills — grumbled —
swore a little — but paid ; and when the next election came round, voted for
whatever man their party might nominate, be he bad or good.
He had known nominating committees the chairman of which ought to be
in the Penitentiary. Let us break these nominations— let us henceforth
know the men we vote for. If we do not know them ourselves, let us in-
quire of our neighbors, who do know them. A Tax commissioner even
boasted that with $1,200 salary he made $20,000 a year, though the same
man was not fit to earn $700 a year in any legitimate capacity.
This was the kind of men we sent to the Common Council, instead of men
who would stand up fearlessly and do their duty. Did any man ever know
of such a robbed city ? And who was to blame ? Every one of us who did
not compel Justice to be done. When he found that a Collector with a
salary of $1,200 a year could spend $1,200 to secure his re- election he said to
the Comptroller : That man must be stealing. Tho Comptroller replied that
couldn't be as he made oath every week that he returned all the monies re-
ceived by him. Oh yes ! he swore first rate. At last he (Mr. W.) called a
private meeting of the Council and on examination it was found that the
money was gone,— and soon after the Collector followed. Then the Know-
Nothings nominated a man who could wield a club as a Sheriff's deputy
and knock an Irishman down. This man was to show them a " model Col-
lector," but such a model he (Mr. W.) did not wish to see again. Here a
gentleman in the crowd (Mr. Miller) asked did not he, Mr. Wall, as Mayor,
certify to his election ?
Mr. Wall replied that he did nothing of the kind. That he had no author-
ity in it.
Mr. Miller said when in the lobby of the Common Council, he had objected
against the election of Mr. Braisted there was a cry raised, " put him out"
Mr. Wall had named no man.
Mr. Miller. We all know him.
Mr. Wall — Oh ! ye do — do you ? (Laughter and cheers.) He resumed : —
One bill for $8,000 was presented — it was returned and cut down to $5,000.
Then an Aid. asked was it low enough. He (Mr. Wall) said— No ! He be-
lieved very little if any of it was due. The Aid. said ho thought so too, but
he voted for it notwithstanding and it was passed. They had all been
asleep : but now they were going to wake up. He spoke of part of a lot
that had been bought for an engine house, at $2,200. He (Mr. W.) owned
land in the same place and would be glad to get $1,000 for a full lot. He
asked the man, who told him, how the price came to be so high ? " Ob."
said he, " it was bought for an Engine house !" (Laughter and cheers.)
Thus acted our Aldermen. And they could act thus for two years after
we elected them. If we hired a servant and found he was unfaithful wf>
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 71
could discharge him. But we couldn't discharge an Alderman and if you
- talked of such a thing, he would raise h — 11 with you. So badly were our
. ptreets paved that a gentleman coming to one of them was requested to
turn back — as the Inspector was coming to view it, and if the horse trod on
it some of the stones might sink in. (Great laughter and cheers.)
Mr. Wall concluded by saying that there was sickness in his family — that
money could not purchase him to be present to-night ; but that he felt it was
the sacred duty of all good men to come forward and put an end to those
things. He retired amid a round of applause.
Byron talks thus of first speeches :
" I had forgotten but must not forget
An orator, the latest of the session,
Who had delivered well a very set,
Smooth speech, his first and maidenly transgression,
Upon debate— the papers echoed yet,
With his debut which made a strong impression,
And ranked with what is every day displayed
The best first speech that ever yet was made."
There was nothing " set" or at all " smooth" in this first speech
of Mr. Wall. It was the welling up of the honest feeling that lay at
the bottom of his heart. If Mr. Wall had cherished and brought
out those feelings that were natural to him he would have been a
very useful and very distinguished man. But the base natures that
surrounded him
" Repressed his noble rage
And froze the genial current of his soul."
as those base natures did with many a naturally good man like Win.
Wall. I give these details because they are sharply illustrative of
American government and American character.
POLICE.
About this time I had not as good an opinion of our police force as
I afterwards found it deserved. I had not, as yet, realized that my
life, or the life of any citizen, was absolutely at their disposal. And
•when I found that not one in a hundred of them availed himself of
his privilege, I could not but feel both kindly and grateful to them.
Many a time since, I have taken off my mental hat and thanked
them for not killing me as they passed me by. But the Tax-payers'
Movement roused animosity, I think on both sides. Mine took this
satirical shape :
" Let others sing of battle steeds,
Of rifles and of wars,
And tell us of their gallant deeds
Beneath the stripes and stars;
72 THE ODD BOeE QP THE NINETEENTH CENTURY J
Give me the star beneath whose beam
You neither work nor beg —
The star below my shoulder seam,
The stripe upon my leg.
The Freedom's star, whose gallant show
Waves to the breeze on high ;
The stripe that joins that star— a bow
Of promise in the sky.
Well, you look up to see them float —
You — hoist them up a peg ;
But I— my star is on my coat,
My stripe is on my leg.
That stripe, you say, in better days
Waved o'er young Freedom's Band —
That star shot down its virgin rays,
To light a happy land !
Bosh ! Put this lager to your throat,
And drink it to the dregs ;
And toast the star upon my coat,
The stripe upon my legs !
No more of stripe, by tempest driven
Above its wall of oak —
Of star, that from the blue of Heaven
Lights up the cannon's smoke !
Tobacco smoke is sweeter far,
Among those brandy kegs.
Hurrah ! then, tor the stripe and star
On me and on my legs !
The following appears in one of the last numbers (VII.) of the
Taxpayer :
" Tte incessant thougl* and physical labor which have pressed upon me in
this movement, have so utterly broken my health that I must travel. My
own family pant this sheet. They are obtaining proficiency daily, and will,
1 think, keep up the weekly issue during my absence. But let -the citizens
count nothing on me. If they are ready to free this distressed city they can
easily do so. If they are not, they must suffer on, on."
And they did and do suffer on to an extent which we shall see as
we proceed.
It was my purpose to record impunity given to crime by
American Jurisprudence. But the early records preserved for this
purpose were dwarfed out of existence by the examples almost in-
credible that now, '81, force themselves on our attention every day.
If a sailor drowned passengers in mid-ocean and got off with three
f" OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 73
months imprisonment — if a U. S. Commander murdered at the yard-
arm three innocent men in contempt of the express law of the Ke-
public and got off without censure — if a counsel betrayed to the
gallows the prisoner he was appointed to defend, later events far
more atrocious crowded in so fast as by comparison to render such
small mattefs not worth notice.
Our absurd and wicked diplomacy began to attract attention at
this time. It drew forth expositions like this :
HOME MISSIONS AND FOKEIGN MISSIONS.
" It is true another kind of diplomacy belongs to the Kepublic. A
mission of our pioneer ambassadors into our royal back woods.
This Home Missionary, after, felling and digging, and ploughing
enough for his family's use, has a little extra time which he would
fain apply to fencing, humanizing the precincts of his cabin, perhaps
constructing a rude cradle in which to rock little Billy. But this
would be quite unreasonable. He should rather employ this extra
time to raise «xtra corn or wheat, drive it ten or twelve miles to
market, and turn it into money. One will bring fifty cents per
bushel and the other fifteen.
The price may be small. The labor to produce it may be ardu-
ous. The very toil of carrying it to market may be worth half the
amount that his sales will bring. But he has at least one thing to
cheer him in his hard struggle. It is the reflection that when he has
succeeded in scraping together $200, and when he has paid it into
the National Treasury for his land, it will be patriotically applied
to buy "Opera tickets " for the young gentlemen and ladies of our
foreign Ambassador's suite.
It is true, when returning from market, empty-handed to his
lonely cabin in the woods — when the barefooted little ones
run to lisp their sire's return,
And climb his knee the envied kiss to share,"
a thought may come over him — a fierce and sorrowful thought — that
the money which he received for his wheat and corn would have
bought many a little necessary bitterly wanted by his own wife and
children.
Well, they must put up with the privation. There is no cure. A
patriotic government has decided that the backwoodsman should
rather furnish the Ambassador's family with opera tickets than his
own family with the necessaries of life,
And if the backwoodsman should repine at this application of
his money, he ought to remember that we could never get
74 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY J
along with those mighty and redoubtable monarchies of Europe and
elsewhere if we did not send forth our ' ' Mission"-aries to feast and
coax, and conciliate and cajole their Diplomatic corps. Our insti-
tutions are so tottering — and theirs so firm ! Our resources are so
limited — and theirs so vast! Our industry is so sluggish — and
theirs is so active ! Their mercenaries are so brave — and our vol-
unteers so pusillanimous ! Our Treasury is so empty »— and theirs
is so full ! Our trade is so worthless to them — and theirs is of such
immense value to us ! And finally, and above all, their subjects are
so happy and loyal — and our citizens are so miserable and malcon-
tent— that some terrible thing might come of it, if we had not our
" entertaining' corps to eat and drink European ambassadors into
good humor with us, and thus, and by that means, obtain for this
Republic their magnanimous forbearance.
One fine day in June Victoria opened her first Parliament. Wasn't
there a cavalcade of Ambassadors? and wasn't the importance of
each nation written on the diplomatic coaches in letters of flaming
gold? That plain American carriage of Andrew Stevenson — what is
it doing there? It is the statue of Brutus in the procession of Caesar.
Really, it is very condescending in the other Ambassadors to suf-
fer it among them at all. It speaks a whole volume of politics to
the assembled thousands of workingmen who came to see the show.
The thousands cheer it along St. James', down Whitehall, and all
away to the Old Abbey. They cheer the American brown carriage,
and some of them grin and jeer at the fine European tinsel and gold.
The savages ! What a taste they must have. But we'll set the mat-
ter right — we'll get gilded carriages too."
And all this diplomacy costing millions is not merely useless to
us. It is both dishonoring and dangerous. A political parvenue
goes out to a foreign Court with a train of paid "loblolly boys " at
his heels. All on the watch to pick up "noble and royal" snobbery
to astonish the native* when they return home again. If there be
any Republicans, (not thief Republicans), in the country, they have
a worthy job before them to regulate this villainy along with the
rest.
THE PANIC OF 1857.
At this time the Banking law of New York State enjoined specie
redemption of all bills issued by the Banks. For this purpose the
banks retained what they called "a solid basis." But now the
"basis" takes flight to Europe, and to avoid a breach of the law
and consequent bankruptcy they cease to discount. Then there is no
OK, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DATS. 75
money — no manufacturing — no employment. Everything is at a
stand still. Mr. * * * explains to me the condition of his bank —
That it was only by drawing on the resources of all his friends he
was enabled to redeem the torrent of inrushing bank bills. But by
resolutely withholding discounts the storm must blow over. He
could not sleep at night at the thought of the bare possibility of his
father's name (as President) and his own as Director being dishon-
ored, and owing to his resources and vigilance they were not. At
his desire, and enlightened by his practical knowledge, I wrote
"Currency Explosions, their Cause and Cure." From it I give ex-
tracts :
1st Extract. — " Gold is simply a commodity of use in the arts, but if the
credit of a nation is broken down by anarchy or war, it will be found useful
as a temporary medium of exchange."
2(Z " The permanent currency of any Nation ought to be based on the
nation's resources and credit. If that credit is good, its currency will be
convertible into all commodities— including gold."
3d. — " To base a currency on gold is to base a house upon moveable bricks
that may be withdrawn at any time, especially by a foreign demand,
leaving the structure to tumble into ruins."
±th — Settlement Of Land — "Nature intended man's relation to the soil to
be very close and permanent. On the bosom of his great Nursing Mother
he finds security from the collapses of trade. Health invigorates his frame
and his position is the best for cultivating both the private and the public
5th Extract.— FOREIGN EXCHANGE.
11 The foreign merchant sells his cargo of goods and gets paid for it in
currency, but that won't do to take home with him. The banks are no lon-
ger compelled to give him gold, and the premium on that metal is up to
five per cent. He can't afford that ; it takes away all his profits. So he
goes to an exporting firm and asks can they sell him an Exchange on Liver-
pool. 'No.' The prices of grain and cotton here, with freight, &c., add-
ed, are about equal to what they would bring in Liverpool. Therefore they
are not shipping and have no exchange to sell. « But,' replies the merchant,
' I'll give you three per cent premium for a bill.' ' Well,' returns the other,
' let me see. There is the ship Washington waiting for a freight. She car-
ries 20,000 barrels of flour— which at $5 amounts to $100,000 net, the sum
you want. Your premium of 3 per cent amounts to $3,000. A very fair
profit. Yes, we'll ship the flour, and give you a Bill of Exchange on the
conditions you have mentioned.' "
And thus the flour is sold only because the foreign merchant could
not compel the bank to give him gold.
He goes home and calculates for another adventure. But he finds
that if he cannot sell his wares at three per cent or more advance
on his last sales, it will not do to take them to America. This
76 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY J
checks our imports and by the double action the balance of trade is
rapidly adjusted without in the least affecting our currency or our
domestic trade.
But under the "gold basis" system excessive importation could
only be checked, not by screwing the foreign merchant who brings on
the necessity, but by bringing down all prices to the European level
— contracting the whole currency of the nation — producing confu-
sion, loss, and ruin widespread as the whole continent and vibrating
over the world.
Thus compelled, all the banks in New York State held a Conven-
tion in the city — repudiated the "redemption" folly, issued their
bills untrammelled with gold. Everybody was glad to get them.
Trade revived. Gold would not command 50 cents premium on
$100. Up till we were one year into the war it did not reach 2 per
cent, and never would if the central government had not basely and
criminally repudiated its own "lawful money," and become a bor-
rower, when it could and should have been a lender, as will be seen
by a Memorial forwarded to Congress in February 1863, by the
same gentleman without whose influence this book had never been
written. THAT MEMOKIAL.
After showing that the State Banks had no legal existence and
how to " retire " them, it proceeded thus :
" The rubbish cleared away, let the Government issue a National Cur-
rency to take its place. The Currency must be a large amount, probably
two thousand millions of dollars in "1865.*
" To this amount the nation will accept the bills of the Government. Will
the nation redeem them ? Yes. At sight. In flour, beef, cloth, houses,
lands, everything, in short, contained in the nation. Every man will be
glad to get them. There will bo no other money in the country."
" With this 2,000,000,000 of new National Currency the Government can
extinguish its incipient debt and have a large surplus, which may be loaned
to bankers or others on a deposit of State stocks at an interest of five or six
per cent, an annual gain of twenty-five millions. (This was in February
1863, when the debt was small.) The casual destruction of the bills, especi-
ally in war times, would on the above amount average 1^ to 2 per cent —
thirty to forty millions yearly. Increase of business and population would
demand a steady increase of nearly an equal amount. Making in all well
up to one hundred millions a year of legitimate resource to the Govern-
ment." And yet the blocklieaded rogues went and borrowed money from the
Shyloeks — more rogue than the blockhead.
The Memorial continued : —
"The bills of the National Currency must not be a "Promise to pay."
"Strange coincidence. This turned out to be the exact volume in circulation in 1865.
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 77
They are a draft by the Government on the people. An evidence of a
debt due by the people to the bearer, and should bear that evidence on their
face, thus :
$10 TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES.
CBEDIT THE BEAKER TEN DOLLARS AT SIGHT.
VALUE RECEIVED BY THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT.
LEGAL TENDER.
SIGNED, A. B. ATTEST, C. D. $10
' ' The bill once issued, the nation takes it, and the Government has
nothing further to do with it, save perhaps renew it when worn out."
By the help of unfortunate Preston King, a naturally good man who sank
under the sea of corruption he floated in, I had this Memorial laid on all
the desks in Congress. The gentleman who inspired this, himself a banker
and a millionaire, when reminded that it would take largely from the profits
of his own bank, replied as we have seen " I CARE NOT FOR MY BANK, i CASE
FOR MY COUNTRY ! "
When I reached Washington with this Memorial I could not get access to
Mr. Chase. His ante-room was filled with place beggars — his deputy, Har-
rington, thought, I suppose, that I was one of them, and spoke to me in
such strain. I told him my business was not with him but with Mr. Chase,
and he took care that I should not see Mr. Chase. To what follows let me
ask especial attention.
Edmund C. Stedman, a clever writer and somewhat of a Reformer, occu-
pied a large office room in the Treasury Department. I told him my mis-
sion. " You can accomplish nothing," said he. " Mr. Chase will borrow and
will have National Banks." " But what will the people say," I ask, "when
they see him avoid this Great Gain and embrace this great Annual Loss?"
" The people !" he replied, " If we bid them put their heads in that cor-
ner (pointing to it) till we put our foot on their necks they will do it."
And he was just out from a long probation in Greeley's Tribune office,
when he voiced this appalling sentiment. Here, just here, lies the great, the
terrible danger of the Republic !
I returned home. O ! how discouraged ! It is midnight. A big
dark cloud rises up in the sky. Flashes of sheet lightning play
round its margins, and plant an immense tree of fire on its disk. It
disappears — returns — seems to play hide and seek behind and before
the cloud — presents a nocturnal view of which the European skies can
present no idea. It was a celestial landscape that I never saw equalled
before or since. And I found myself asking, "Is there no Spirit
making a part of this sublime scene that will come down and help
us to save this glorious land?" The sublimities of Nature have a
tendency to stir up those deep thoughts. "When Winter flung down
its night shadows and howled its sleety breath through the trees an
78 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY J
impulse would coine over me to invoke even the spirit of the tem-
pest to suggest some thought that might preserve the Eepublic.
Through the vigil of many a night how indignantly have I thought
that the property I had achieved by friendly aid and personal
effort was being wrenched out of my hand— confiscated to the use of
banded politicians. The means of supporting and educating my
children fast going or gone.
At last the thought dawned on me of a Constitutional Limit to
Taxation. Mr. * * * adopted it at once, and ordered several thou-
sand copies of a Circular embodying it to be printed and circulated.
Of the hundreds sent to them, not a newspaper noticed it only Mac-
kenzie's* Messenger, published in Toronto.
These are points of the Circular :
" The Constitution of New York State declares that Municipal Governments
must be restricted in their power of taxation, and it makes it the duty of the
Legislature to restrict them and prevent the abuse of that power."
"2d. The Legislatures HAVE NOT performed that duty. Apart from the
immense sums expended on local improvements, New York City is taxed
about $30,000f a day, besides the rents, licenses, and so forth, that come
into the city treasury, and the fees and fines that are levied off the people."
" Brooklyn is much more heavily burthened than New York, in proportion
to her ability to pay. With her very slender resources, the tax extorted
from her is over $6,000 a day, whilst the fees and fines levied by her officials,
and largely applied to their own private use, make up a considerable aggre-
gate in the year. The local improvements are a distinct tax, and a source
of much waste and oppression. The water tax, in both cities, is apart from
these estimates."
" Judicious and liberal men believe that the above amounts are four or five
times larger than an honest and efficient government ought to cost. And
yet the governments of these cities are as little remarkable for efficiency as
they are for economy."
" Thus the constitutional guarantee above recited is set at nought. And
while in seven years— /rora 1848 to 185 5 — the taxes in the four wards of
old Williamsburfjh were increased from about $23,000 a year to $308,000,
*Wm. Lyon Mackenzie was a Scotchman, a wonderful repository of facts.
An able and a true man. He was a principal actor in the Canadian "outbreak"
of '37. He and two of his confederates were out one night and met and
captured one of their most dangerous enemies, but did not search and
disarm him. So, falling back for a moment, he shot down one of his captors
and made his escape. This I had from Mr. Mackenzie, and there is instruc-
tion in tht fact.
But though a gazeteer of knowledge it took a great deal of fact and argu-
ment to enlist him against land monopoly. But, he did join in our movement
by and by, and became one of our most efficient auxiliaries.
'58. Now, '81, it is three times as great in both cities,
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 79
the Legislature did not interpose to "restrict" this enormous abuse of
power."
" Thus, then, stands the case. The Constitution guarantees that our pro-
perty shall not be taken from us by unreasonable and unjust taxation. But
it places the enforcement of that safeguard in the hands of the Legislature,
which neither WILL nor CAN enforce it."
" This right is a fundamental one. If it is not preserved inviolate, no man
can call any property his own: and thus the strongest bond of the social
compact is broken* and society itself tends to anarchy."
'• The framers of the Constitution did not foresee that the vital principle,
thus wisely proclaimed by them, would be set at naught by the guardians to
whom they entrusted it. If they had foreseen this, it would have been an
easy matter for them to have made this limiting a DISTINCT and definite
provision in the Constitution. In this way — '
Data of the legitimate cost of government lay everywhere within their
reach.* And based on this data, they could have fixed a MAXIMUM TAX
to be levied off the ASSESSED VALUEf of property in the various cities.
Under this provision, the governing powers would be assured a fair com-
pensation. The owners of property would be compelled to pay this "fair
compensation." Beyond this legitimate tax, their property-rights would be
inviolable.
Increasing value in 'the taxable property would keep exact pace with the
legitimate necessities of government : and thus would all cities be DULY
TAXED and DULY PROTECTED. The same principle could be applied
to the COUNTIES — to the STATE governments : and, based upon population,
even to the government of the UNITED STATES.
But the present government of our cities has been thus described :
"Gathering in corner groceries, and stimulated by the prospect of plun-
der, the most worthless and ignorant of our populace, under guidance of
*Some twenty-odd years ago taxation in New Jersey was limited by law to
75 cents on the $100 valuation. But only by " law." A legislature assem-
bled one winter and repealed the law — making it read as it reads in New
York State, and all over, " steal as much as you please, only be sure to call
it ' tax.' " And from that day to this it has been one succession of political
thieving in Jersey, about equal in proportion to what has been going on in
Brooklyn and New York. Jersey has not boen so able to bear up under the
robberies as the other cities, that is all the difference. If the above-men-
tioned limit had been studded into the Constitution of New Jersey she would
not as now be prosecuting an interlaced government of thieves. The last
culprits are Collector and four "Chosen Freeholders" in Somerset County,
with " more coming," " coming."
But after all, the question comes up, is even a Constitution of any avail?
It is a fortress, to be sure, but of what use is a fortress, if garrisoned by the
enemy? By order of Gran', Bradley and Strong turned the U. S. Consti-
tution inside out in an hour'b time.
fBut in taxing real estate this could not be done. The percentage
fixed in the Constitution — the valuation also fixed, the payer would know
exactly what he had to pay, and he would not be likely to pay more than the
law imposed on him. But "laws" to make up deficiencies, or contract
debt, must bo Constitutionally forbidden.
80 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY;
political knaves, undertake to provide us with a government.. They mako
a combined rush upon the polls — they succeed — and that success lays the
entire property of the city, as ' SPOILS,' at their feet, to take what they
please, to distribute it as they please."
"This corruption of our city governments diffuses its evil in every direction."
"It burthens the mechanic's house and lot (frequently mortgaged) with a
tax sometimes equal to the rent and tax of a similar house in Europe."
" It discourages improvements, and so renders real estate unsaleable."
"It incites evil minded and incapable men to ' manage' themselves into
municipal power — not for the good they can do the public, but for the per-
sonal gain they can make out of this unrestrained license to tax.
" It thus excludes our virtuous citizens from the public councils.
" It brings dishonor upon the Republican name, both at home and abroad.
" It fills monarchists with joy and exultation ; and, finally, it lays the axe to
the very root of our Republican Institutions."
Hundreds of these were mailed to newspapers all around. It was
indeed a discouraging indication when only one paper noticed it,
and of the hundreds of people who read it, not one man gave us the
slightest response.
It is now January, 1860, and under the same auspices and aid
* * * I addressed a Circular to the Southern Senators who
were persistently resisting the Homestead bill. I give an outline
of it:
"A remarkable phenomenon has arisen in our history — the Anti-Slavery
feeling now aspires to control the country.
In proportion to the rapid increase of this power has its adverse element
in the South increased also ; and, as those hostile forces are rapidly ap-
proaching each other, we cannot but recognize in them great danger to the
peace of the country.
How shall we avert that danger? This is the great problem of the day.
A problem which partisans on either side, are far more likely to complicate
than to solve. The writer of this has r.ever been identified with either of
the great parties that divide the country. He has no prejudice — not the
slightest feeling on one side or the other. From 1848, when the contest as-
sumed form under Mr. Van Burcn, he has watched it anxiously. He be-
lieves that its most important element has to a groat extent been overlooked
both in the North and South, and he further believes, that an examination of
this element will show first, the GKEAT CAUSE that has called up these opposing
forces ; secondly, the means by which that same cause can be made to bring
about both lasting prosperity and lasting peace.
But first, he must have it admitted that Thomas Jefferson and Andrew
Jackson were Democrats. Nay, that they did more to found and consoli-
date that party than any other two men that ever belonged to it.
Mr. Jefferson laid down the philosophic truth, that the " earth belongs in
usufruct to the living." And Andrew Jackson, in his Message of 1832, re-
OR, THE SPIRIT OP CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 81
commended that our public lands be reserved for the free use of actual set-
tlers only. It is because the " Democratic Party" of the present day have
turned their backs upon this greatest principle of Democracy, that they find
themselves in their present position.
For this is the true source of the preponderance of the Republican power
in the Northern States. Take away this source, and this preponderance
will disappear.
Its origin is in the Wilmot Proviso that slave labor should not cross the
dividing line. Appeals made to sectional feeling on behalf of that doctrine
produced some effect. But it could not form a party powerful enough to
sway the nation, on the simple issue of whether a slave should work on
this side or on that side of a geographical line.
From early in 1844 the " Freedom of the public lands to actual settlers"
had been earnestly discussed by the masses, in all the North-Eastern and
Western States. A substantial principle it was, that afforded no ground for
mystification. It gained general acceptance from men of all parties who
lived by labor, and who had families .ooking to them for support.
Defeated in 1852. the Whig leaders saw it was useless to come again be-
fore the people with their present issues. Banks and Tariffs had gone
down stream, and the movement for Land Reform had sunk " Distribu-
tion " * to the bottom.
The old issues were therefore put in abeyance, and the Whigs rallied to their
aid every shade of opinion that believed no slave should work on the northerly
side of a geographical line.
But there was little soul in this issue, and still less substance. Little en-
thusiasm could it create among white men, most of whom were, themselves,
in anxious circumstances — living precariously from hand to mouth.
And so the Whigs, now Republicans, took up the "Freedom of the
Public Lands," and spoke it kindly. Their principal organ, the New
York Tribune, though a late convert, was now its foremost advocate;
and Col. Fremont, in his letter of acceptance, put his adherence to it beyond
a doubt.
This great Democratic principle had been repeatedly rejected by the
Democrats. It had been distinctly offered at the Cincinnati Convention,
and was very distinctly treated with contempt. And so the Democratic Re-
formers went Corward for Col. Fremont.
The present position of our public affairs is a just retribution on the
" Democratic party." To go against a landed Democracy — to repudiate the
principles of its OWN FOUNDERS — was no common crime, and already it
has the foretaste of no common retribution.
But the retribution may still be averted by doing justice, even now " at
the eleventh hour."
This can only be done by the Democratic Party in the Senate taking up
*0f the public lands to the States, or rather to the State stock jobbers, long
a rallying cry of the Whigs.
£2 'i"5Z ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTUBY;
the measure and passing it through by a vote that WILL SHOW THEY ABE
IN EAKNEST.
The passage of this law would be at once a just and a final compromise
of the existing difficulties of the country. Honorable to all parties, it would
place the Southern citizen on equality with other citizens in the eye of terri-
torial law. Speculation would be at an end ; and with abundance of land
to choose from, what temptation would the Northern settler have to crowd
down on the regions of rice and cotton and sugar ? And as little tempta-
tion would the planter have to crowd up on the merely grain growing land.
Nature assigns to each his field of operation. She bids them live as neigh-
bors ought to live — apart, in peace.
With the unchained enthusiasm of the Northern States for Free Homes,
the vessel of State would rapidly swing round to her old moorings.
There is not a Southern Senator but sees by the votes in either House that
few statesmen north of the dividing line will venture to oppose this meas-
ure. They see, too, the revolution it has effected in Minnesota. They see, in
short, that it is building up the " Republican" power and striking down the
" Democratic party " in all the Northern States.
The imputation is out upon them that they despise the poor men of the
North. Let them show that that imputation is unjust. Let them no longer
stand between the Northern laborer and his undoubted right. If they do
this, good will and gratitude will go forth to them, and that good will and
gratitude will bring to them security and peace. But let it become clearly
known that this right is withheld obstinately by combined Southern votes,
and what will be the result ? Why, it will be a great weakening of the bonds
of unio;i.
So early as 1852 I addressed a letter to Gen. Shields, then U. S. Senator from
Illinois, of which the following is a fragment :
" Marmontel, though a courtier of Louis XIY, describes the Senators who
slew the Gracchii, as ' mere senators whose motto was that the people were
made only to obey and to suffer.' They consummated their crime, and its
penalty overtook them not in their children but in themselves, in the ter-
riblo proscriptions of Marius and Sylla ; in the wild beast fury of the ' Social
War: '
As things are beginning to loom up now, this warning would seem a pro-
phecy.
" If the Homestead Bill now before the Senate be quietly passed into a law
it will produce a change .n this world far greater than came over it when we
presented ourselves a new nation among the nations of the earth.
' Help that change if you be a man — if you be a Democrat. For a Com-
: monwealth of Freeholders, look at your own happy State. For the ragged,
starved, tattered tenant — the idle, luxurious, inhuman landlord— look back
to the land you left behind you. It is greener now than when you last
looked on it — green with famine graves 1
" Do as you please. Do all of you as you please. I will not go down on
OB, lila SPIBIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS.
my knees to you. I will not kiss the dust at your feet, and implore you to
save, at once, this Republic from ruin, and your own names from etcrn.d
reproach. But I will tell you, that when the wail of suffering and tho hov.i
of strife shall hereafter arise in this land— ion: STEIFE, too, will start up bo-
fore this drama is ended — there will bo names uttered with a hissing curso ;
the names of those men who could have averted the destruction but who
WOULD NOT," — Hunter, Toombs, all the Southerners, all but Andrew Johnson.
THOMAS AINGE DEVYR.
WILLIAMSBUEGH, January 1, 1860.
But those Southern Senators hardened their hearts as rash, arrogant men
ever do ; and as such rash, arrogant men are doing now (1881).
TRIP TO EUKOPE.
1860. The dead weight of gold redemption thrown off by
the banks, they discounted freely, and work, wages, business
of every kind improved. The question of "Tenant Eight"
was up in Ireland, chiefly under the auspices of the Catholic
Prelates, and I resolved to go and see what I could do to
help it. I had not much money at my disposal, but I had
Mr. * * * at my back. He it was who both encouraged and
enabled me to go. After presenting me with liquors and
wines from his cellar for the voyage, he gave my hand a part-
ing clasp — wished me a "good time," and said, "traveling's
expensive, if you fall short of money drop me a line."
Take passage in the screw steamer Brazil, for Galway, call-
ing by St. John's Newfoundland. Custom House officers
conveyed our officers of the ship down .the bay. They made
a carouse of it. And the sailors, too, followed their example.
So that only for half a dozen active passengers the Brazil
would have been burnt (by the upsetting of a tall lamp-
torch in the lower hold) before we reached Sandy Hook. In
four days got into the fogs of Newfoundland, and our proxim-
ity to the coast could only be estimated by the kind of mud
brought up by the plummet. We overshot St. John's some
miles, and by daybreak brought up in front of what looked
like two diamond mountains, standing as close together as
the pillars of an immense gate. They were anchored in forty
fathom water, towering some 100 feet high. They formed
picture, unequaled in grandeur, as they reflected the rays of
the rising sun. But the sublimities of this world the chained
laborer never sees i
Lofty rock banks form the coast of Newfoundland through
84 THE ODD BOOK OP THE NINETEENTH CENTUKYJ
which breaks a narrow entrance to the harbor of St. John's.
A fortification on the high summits on each side of the en-
trance is garrisoned by soldiers from the " Condemned Regi-
ment" stationed on the Island, and which is formed of the
hardest characters taken from all the British regiments of
the line.
We had the two bishops of the Island, of the rival creeds,
passengers so far. It was the 2d day of June, but not the
promise of a bud could I discover in the most sheltered
nooks of Governor Bannerman's grounds. The established
bishop showed me the interior of his very handsome church.
But his rival bishop showed me a sight still more remarkable.
As he passed along the streets of St. John's people, one after
another, knelt to him for a blessing, quite regardless of the
mud. I remembered that in Dr. j.-'arnelTs "Hermit" when
the angel discloses himself, he says:
" For this commissioned I forsook the sky ;
Nay, cease to roieel — thy teiiow servant I."
Not so thought our friend the bishop. He took the kneel-
ing as a thing he was accustomed to. The scene lowered
my estimate very much both of the bishop and the people.*
The fisheries are the sole stay of Newfoundland, and
seals and codfish rival each other in importance — with also a
heavy reserve of salmon. For many months the coast is em-
braced with icefields, to which the fishermen fasten their
boats, "land'' on them, and capture the young seals with the
stroke of a bludgeon. Many Scotch adventurers are thus
engaged, and also in the trade growing out of it. An active
man, I was told, can here, in the season, realize a pound
sterling a day, though in Ireland (1700 miles distant) the
same man would have to work nearly a month for the same
money.
Next morning headed for Ireland through the fog and
warm waters of the Gulf stream. Surprisingly few vessels
hove in sight till we came abreast of the Irish coast, the
headlands of Donegal, at daybreak of the 9th. f It was mid-
*0n enquiry it was explained that the homage was not at all paid to him,
but to the Power he represented on earth.
fWe had two escapes from adding to the list, "Lost at sea." 1. Two
boys are sent for liquors to the Jower hold. There is no light— they
have u lamp and matches. The bottles are packed in straw and the boys
are in a skylarking mood. Lighting the lamp they threw the still burning
OK, THE SPIEIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 85
night before we had warped through the rocks (which for miles
out in the sea encircle the Connaught coast) and anchored in
the Galway roadstead. We could have anchored in Killybegs
by six A. M. Custom House officers ransank our luggage —
native boats are alongside and at 6d each convey us to land
It is eight o'clock and the city is still asleep. Knocking
Vainly at two hotels we succeeded in rousing a third to give
us a breakfast. In the afternoon took train for Dublin.
" What a fine fruit country," said an American gentleman,
as he gazed on the
" One boundless blush — one white empurpled shower
Of mingled blossoms "
of hawthorn trees — spreading around everywhere. When
told of the "fruit," — how utterly valueless — he exclaimed,
" What a stupid people : The ground occupied by those
hawthorns would produce millions worth of grafted fruit."
He did not think at the moment that evil men calling them-
selves landlords, or landgods, stood in the way of all im-
provement.
At every Police station Notices are up forbidding foreign
enlistment. The Pope is at war with Insurgents and hund-
reds of young men are emigrating from Ireland to recruit
his army. Met Catholic students in Dublin. Told them my
purpose. "Di-timed," they said. Thought was now ab-
sorbed in the emigration to aid the Pope. Spent some days
in Dublin. Interviewed the Governor of the Bank of Ire-
land and one of the city M. P's., urging them to invite Amer-
ican visitors to the old homes, by opening free or very cheap
railroad travel to them. Explored the Phoenix Park,
with its forest cf centennial hawthorns. Its horseback in
saddles and side-saddles, cantering around — more pictur-
match close to the straw where fortunately it died out. 2. Saturday is a fes-
tive day on shipboard. The weather is fine, the sailors oddly costumed are
improvising a drama on tho main deck — the cabin passengers gyrating on
the Quarter deck to the strains of a Galway fiddler captured from among
the steerage passengers. Fortunately (in this case at least) I am always sick
at sea. -Retiring from tho gay scene, 1 met the steward who told me he had
left a light in my room. It was a sperm candle in a spring socket. Ho sup-
posed he had fastened the spring but it was held only by the hard substance
of the candle. As it burned down that holding melted, and as I entered,
the blaming stump was projected by the spring into the berth and bed-
clothes. This was in the lower tier and 1 was just in time.
86 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY J
esque, exciting and exercising than the wagons and " sulkies"
of the United States. Northward to Enniskillen, rested on
the Island which divides the upper and lower Lough Erne.
A beautiful sheet of water dotted with innumerable islets.
One of which a land-thief formed into "his estate," and built
a grand house amid its embowering trees.
Twenty-four years! I pass over the changes and the
memories associated with the Donegal of my boyhood as in-
teresting only to myself. It contains the grandest ruins I
have seen in Ireland, the lofty stone-sashed castle of the
O'Donnell's, and the classic Monastery in which was written
centuries ago, "The Annals of the Four Masters."
The lofty chain of Barnes mountain circles in the coast
country five miles landward of the village. See ante. In
this desert "gap" I found two sod hovels, and two wretched
families huddled in them — shut out, disinherited by the land
rogues, and striving to dig starvation among the interstices
of the rocks » Beach Deny of " the Siege." An hour in the
" Mayor's Court " was full of instruction. With a clerk and
two officers he dispensed justice with promptness and ap-
parent fairness. " I'll have you to the Mayor's office " is a
sharp restraint on evil-doers. There ia no " Mayor's office"
in New York or Brooklyn now, except for signing bills to de-
plete the treasury or holding caucus with politician rogues.
Alas ! for the virus of aristocratic pride ! Met two or
three clever educated gentlemen in Derry — whose father was
known to my father when both were servant boys. When I
spoke of this they shrank from the record as if their father
were their disgrace — that clever, energetic man — who found-
ed lor them the respectability which they were thus striv-
ing to guard from the supposed contamination of his name !
I was thus far on my way to London, but took train for
Belfast. Purpose to call on Sharman Crawford. Twenty-
four changeful years had passed over since my public con-
nection with him in London. I had then admonished him
that any future intercourse between us must be on terms of
exact equality. I had now totally forgotten his defection to
O'Connell and the starve-pauper Whigs (in 1839) (see ante)
and my sharp exposure of it in the Newcastle Liberator.
Whether he now remembered it is doubtful, for now he was
over eighty years of age. At any rate this happened : Landed
at Bangor and thence to Crawfordsburn, a walk of two miles
OR, THE SPIEIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 87
over a pleasant road and pleasant surroundings. The cot-
tages white and neat, and though in June, not a little boy or
girl barefooted. \ made inquiries, by which I found that
the people under Mr. Crawford's influence were comfortable
and contented — a striking contrast to what I had hitherto
noted in my tour. I wrote a note and sent it with his gate-
keeper, informing him that I would remain at the hotel in
Bangor for two or three hours, to which he might send a
messenger if he desired to see me. It was my old monitors —
of chivalry — that prompted me to this course. I paid his
gate-keeper liberally and gave money to workmen employed
outside of his gate. I'm afraid this liberality will not stand
to my credit in the last Great Account as it was intended to
show Mr. Crawford that I sought no favors from him — that
I was, in my way, as independent as himself. I stayed at the
hotel, but the messenger did not come for me. Returned to
Belfast — embarked for Liverpool, and made observations
which convince me that man (since the invention of steam)
is armed with a power sufficient to MASTER THE OCEAN,
and navigate in perfect security through its largest waves —
trampling them down in their most boisterous moods.
To London. One commotion of volunteering to repel an ap-
prehended Invasion urged by the French Colonels. Met of
my old fellow-laborers only Bronterre O'Brien — his fine in-
tellect a good deal unbalanced, but leaning more fiercely than
ever against the "Right Honorables" that have made Eng-
land a hell. George Jacob Hollyoake put his rooms at my
service, and 'here I met Col. Alsop, and one or two others
who were regretting that certain efforts made by them had
been unsuccessful in removing Louis Napoleon to a better
(or a warmer) world. A grandson of Sir Henry Clinton, too,
of our revolutionary times. He was horrified at my expres-
sed opinion that if the French came, not a workingman in
England ought to lift a hand for the protection of a country
in whose lands, mines and governments they were not permit-
ted to share. Bradlaugh was beginning to peep out from
behind the name of the " Iconoclast." He has since learned
to be a Malthusian — to abolish population — for you see
there is not room for it because of the ducal hunting grounds.
He proposes to go peacefully to work and abolish Royalty by
Act of Parliament. He may be mistaken in both his pro-
grammes, but he certainly is prudent. It is far easier to war
88 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY;
against tlie uncreated than to war against the ducal hunt-
ing grounds while the duke stands over them with a sword
in one hand and a musket in the other. And as for
" Monarch or no, no, no monarch?" Parliament will argue the
question with him till the " crack of doom " — a good,
round, sound encounter of eloquence that will hurt nobody.
That was my thought of him twenty years ago. If he has
changed since that time I hope it is for the better.
Nothing in the shape of reform could be done in London,
and I wrote to Mr. Doubleday, of Newcastle, and also to
Joseph Cowen, then, as now, the leading Democrat of that
region. Replies did not come direct, but a letter reached me
from Glasgow which caused me to cross the Cumberland
hills, to that stirring town. My purpose all through was to
present man's INHERITANCE in the land and a FIXED
LIMIT to the taxing power. But I got no efficient help.
While in Glasgow a letter reached me via London from Mr.
Doubleday. He was in " Moffat, (a watering place) at the
house of his daughter, looking for health." A hearty friend-
liness ran through his letter, and after wishing success to my
aims concluded thus: "The British Constitution is good
enough for me — if ice only had it." Pure, clever and noble
hearted man ! How my heart holds your memory ! I gave
up the thought of going to Newcastle, and took up the
thought of returning to New York. It. is true I remem-
bered that a gentleman — the gentleman — in Williamsburgh,
in wishing me ban voyage, said, "Traveling is expensive; if you
fall short of the needful just drop me a line." But I now
saw no prospect of use in remaining. A letter from Mr. Cowen
was on the way heartily inviting me to Newcastle. But, and
greatly to my regret, only came to hand after I reached New
York.
What a world it is? By sea or land injustice will confront
you. Having examined the accommodations, I paid seventy
dollars for second cabin passage in the Cunard steamer
"Asia." Approach to our saloon and state rooms, the grand
entrance. But when at sea, this was closed against us, and
a forecastle kind of fixture opened, with a break-neck kind of
ladder attached, in direct violation of our contract. Held
council, and, half in fun half in fear, we signed, in a "round
robin " of remonstrance, a circle of signatures, in which there
is neither first nor last. The " despots of the deep " insisted on
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 89
knowing who was foremost in this mid-way meeting. " Well,
then, if I am the man, what are you going to do about it ? "
" You shall see." " Be quick then ; I am writing my experi-
ence for the New York Tribune, and this proceeding will form
an incident ! " The public press ! "Why, it carries its suprem-
acy out to sea, and the grand entrance was re-opened to us.
Watching the heave of the ship — its rising and descending
forces disclosed an immense " power," which, if it could be
utilized, would do immense work. I think it could be, but
under what conditions I will not present here. With a good
deal of labor and some cost I made a model embodying iny
thoughts ; but, partly owing to my antipathy to the Patent
Office, and partly to my distrust of patent lawyers, etc., I
turned away from the subject. I fell sick, too, and the brass
of my model, I suppose, made its way to the junk shop.
The following brief sketches taken on the ground, are
all that I retain in my notes, written of this visit to England :
CONDITION OF ENGLAND.
" She holds what might have been tho noblest nation."— BYBON.
" A little rule, a little sway—
A sunbeam in a winter day-
Is ^}1 the proud and mighty have
Between the cradle and the grave." — DTEK.
I am on a hill looking down over a tranquil valley. There are
groves and orchards, and pastures and corn-fields, and "jocund
labor " at work over them all.
That scene ! It has not the majestic grandeur of a mountain-
coast. Bavine, precipice, and desert wold are not there. But the
man who blends a little of the solid with the sentimental could not
look upon a scene more beautiful. The very arch above it seems
more a shelter than a sky. Some bard has written the following
over it :
" Fair plenty now begins her golden reign,
The yellow fields thick wave with ripened grain ;
Joyous the swains renew their sultry toils,
And bear in triumph home the harvest's wealthy spoils."
" This must be England," said I. "Happy, home-like England.
How rich her pastures ! How over-flowing her fields ! "
"Yes! This is England," said a venerable-looking man, who
90 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY;
stood by my side. "It is fruitful England still— but, alas! it is
happy England no longer. Come with ine."
We stood beside a brook overshadowed with trees. A man in a
smock frock sat upon its margin. In his hand was a crust of dark-
colored bread, and with a small brown pitcher he took water from
the eddies beside him. This was his dinner, and a hard green
apple, plucked from some hedge, supplied the dessert.
My guide said in a low voice, " Do you understand ?"
"Yes, oh lyes, I do indeed understand. And, of all the teeming plenty
around us, is this all that can be afforded to him? To him — THE
LABORER — whose toils are rewarded with such abundant fruits?"
" Dont you know, "said my guide, " this land — the sun that warms,
and the showers that nourish it — are the property of my lord duke of
Devonshire? That's what his Grace allows to the laborer. And
can't he ' do what he likes with his own? ' "
" I suppose, yes. But is the earth, and the sunshine, and the
showers ' his own ! ' WHO GAVE THEM TO HIM? '
Did you ever expect to hear such a question, my lord dukes ! Yet
men are beginning to ask it. Where will we get an answer to give
them?
THE COAL MINE.
We are descending in darkness — so rapidly descending that I can
scarcely hold my breath. Dark, dark ! and down, down ! — we are a
half a mile below the surface.
At last ! A light is before us, fitfully struggling with the dark-
ness. We are in a coal pit, and have just touched bottom. Let us
approach the light. Isn't this a rail-track? Do cars run here ?
Yes, cars run here, and now a train of them comes along. Five or
six strange-looking creatures are drawing them. I never saw such
beasts of draught before. They are a new invention of the great
lord who owns the mines.
They approach, and through the blackness sticking over them we
discover that they are women ! Finely-formed, well-developed
women, of the true old Anglo-Saxon race. Straps are over their
nude busts, for the place is suffocating, and they are drawing the
train of cars to the mouth of the pit !
There is an inscription—" These mines, granted to the Marquis of
Londonderry by Charles II., A. D. 1675." "It should have read
thus," said my guide, and he placed two written words on the in-
scription. "That's ridiculous," said I. "It is time it was made
so," said my guide — and tTvus he left it;
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRT IN MODERN DAYS. 91
"These mines were CHEATED FOB the Marquis of Londonderry BY
CHARLES II., A. D. 1675."
Let it stand so.
And doesn't it look sensible, my lord dukes?
THE COAL MINER,
We find ourselves on the river Tyne, in the home of a collier.
Everything in it is surpassingly clean arid neat. The Bible is in a
recess of the window, and The Northern Liberator, a Chartist news-
paper, is lying on a table hard by. An elderly woman is rasping the
crust off a brown loaf. That's the coffee. It is a new kind of coffee,
invented by the lord of the mines. That sugar is very black, and
milk is dear. Too dear for people who hew coal and draw trucks far
down below the surface of the earth !
But a frying-pan is at work making a feeble noise. Just such a
noise as six ounces of bacon can afford to make when drowning in a
quart of Water. The man and his wife come in from their subterra-
nean toil. Its covering of blackness is upon them, but they are
hungry and cannot wait. The bread, and the bacon-soup, and a bowl
of the new-fashioned coffee disappear. The toilers disappear, too,
into an inner room. But they soon return in decent harmony with
the clean furniture and the shining eight-day clock. They are going
to a Chartist meeting.*
My lord dukes, dare I call you great fools for suffering a school
to be built in your land?
"No, our design was to teach, 'Honor the king,' 'Render unto
Caesar,' ' Obey the powers that be.1 "
I understand! You didn't know that the "windows of Heaven
would be opened ! "
But the collier arid his wife are gone to the Chartist meeting and
we must go elsewhere.
THE RECRUIT. i
Away ! We are in a railway train. A crimp-sergeant is beside us,
and a young recruit.
" You think they will come? " said the crimp-sergeant. "All your
comrades ! "
"I am sure they will," said the recruit. "They have to work all
their waking hours in field and barn, and have nothing for it but the
* The text is a literal description of a scene to which I was an eye-witness
in 1839.
9iJ THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTtJfcY ;
morsel they eat, and such covering as this." He pointed to his
fustian jacket, stiff with toil and clay, and his corduroys of the
same fashion.
That recruit 1 I am looking at him now. Finely-formed, and but
little bent by his long drudgery. His face spoke of the quiet house-
hold virtues— save that a radiance broke through it, for he was now
escaping into a twenty-three years' servitude more intense and equally
ill-rewarded. He will never have a home ! The gentle ministerings
of woman his can never be ! The voice of his children must lie
silent in the unborn tomb ! Himself will lose those rural virtues
that now beam forth so legibly in that open countenance. He will
be brutalized in the camp, if death does not save him — does not
grant him an early discharge upon some bloody field !
And this is England under its lord dukes !
THE MAIDEN.
But away, away! We are in London. In front of that grand
entrance to Hyde Park — the Marble Arch.
Gorgeous liveries and superb barouches are there. Those gallantly-
mounted young "noble fellows'' are chatting with that vulgar-look-
ing dowager in the barouche.* No doubt she has (at her banker's)
a solid attraction for the dashing young beaux.
One of these wheels his horse suddenly round, and, waving to the
dowager a graceful "good bye," comes back, riding close to us
on the sidewalk. Won't the middle of the broad street do him. No,
he has business at the sidewalk.
For, promenading along it—going and returning in short lengths —
is a young girl attended by an elderly woman, both of them clad in
decent black.
A most lovely girl, Just budding into womanhood. Hardly, yet
quite, at her growth, she is about the middle size. And yet there is
a majesty around her — rare, almost wonderful, in one so young. It
is the majesty of beauty —
" Like the night
Of cloudless climes and starry skies,
And all that's best of dark and light
Meet in her aspect and her eyes."
*Fact. I pledge my accuracy upon it. The most broad, twfyar-faced
women I saw in England were those grand dowagers. I do not know the
cause of this. Leading slothful, sensual and unnatural lives would, 1 sup-
pose, produce the effect. At any rate, the effect was there,
OR, THE SPIRIT OP CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 93
A signal of intelligence passes between the "noble" fellow and
the duenna. The latter conveys it to her protege, who returns a dis-
sentient shrug of the shoulders and motion of the head. The ' ' noble'1
fellow has to pass on for the present. Poor thing ! Can it be that
she is putting off till the latest moment the accomplishment of her
shame?
"And that girl ought to have been the recruit's wife," said my
guide.*
It was enough. Imagination presented their festooned cottage —
their contented toil — their beautiful and healthy children, playing
with their rural companions, and growing up the stay — the wealth —
and the ornament of the land ! Both will die childless. One in the
sun-sodden climes of India. The other in a squalid cellar of one of
the God-forsaken back lanes !
And this, my lords and dukes, is your administration of the af-
fairs of England. This is the way you increase her prosperity, and
add to her power.
" How long ! how long ! O ! Lord !'"
THE POOK HOUSE.
The gay scene is gone and a gray scene is around us. There are
high dead walls that imprison even the vision. It is the Yard of a
London Workhouse. The inmates are seated around on long wooden
benches. Oh, misery ! what a pitiful expression in that long line of
ghastly faces ! There is no conversation. They are looking away
into vacancy — or it may be into the far past days. No voice — no
motion — save as they move uneasily their skeleton bones on the hard
bench, f
"No, it is not sick they are," said my guide, in answer to my
appealing look. "They are STARVING ! Starving on fifteen pence
half -penny worth of taxed food in the week." "Oh, give me some-
thing to relieve them, or take me away ! "
1 : Believe them ! There are a thousand hells like that in these
Christian islands."
And is this the England you have made it, my lords and dukes?
THE FACTORY SLAVE.
We are now wandering in the streets of Manchester. It is winter,
* These — Recruit and Maiden — are presented here just as I saw them
in England.
fOf this scene I was an eye-witness.
$4 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEE5JTH CENTURY ;
and not yet day. There is a knocking at one of the doors, and a
voice, "Jenny, Jenny, here's little Eddy." "I can't take him," re-
plies a voice from within, "you did not give me the two pence last
time." "Oh, do take him ! I'll pay you all on Saturday. You know
I was sick last week, and little Susan and myself earned only four
shillings."
The door opens, the mother hands in her baby, and she and Susan
(seven years old) wend their way to the factory. I don't know how
far, but they reach it before it is day. Poor little Susan ! I hope
your childish limbs will not sink under you during the next weary
twelve or fourteen hours !
Can it be, my lords and dukes, that your stealing up all the lands
of England has anything to do with the sorrows and the sufferings of
that mother and child !
THE GALLOWS.
We are in the centre of London now. In the front of Newgate
prison. Shall we go in? No! IT will come out by-and-bye ; don't
you see the crowd gathering?
Day has not yet risen, and the peaceful moon looks down through
the cloud-spangles of that tranquil sky — down on the gathering
crowd — down on those sordid walls. Heaven contrasted with earth.
How beautiful the one, how hideous the other !
But the day has risen now. It is looking at a sea of upturned
faces.
There is a shout, a cry, neither of joy, nor sorrow, nor triumph,
nor fear. A cry not natural to the human soul ; but habitual — made
so by the scene before us.
For there is a landing-place of wood or iron jutting out from the
high wall. And there are several persons standing on it, strangely
attired. Three of them have ropes round their necks. They are
going to be killed. Yes ! I now comprehend it all.
"One" stands forward. He stands beside eternity, and speaks to
the earth for the last time.
He was a little child once, he says, and a cabin, a garden, and a
brook are his first memories. He was growing up, with his brothers
and sisters ; manhood was coming and the garden was small. He
had to go forth, and he had no place to go to. Every spot was taken
up. The poor had small bits of land, too little for themselves.
There were large tracts lying idle, but these were my lord's parks,
and my lord's mountains. Nobody dared to approach them. He
OB, THE SPIRIT OP CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 95
Came to the city, and for many weeks sought to find a master.*
In vain. He had coino unbidden on the earth. Nature's wants were
his only heritage. Her bounties wcro not for him. "And so,' said
he, "I had to eat, or I would die — to find shelter, or I would perish.
The laws of society ignored me. I ignored its laws. Had it given
me a foothold, and such instructions as it could afford, would I be
here this day ? I and my two wretched brothers ? Society is stronger
than me. But whilst it c^o " The drop falls — the rope breaks !
The word dies in the utterance. For the wretched man fails, stunned
and bleeding, on the hard pavement thirty feet below. He is taken
up, moaning piteously; and, half walked, half carried — to the hos-
pital to staunch his miserable wounds? Xo ! to the gallows once
more that he may be killed effectually this time !f
"Coming struggle!" Those words were written twenty-
one years ago. And the struggle has come in earnest. Tiie
writers in Paper and Pamphlet, and the orators in Pulpit and
Platform, are standing bravely by the side of the ducal vil-
lainy— all agreeing that the world was made for the debauch-
ing dukes. But the Will of the Creator is letting the light
in on them. That Will is too plain to be mistaken, and too
sacred to be disobeyed. The mortal hunger and nakedness
of His children on the one side; the ducal debauchees on
the other. Who can doubt for which of the two was this
grand world formed ? And men are stupid enough to endorse
the dukes, without even knowing that they are denying God
at the same moment. They have been born and bred in the
Impious Falsehood, and it will take time and effort to drag
them up out of it. For it is not in a day or a month that
you can make the Turk turn Christian.
*I went through such an experience, as we have seen, when I was just
entering manhood. I had a homo to return to. If I had not, whether must I
die or take something to keep me alive?
fThfs scene is a reality. Three brothers, Paddy, Jemmy, and Aliok
Stuart were hanged in Lifford, county Donegal, about fifty years ago. I
knew them personally, and the facts were just as I have related them-
excepting the speech. Ignorance left them dumb — they could raise no
voice in their agony. Left them blind — they could not see the lords and
dukes at the bottom of their crimes and their fate. They were Protestants
—belonged to that very class, on whom the lord dukes rely to help them In
their coming struggle.
96 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 5
HOEACE GEEELEY.
I had now returned to New York, and at his request had
furnished a description of my voyage to Mr. Greeley for pub-
lication. He asked what would I do to help him in the
election of Lincoln now close at hand. I replied ihat I must
oppose him by reviewing the many errors he fell into since
I came to the country — that reminding him of those errors
might make him pause in his present course. It was very
simple, or stupid, of me to hope such a thing, but I actually
did hope it. Apart from the light it throws on Greeley's
true character, as a resume of public events not prominent
in history the letter, is of value. Personally I felt most
jdndly, and thus expressed what I felt:
MB. GREELEY — I write this letter from my heart to yours. You
are the only public man in the country who has been uniformly kind
to me. Would to God my voice might reach your better nature, and
open your eyes to the dangerous course you are pursuing.
'• Coming events cast their shadows before,"
and such events sometimes come suddenly, j In tracing the fate of the
Eoman Republic, Marmontel compresses a grave lesson into one
solid sentence. "The Eostrum and the Campus Martius, that had
never before seen violence, were inundated with gore, and Eome
became a slaughter house." On this particular subject history has
but one warning lesson.
You know that so long as I had the least hope that your party
would act in good faith with us in relation to the Public Lands, I, as
well as my brother Land Eeformers throughout the country, acted with
you, honestly, zealously.
I would not now interfere between you and your opponents, in your
battle for the national spoils, did not another great question present
itself.
That question is whether we shall remain one strong and harmon-
ious Eepublic, or wade through civil strife to disruption or future
antagonism. Alas ! for yourself, Mr. Greeley, and doubly, alas ! for
your country, that you
" Born for the Universe, narrowed your mind,
And to PAETY gave up what was meant for mankind."
What a greatness you might have achieved for yourself — what a
salvation for your country— had there been a little less of earth ifc
your nature I
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DA7B, 97
Conducting the Log Cabin for the Whigs, you put whatever shape
suited your purpose upon history — even the most recent. With your
consent and approval the streets were filled with processions, dead
owls, living ccons, and mock log cabins as political arguments. You
asked a "generous confidence." You got it, and used it —
"First — To commence a National Debt in time of profound peace,
A $12,000,000 loan.
"Secondly — To t&xsalt, sugar, tea, coffee, molasses, etc., and let gems,
all manner of precious stones, in free.
"Thirdly — To alienate t he PUBLIC LANDS, as the 'Common Lands*
have been alienated from the people of England.
"Fourthly — To establish at Washington a National Bank of two
hundred and ten millions of dollars to begin with, and extending its
controlling ramifications over the whole Republic."
President Harrison was called to his fathers after one month's
official life. John Tyler succeeded him, and twice vetoed the
National Bank — through and by which your party expected to sustain
their other evil measures. The sequel is soon told. Out of twenty-
six States and three Territories, you held the reins in no more than
five after the next election, in 1842 !
Now, Mr. Greeley, as editor of the Log Cabin, you know that you
did more to bring this great disgrace and this great danger on the
Republic than ten thousand of the common men that shouted under
your banners. You cannot but see — for you believe in Providence —
that the country was saved from this Great Conspiracy, in which you
acted so largo a part, by the removal of Gen. Harrison, and tiio stern
virtue of John Tyler.
But, as this is a subject you are not likely to see through clearly,
let me illustrate :
If you had been a pilot, say in 1840. If you had asked a "generous
confidence" from the ship's crew, and they, believing your protesta-
tions of skill and honesty, had put you in command of the vessel of
State. If, in return for that "generous confidence," you, either
through ignorance or design, headed the ship right into the breakers.
If God, in his mercy to the gallant vessel, took your man at the wheel
to Himself, and inspired the man who succeeded him to head her off the
rocks. If the crew rallied against you, chased you from the quarter-
deck, and locked you down under hatches for your attempted crime.
If that were so then (1840), how could you now (18GO) present yourself
and your associates as the right men, the reliable pilots, to take charge
of the gallant ship? Yet this is exactly your present position. Cannot
98 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY J
you realize that it is? And do you not despise the man who would
impose himself on the public for that which he is not?
How is it, then? When you acted so foolishly or so wickedly in
1840 — how are you sure that you are not acting as foolishly or as
wickedly now?
But it is possible you may think that you have gleaned up
wisdom and added to your stock of public virtue since that time.
Perhaps you think your success in life is a proof of this.
And yet you know that the corrupt system which prevails in polit-
ical cabals excludes the best men ice have from all participation in
public affairs. You know that the sorrowful lines of the poet never
applied more truly to his own unhappy land than they now apply to
this unhappy country ;
" Unprized arc her sons till they've learned to betray
Undistinguished they live — if they shame not their sires,
And the torch that would light them through dignity's way
Must be caught from tho pile where their country expires."
Above all things, Mr. Greeley, distrust your success — your great
public success. A wiser man, I think, than either you or I has
said:
" When vico prevails and impious men bear sway,
The post of honor is a private station."
You know that the politicians of all parties, yours among the rest,
are sneaking, self-seeking, corrupt men ; that people are beginning
to regard the very name "politician" as synonymous with infamy.
And yet your "post of honor" has not been "a private station." You
have been always, and now are, the essential leader of one of those
bands of politicians by trade. How could you glean up public virtue
where it was not? How could you, indeed, maintain your superiority
among them if you were not the Paul Clifford of the gang? Paul had
genius, energy, generosity, and even a slender brilliant thread of
honesty running through his character. And did not those qualities
render him all the more valuable to the gang — all the more formid-
able to the country which he infested?
But let us re-enter on your career, and step along from fact to
KHODE ISLAND.
The people of that State had been ruled under the exclusive and
insulting charter of one of England's worst kings, Charles II. This
charter had secured all power to the local aristocracy — disfranchis-
ing the people at large — and they were white people too — very much
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 99
as the negroes of the South are disfranchised. Did you not hail the
new " Declaration of Independence" issued by the people of Rhode
Island? Did you not support it with ardor in your paper? Did you
not maintain that "all legitimate government" was indeed " derived
from the consent of the governed "? This in the first week or two of
the movement. How was it, then, that a new light fell upon you the
week following ? How was it that you wheeled rapidly into the ranks
of the "Algerines," and opened upon the republicans such a heavy
and sustained fire as only you knew how to direct?
MINE BOBBERY.
When the government of James K. Polk undertook to deed away
the immense copper regions of Lake Superior to its favorites, the
National Reform Association protested against the robbery. I
called upon you, and asked you to h elp us to oppose it. You wouldn't.
On the contrary, you employed your Washington correspondent to
abet this immense fraud. Some of the Reformers found a key to this
strange conduct of yours in the fact that you were yourself a share-
holder in those grants. I could not think so. I merely regarded you as
r.
By some confusion led
That almost looked like want of head.'
You accepted the doctrines of Fourier, that splendid dreamer.
But, alas ! as soon as the politicians would have nothing to do with
M. Fourier, you put him out in the cold, and would not allow his
friend, M. Brisbane, to bring him into warm himself. Does not this
little fact show what reformers may hope from you in the hour of
their need.
' LAND REFORM.
But you "have always done justice to my great measure, the
Freedom of the Public Lands to Actual Settlers." Let us, Mr.
Greeley, approach this question with reverence. It is, indeed, " holy
ground.
I need not remind you, sir, that you had been the right arm of that
party which saw no better useior those lands than to • DISTRIBUTE"
them amonsr the several States — which you know means the several
politicians and money-lenders throughout the States. I need not re-
mind youthatwhenagallant "forlornhope" of workingmen commenced
a regular movement for the preservation and freedom of those lands —
that from the Spring of 1844 to the Fall of 1845, eighteen long months,
you looked on at their patriotic efforts, and instead of giving them one
word of cheer, kept hammering on at your scheme of " Distribution !'
100 THE ODD BOOK OF THB NINETEENTH CKNTTTBY ;
1 ' Distribution " of the lands among the States ! All this time the Phil-
istines had you like a blind Sampson chained in their mill, grinding
corn for them.
And thus for eighteen long months you could not see the noble
efforts of those great-hearted men. At last you saw them. Their
efforts struck your "Distribution" scheme stone-dead; and then
the Philistines unchained you, and let you look abroad and see what
was going on in the world.
And you found a new state of affairs — you found that a Resolution
in favor of Land Reform had passed the Assembly of New York by
the instructive vote of one hundred and two affirmatives to Jive nega-
tives. You found that the farmers of the central counties had joined
issue with that British legacy to us — Landlordism.
And so you found "Distribution" dead — killed by our labors in
New York City, and that vote in tho Assembly of New York State.
And from that moment you and your party abandoned the "Dis-
tribution" scheme forevermore.
And then you became a Land Reformer ! Then you turned from
the selling to the rising sun ! j
GENERAL JACKSON.
In the Summer of 1845 the obsequies of General Jackson were cele-
brated in New York City on a scale commensurate with the old hero's
fame am! services. The Tribune carricatured the whole ceremonial
with a bitterness which I thought in exceedingly bad taste. I criti-
cized the Tribune for this bad taste, in tho Farmers' paper, then under
my control ; and, being on the subject, expressed a thought like this :
' : For every true reformer, created by Nature, there come into this
world ten thousand quacks. Mr. Greeley has not yet said a word
against land monopoly; and ho is a puzzle to us — whether to call him
tho one true reformer, or to place him among the ten thousand
quacks." Tho very next week I was gratified to see you come out with
your first article on Land Reform.
But 1 was then at Albany, publishing a paper in the interest of the
\ farmers — and the paper circulated among fifty thousand voters.
Then you camo personally to my office and gave in your adherence.
POLICE.
Fernando Wood made our police system a political machine. You
removed Fernando's creatures to make way for your own. Fernando
hadn't armed his creatures with secret revolvers. You remedy this
03, THE SPIRIT OP CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 101
defect. Fernando made us pay $600 to his creatures ; you order us
to pay $800 to yours. And here is a sample of what they can do for
the money :
One of them (Cairns) arrests a citizen ILLEGALLY. The citizen
(Hollis) very naturally, and very properly, too, resists, frees himself,
and runs away. Your creature follows the man, (who, mind you, had
violated no law) fires at him shot after shot, regardless of the crowded
street— Fulton. The ' ' FUGITIVE, " to save himself from being mur-
dered, takes hold of an apple stand and stops, to give himself up. The
cruel wretch comes forward and, while his victim is so standing,
shoots him through the back, dead! A political grand jury is called.
They absolve the murderer ; without even putting him on his trial,
he is let loose again on the community, and his brother policemen
make up a purse of gold (one hundred and seventy-five dollars) and
present it to him as ' ' a slight mark of their approval. ' ' Now, I ask you
solemnly, Mr. Greeley, if this murder had been committed on a
"fugitive slave' in the streets of New York, wouldn't you have in-
voked heaven and earth for justice upon his murderer? And yet,
when your white brother is murdered, you are essentially dumb!
Indeed, your teachings have so debauched the public mind that
when I went to a public meeting of "Progressives, " in the Bowery,
to call their attention to this outrage on liberty, they wouldn't enter-
tain the subject at all. They had two negro orators, and were too
busy (I state a literal fact) discussing the more important concern
of "Whether the ancient Egyptians were black, white, or tawny" !
Even the temperance preachers who try of an evening to make
converts along the docks are repeatedly thrown into prison by these
police ; and, though repeatedly discharged by the Courts, are again
thrown into prison by the police. The Tribune abets this outrage.
"The police," it says, "are determined to enforce their authority."
What authority have they, sir, to trample on law and right?
I grant you that your political opponents are corrupt, mean, selfish
and dishonorable. To finish the picture, 1 have only to add that your
party is WORSE — beyond all comparison. The one uses "rods," the
other "scorpions."
TAX-EATEKS.
From 1848 to 1855 the journeymen politicians raised the taxes of
Williamsburgh from $23,000 to $378>000. About the latter period 'I
established the Tax-Payer, to expose and put a stop to this enormous
fraud. I called personally on you. I implored your assistance in
favor ol my effort. I put Into your hands the proofs (printed from
102 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CKNTUBY J
the public records) of the open robbery that was practiced upon us.
You would give me no help !
I was one day on a Staten Island ferry-boat. Sunday it was, and
the immense crowd, many of them intoxicated, were admitted with-
out stint. One or two fights were commenced, and if they had gone
on nothing could have saved the careening boat from capsizing. I
took notes of what I saw, intending to publish the facts in a New
York paper. I had forgotten for a moment that the editor, whoever
he might be, would cry out :
Hillo! Mr. Guideall, how do we stand on Staten Island matters?
Does the ferry line advertise with us? Has any of our friends real
estate that might be affected by publishing an article on the unsafe
ferries?
" Why, yes sir, we advertise for them occasionally, and Mr. Paper-
Share has also shares in the line." "Ah, well ! " (Chuck under the
table.)
As this image passed in review before me I put up my note-book.
Within that very month a large number of people were killed or
drowned on that same ferry bridge.
PBOTECTION TO AMEKICAN LABOE.
Can you propose nothing better for it than the choking dust, the
unwholesome gases, the stupefying noises of a factory? Can you
propose nothing better for it than having the gate slammed in its
face, if a human thought or a human action keeps it a minute too
late in answering the morning or the noon-tide bell? Toiling as if
they were dead parts of the machinery — stifling not developing their
faculties — obeying not thinking — suffering not enjoying life. A band of
white slaves, toiling out a life worse than death, to build up princely
fortunes for heartless — and may I not say inhuman? — employers.*
*The following is an official document presented to the Massachusetts
Legislature in 1843, and late movements in that State show us that things
are not improving since that time :
" We, the undersigned, females, dependant upon the labor of our hands
for subsistence, having left the employment of the Middlesex Manufacturing
Company, on account of a violation on their part of the agreement existing
between the undersigned and said Company, are now suffering persecution
from said Company, and are hunted from place to place, that we may find
no employment by which to earn a living. Not being able to contend
against our rich persecutors by bringing a suit at law for satisfaction, we
are compelled to seek redress or protection from the powers which created
said Company. The ' Regulation Paper ' which accompanies this memorial
reads as follows : 'All persons entering into the employment of the Company
are considered as engaged for twelve months, and those who leave sooner
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 103
Now, Mr. Greeley, though you and I may be brother reformers in
some things, we differ very much ir» this. "Protection to American
Labor!" The unglossed realities of yaw picture are before us.
Permit me, beside it, to present mine.
I would have a very large majority of the American people gentle-
men farmers— living on their estates, and raising solid, bountiful
'material, with which to feed and clothe their own nation — and a
reserve withal, sufficient to meet famine wherever it might appear in
the world. I would have the needful arts follow them and found
manufactures wherever the water-fall offered them its free force;
growing up from little to large, and owned by their operators, just as
the farmer would own his grounds. I would found this manufactur-
ing life on men's free not constrained action. I would throw across
it a'dash of sunshine, an opening to the sky, a prospect, and if need
be a ramble over meadows and hills. I would associate it with the
teeming, plenty, and the perennial purity of Nature. I would have a
market spring up between it and the fanners around. I would develop,
by those means, our brothers and sisters into dignified and complete
men and women. And any manufactures that would not grow up
spontaneously under circumstances like these, why I would leave
them to the houseless disinhe.rited peoples of Europe ; and when those
brought their products to our shores I would give them of the super-
abundance of our soil in exchange.
And so would you, too, Mr. Greeley, — I have that faith in you still
— if the cotton-lord white-slave party would only let you. But they
will not receive a regular discharge.' We did not imply, by agreeing to this,
that our wages were to be subject to any reduction which the Company
might see fit to make, and when they gave us official notice that they were
going to cut our wages down twenty-five per cent, we considered it a viola-
tion ot the agreement between us. We therefore quit working for said
Company. Some of us went to work for other Companies, but these Com-
panies soon received our names, and we were immediately turned off.
Some of us applied for work where hands were wanted, but were informed
that they could employ none 'of the turn outs from the Middlesex,' and
many who labored with us have been obliged to leave Lowell, and seek
their bread wo know not where, on account of the persecution carried on
against them by the Middlesex Company. Our names are upon all the
corporations in Lowell that we may find no employment. We therefore
pray that you will, if consistent with your constitutional powers, stay the
hand of our persecutors ; and if not, that some law may be enacted which
will prevent our brothers, sisters, and friends suffering as we suffer, if ever
they should resist injustice from Manufacturing Companies.
" Buth Hancock, Mary J. Stowell, Caroline J. Sweetser, Debora Smith,
Betsey Tenney, Lydia Or. Bates, Julia A. Taylor, Maria French, Mary W.
Honey, Lucinda Keeler, Ennice G. Ilsley, Kebecca H. Flynn, Amy Little-
field, Jane G, Morton, Mary A. Morgan." lAad this villainy continues to the
present day.]
104 THE ODD BOOS OP THE NINETEENTH CENTURY J
won't. It would not suit the Abbot Lawrence school of politicians.
And yet it might suit them just as well as to be breaking their firms
in the attempt to bribe Tariff Laws through Congress !
GBAND JURIES,
in this neighborhood at least, are mere political machines, each
member named by the supervisor of his district. I was named one
time. We visited the wretched prisoners in King's County Jail, who,
according to our "Young Men's Christian Association," are the most
' 'barbarously treated of any prisoners in the State. " I took note of the
facts and submitted a presentment to my brother jurors. One of
them — a trading, and withal a most stupid politician — said: "It
would make a very good newspaper article, but he 'guessed' they
would not adopt it." To this the other twenty politicians agreed,
having an undefined dread of Devyr. I took the paper to the Tribune
office, thinking that surely it would not turn its back on those brut-
ally treated prisoners. Your locum tenens, Mr. Dana, said he "would
take care of it ; " and so he did — such good care that it never saw the
light. The Sheriff was a Republican, it seems^and coming up for
re-election ; my paper might possibly injure his prospects, and so the
prisoners were left without a voice !
Tired with this uncertainty, I, once for all, wrote a private letter to
you, enumerating ten subjects of reform that I proposed to discuss
through your columns: First — on the Patent Laws; secondly — the
evil of building houses and ships that will burn up ; thirdly — Consti-
tutional Limit to Taxation, and so forth. You tacitly agreed to my
proposal, publishing my first article on reform of the Patent Laws.
The second you would not publish, though — if human life and prop-
erty be of any worth — it was the most valuable I had ever offered
to you. It struck at the business of the Insurance Companies, and
those companies advertise in the Tribune. Alas ! that reform must
be clogged by such considerations.
LAND REFORM.
A notice appeared in the Tribune, inviting some one who knew the
literature of land reform to come forward and publish a history of
that reform that would enure to the benefit of the Republican party.
I called at the Tribune office, and stated that I was willing to
undertake this work, provided that it was no "make-believe," to
catch votes. Mr. Dana referred me to the central committee at
Washington. I sent to them specimens of the literature, and offered
to do the work without reward. I added that I had seen much polit-
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS.
105
ical insincerity, and if any was to be practiced now they had better
keep clear of me. Mr. Grow, the chairman, returned my specimens
without a word of reply !
But it was hard for me to give up the hope that I had so long cher-
ished— the hope, namely, that your party would help us truly in this
great Reform on the Public Lands. So I called on yourself, sir. Yov
^vere, naturally, the last man in whom my trust would die away. In
reply to my offer, and its one condition, you said an article in the
Tribune would serve the same purpose !
It was a discouragement, indeed, when you squeezed the whole
work down to one article in the Tribune; so I said, "Well, even that
is, perhaps, better than nothing ; but, compress it as I may, it will
be a long article." You "did not think so," and you intimated that
it would be best to confine myself to "half a column!"
Mr. Greeley, you were my last hope. I looked through the political
leaders opposed to you — I saw only selfishness and hypocrisy; I
looked at your own political associates — they were equally selfish
and hypocritical. To you, therefore, I clung, as would the sailor to
his plank in a drowning ocean. But you would not let me write this
history. That was certain. And yet, why not? The proposition
came from yourself. It would help in the approaching election. I
would work as I am used to work, without pay. I returned home
mournfully thinking of those things. I turned to the papers I had
written from time to time on this subject. Among them I found the
following APPEAL TO THE WHIGS.
"You demand that a slave shall not be permitted to work on the
northerly side of a geographical line. You do not propose to lessen
the number of slaves. You do not propose to ameliorate their con-
dition. But you want to restrict slavery to its present limits. You
want to preserve the Territories to free labor.
' ' Is that all ? ' Yes, that is all. '
"Well, now, if that be all, there is no need to dispute with the
South about it. Will you not be obliged to me if I show you a plan
by which you can accomplish that object — certainly, effectually, and
with no danger at all? A plan in which the whole masses of the
North — not a fraction of them — will back you. A plan that will range
at your side all the white proletarians — the homeless men — of the
Southern States. A plan that will not leave to the slave-holder the
shadow of an excuse to break the peace, or a shadow of power to
carry out such a purpose.
Would the freedom of the Public Lands to actual settlers— forever limit'
106 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY J
ing the farm to 160 acres — would this simple measure, or would it not, keep
slavery out of the Territories?
" Reflect upon this question, and give me a distinct answer to it.
' ' But you do not need to reflect. You know that such a law would
fill the Territories with poor men from the South, and energetic men
from the free States. You know that this law would — not in terms,
indeed, but in effect — shut out the slave-holder. Could he pursue his
vocation on 160 acres of land? Or, if he could, what inducement
would he have to enter a Territory from which slavery would be sure
to be driven as soon as it becomes a State?
"Gerrit Smith loves the slave as well as you can pretend to love
him, and he answers the question in these words : ' Land reform Is
the mightiest and most thorough of all anti-slavery measures.
Abolish slavery, and land monopoly will reproduce it. But abolish
land monopoly, and make every man an acknowledged owner of the
soil — and there will be no room left for the return of slavery.' "
But you make the matter worse when you tell us that New York
City can furnish as many volunteers as will keep South Carolina in
order, at a very small figure of pay. It is, indeed, deplorable that
such shallow flippancy can show itself in discussing the life or death
of this glorious Union.
Mr. Douglas left his party in '52 and stood by you on the Nebraska
bill. This severed him from the Buchanan Administration. In
return you spoke out that he should be returned to the Senate. He
was your ally, and devoted to political death by his own party.
But the hungry office-seekers of Illinois would not suffer your
generous purpose. Their base little party newspapers came along,
day after day, howling at you for speaking of a generous return for
the help Mr. Douglas had given you.
Now that the whole Administration pack opposed his return to the
Senate, there was a chance for the hungry office-seekers of Illinois.
By this help, they would surely be able to turn Douglas out of a seat
—periled only by the aid he lent to themselves. You succumbed to
those base and ungrateful men, and joined them in their bitter and
ungrateful warfare. But you gained nothing by it. The sturdy men
of Illinois saw the ingratitude, and they rebuked it as it deserved.
And now you take the man (Lincoln) foremost in that ingratitude —
who stumped the State against Douglas— and you use him to push aside
Wm. H. Seward, a far abler man, whom you have so long personally
and bitterly opposed.
The letter concluded with this paragraph.
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DATS. 107
With gratitude for tho personal kindness you have ever shown me,
and in the liopo that you will, even yet, pause and have pity on your
country, permit me to subscribe myself your friend,
THOMAS AINGE DEVYK.
Before it went to press I sent him a proof of it, offering
to print any denials or explanations he might choose to make,
reserving the privilege oi commenting on them. The follow-
ing waj his reply :
NEW YORK, Nov. 20, 1860.
MR. T. A. DEVYR :
The only favor I shall ever ask of you — and I never asked one
before — is, that you procure and read Benedict Arnold's letter to his
betrayed countrymen after he escaped from West Point to the British
camp, and then take a steady look at your own face in a mirror. I
loathe you too much, for your treason to the rights of man, to Lpeak
of you : but for what you have said or may say about me I care
nothing.
I remain, glad that you have ceased personally to infest me,
HORACE GEEELEY.
To which I rejoined:
Greeley, are you the "rights of man?" Are the political knaves
associated with you the "patriots of the last century? " Is the man
who denounces you both ' ' Benedict Arnold? " It is long since _ knew
your vices ; but I never thought you were such an able and malig-
nant scoundrel. THOMAS AINGE DEVYR.
He had asked favors of me — to edit the Land Reformer in
favor of Fremont — to write him letters from Europe; and
I had written hundreds of dollars worth of correspondence for
his paper, without ever mentioning the word "cent" in
requital. Lincoln is elected, and Greeley,
" Scared at the sound himself has made,"
publishes the following:
Nov. 17, '60. — "If the Cotton States are satisfied that they can do
better out of the Union than in it, we insist on letting them go in
peace. The right to secede may be a revolutionary one, but it exists,
nevertheless. We must ever resist the right of any State to remain
in the Union and nullify the laws thereof. To withdraw from the
Union is quite another matter. Whenever a considerable section of
our Union shall deliberately resolve to go out, we shall resist all
coercive measures designed to keep them in. We hope never to live
in a Republic whereof one section is pinned to the other by bayonets."
108 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY J
ON THE 20th. — "If the Cotton States, unitedly and earnestly, wish
to withdraw from the Union, we think they should and would be
allowed to do so. Any attempt to compel them, by force, to remain
would be contrary to the principles enunciated in the Declaration of
Independence — contrary to the fundamental idea on which human
liberty is based."
DECEMBER 7th. — "If the Declaration of Independence justified the
secession from the British Empire of three millions of Colonists in
1776, we do not see why it would not justify the secession of five
millions of Southerners in 1860."
We have seen how he battled for land reform when it had
power. Now that his vicious party had poisoned it to death,
I find this record in a rural paper, the Southport Telegraph :
GREELEY ON LAND REFORM.— Greeley thinks that all men have a
natural God-given right to the earth; but then, he says that the
public lands stand pledged in the most solemn manner for the pay-
ment of the late war debt, and therefore he cannot go for freedom of
the public lands. Let us examine this position a little. Man has a
natural, God-given right to the land ? Yes. Well, what makes slaves ?
Why, depriving them of their natural, God-given rights. Well, then,
if the government had pledged the persons of our citizens and their
children forever, for the payment of this debt, would not the pledge
have been equally binding and sacred. The idea that one generation
has a right to perpetrate an admitted fraud upon the succeeding one
is certainly not worthy of Horace Greeley.— Southport (N. Y.) Telegraph.
A mistake of the Telegraph. It was pre-eminently "worthy
of Horace Greeley."
On December 5th, 1879, Wendell Phillips in a lecture says:
"Mr. Greeley was most pretentious. The philosophy of his edit-
ing was the most tyrannical, unjust, cruel and arbitrary that a decent
man ever avowed. He said that he did not undertake to tell the
truth ; that his only object was to tell the news, and if any man's
character was offended or injured in the Tribune he was at liberty to
set himself right. The doctrine was cruel, unjust, insolent, and
hard-hearted, and has never been avowed by a respectable man. As
if anybody had a right to make his living by printing a spicy lie
about you, to make his paper more saleable, and then you were
allowed to devote your days to hunting up evidence to disprove it,
and arrange matter for the press, and send your carefully-prepared
document, with your affidavit, to the Tributw — all of which trouble he
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DATS. 109
had no right to subject you to — and when you had done it, and when
he printed your answer, it was to be riddled with insult, to be merci-
lessly torn to pieces, you ridiculed — to be treated as if you were a
highway robber on trial, instead of a worthy citizen who had been
used to get a penny into the pocket of a dishonest knave."
There lives not a man, perhaps, who will impugn the
purity of heart of Wendell Phillips, and he here draws even
a worse picture of Greeley than the facts I was reviewing
compelled me to draw.
The foreman of the office in which my letter was printed
was a creature of Greeley and a speaker at the Ward meet-
ings. He so contrived as to spoil 1,500 out of 2,000 of the
impressions for want of ink. He disappeared soon after from
New York, charged with embezzling lecture noneys. Whether
it was Greeley got between the paper and the ink I don't
know. But I do know that the printer lost if some one
other than myself didn't pay him.
GENEKAL CBOOKE— THE WAR.
I had a conversation with him before hostilities commenced
in Charleston harbor, to this effect:
D. — I fear we're on the edge of a Civil War.
C. — Civil War ! No : It will be essentially a foreign war. The
seceding States must be dealt with as we would deal with a foreign
enemy. There will be frontier lines contended for — battles — quarter
and exchange of prisoners.
D. — But the Democratic Party — its leaders — at. the late Albany
meeting declared common cause with the South ! If they act up to
that declaration, the fighting will begin here, and you and I, General,
may confront each other from opposite sides of a barricade.
My fast friend of so many years was instantly transformed into
one of the most fierce and hostile men I have ever encountered. "If
you strike hands with those Albany dough-faces, and array yourself
against the forces of the government, if you are captured within this
district I'll hang you with my own hands."
I treated this demonstration as one of his habitual jests, but
observed that they "put on a terrible front this morning. "
"It is no jest," said he, "I mean it seriously, and I mean it to be
personally offensive to you. I regret that I ever interested myself
110 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY ;
in a man who would stir up civil war in a State that received himself
as a refugee so hospitably— a State that did so much for him. "
D. — New York State did nothing for me. Individuals like yourself.
General, did much. So did the natural resources of the country,
But New York State left me without protection against plunderers
and libelers like * * * * whilst it never knocked at my
door but with a Tax-bill such as neither Czar nor Sovereign had ever
ventured to present to their oppressed subjects.
C. — Be that as it may, you will not be permitted to commence
civil war. The. militia, of which I have command, will act simply
as a Police, to forward volunteers to the seat of war. That man
must have a bad heart who would oppose us in this, and so bring
war of the most remorseless kind to our own doors. And, he added,
I mean this for you, personaly.
D. — Even language like this will not make me forget what you
have been to mo. Are you just? Is it true that a man "must have
a bad heart," if he dared to defend in the field a principle sustained
by him at the ballot box?
C. — Then you are a Secessionist.
D. — I have no occasion. I will obey the laws of New York State
so long as I remain within her boundaries. If I leave those bounda-
ries, she has no right to follow me and bring me back by force.
C. — I don't believe she'd think you worth the trouble.
D. — There she'd be right. So I think of the South, she isn't
"worth the trouble."
C. — These new Southern allies of yours are aristocrats — insolent
and avowed. You, a life-long and extreme democrat, to be found in
the ranks of men who would not recognize your equality if you were
among them !
D. — Have we not aristocrats in the North, darkening their crimes
under the cloak of hypocrisy? To the Southern aristocrats I would
say — "Go! a good riddance," even if I did not believe their "con-
sent " necessary to their legitimate government.
C.— The very argument adduced an hour ago by our Hunker * * *
— a man who has ever been tied to the South by place and profit.
D. — Well, I at least have no such interest. Never had. Never
favored them — denounced them — warned them of what their inso-
lence would bring on them. But now that they ask permission to
govern themselves — from a proposition so just and so simple I
cannot withhold my consent, even if I did not most heartily wish to
get rid of them.
OK, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. Ill
C. — They take permission ; they do not ask it. They capture our
forces, seize our forts, plunder our Treasury at New Orleans — with-
out so much as saying "by your leave!" Would you not resent
such deeds? or, has all resentment died within you?
D. — Appeals to the feelings are misleading things in discussing
public questions. And when such appear I always think there is
not much of fact to appeal to. The seceded States were partners in
the Union. A part of the assets as well as of the liabilities belong to
them. They naturally take that portion which is found within their
own limits — leaving to us all that lie within ours. They take Nor-
folk Navy Yard and arsenal ; they leave Brooklyn and West Troy.
They take half a million in the Sub-Treasury in New Orleans ; they
leave five millions in the Sub-Treasury in New York. Must a man
"have a bad heart " because he sees things in this light?
C. — Perhaps not. A man may bo mistaken and not have a bad
heart. The truth is, I had just been goaded by the opposition of a
notoriously corrupt man, and when I found you urging the same
considerations that he urged, I transferred to you a portion of the
resentment that had been roused by him.
Saying this, he offered me his hand. He ' ' regretted having spoken
so offensively to me ; " and I truly rejoiced that I had refused to
take offence from a man who had done so much for me — the goodness
of whoso heart I had so often experienced.
" When you have got a former friend for foe,"
many a bitter consequence might be avoided, if you would only call
up the good and kind things that "former friend" had said and
done to you. Surely it is more like a man to call up those grateful
witnesses, than to give way to the mere animal instinct of re-
sentment.
The "war fever" was a moral epidemic. Men everywhere caught
the contagion. Its intensity may be estimated from the effect it
produced on the humane and noble hearted gentleman here re-
'erred to.
The Southern Senators, and " chivalries " generally,
were indeed insolent, inflated aristocrats. They re-
quired a lesson which would teach them man's equality —
and they got it, and deserved it. At the same time the
Northern slave-drivers of the factories, and of most other
hired work, were even more detestable — adding hypocrisy
to inhumanity.
So State after State seceded, and siezed upon all of the
112 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTUBY}
United States property that lay within their borders — forts,
arsenals, etc. — declaring that the national assets and liabili-
ties should be referred to a peaceful arbitration. All but
Fort Sumpter in Charleston harbor. Judge Campbell was in
Washington on the part of the South, in negotiation with
Seward and Lincoln. A statu, quo was understood, and Char-
leston furnished the garrison of Sumpter with an open market.
Meanwhile Seward organized a fleet to "relieve" that fort.
It was met by the shore batteries and driven back, and fire
opened on the fort on its refusal to surrender. Lincoln
issued a call for 75,000 men to bring the South to order.
Indeed Greeley had previously declared that " New York city
could furnish two or three regiments to establish order in
Charleston at a small figure of pay." Such was the short-
sighted shallowness of the two men.
Congress, every member of which was the spawn of a cor-
rupt political caucus, seized the opportunity (when men were
watching the changing fortunes of the war) to plunder the
nation of lands and money on a scale incredible in its vast-
ness. Two hundred millions of acres and almost two hundred
millions of dollars were plundered wlien the war was at the
hottest, and nobody watching the plunderers — divided by a
great Conspiracy inside and outside of Congress. Of the issue
of the war there could be little doubt. Southern incapacity
encouraged blockade runners to bring in foreign goods and
luxuries and bring away in payment the gold, — on which their
paper money rested — each trip depreciating the Southern
paper. Even the Northern paper money went down to 240.
Both rested on a fugitive basis of gold ; the basis left for other
parts, and down tumbled the paper. As for men's lives, they
were of no account in the armies of the North. It had all
Europe from which to recruit soldiers and workmen. We
read of migratory swarms rushing into fires in volume suffic-
ient to extinguish them. On the same principle Grant threw
the Northern soldiers on death, knowing that if he destroyed
one of the enemy for every four or five he lost victory would
be his in the long run.
I now turn to a man who was as politically pure as Greeley
was politically villainous.
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DATS. 113
GEKEIT SMITH.
Strange phenomenon of the human mind! One of the
most pronounced peace counsellors of the age was Gerrit
Smith. At an anniversary of the Peace Society, held in
Boston in '56, he was its chosen orator, and urged the
doctrine, "if you are smitten on one cheek present the other."
He pictured a nation refusing to lift its hand even for self-
defense, and other nations rushing in to protect it in its
obedience to the great Christian precept. And yet, in his
canvassing tour for Governor of New York, two years after,
he deliberately said within my own hearing that before he
"would see injustice done to ono black baby he would see
oceans of blood flow." And yet Gerrit Smith was a man of
great ability alike as an orator and a writer, and of a purity
of heart rarely paralleled.*
r Though the home of Gerrit Smith was the abode of taste
and refinement of the highest order, it was accessible on terms
of perfect equality to any honest man, in whatever coat or of
whatever color. Indeed, I suspect the colored man had the
preference, just because he was ostracized. At the time I
speak of (1858) he made the tour of the State, addressing
crowded assemblages everywhere. His presence was most
commanding — his tall figure, classic features, and long, pro -
fuse white beard — his voice a silver trumpet — his elocution
keeping in modulated bounds the enthusiasm and the passion
of his great heart. And yet it is my lon^-iixed judgment
that few men ever did more, by a sin of omission, to substan-
tially injure America than Gerrit Smith. lie had fully
mastered the great foundation principle on which all govern-
ments and enduring institutions must repose, and thus de-
scribed it:
"Land Reform is the greatest of all Anti-Slavery measures.
Abolisii Slavery to-morrow, and Land Monopoly would pave the way
to its re-establishment. But abolish Land Monopoly — make every
American citizen the owner of a faim adequate to his necessity — and
there will be no room for the return of Slavery."
Founded on this declaration, I got out a " Broadside " in
his favor, and armed with 10,000 copies of this " Broadside "
* His heart overtaxed his brain, insomuch that he had once to be put
temporarily under medical treatment in one of the public Institutions.
114 THS ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY;
I proceeded to the central counties. I came to Clarksville,
twelve miles from Albany, at a time when the sham Demo-
cratic leaders were assembled to make their nominations for
local offices for that county. I walked up the street, dis-
tributing my sheets at the houses and 'to the crowd; and,
having done so, returned to the hotel. Immediately a crowd
of " Democrats " rushed into the house after me, and robbed
me by force of half the sheets I had remaining. Had not
several ladies belonging to the hotel come to the rescue, I
would have lost all the papers. Indeed, it was with great
difficulty they were able to save me from great personal
violence. They (those " Democratic " leaders) carried their
prize out, and made a bonfire of them in the street. The
loaded whips that came nearest my head in the melee were
wielded by Irishmen, though it has been seen how much
cause they had to abhor Parker. \
But how and whence was it ? An hour after this outrage
I took my remaining Broadsides under my arm, and pro-
ceeded through the crowd to search for some conveyance
that would speed me on my way. I felt perfectly secure
that no one would hurt me. And I did go safely through
that undiminished crowd, and achieved my purpose of pro-
ceeding along on a farmer's wagon.
This robbery and burning of my property was accomplished
in broad daylight, within twelve miles of the Governor's
Executive Chamber. Next day I made affidavit of the facts
before a Justice of the Peace, and forwarded it to Governor
King. He found it compatible with his official duty to take
no notice of it. So also with the great and good Horace
Greeley, to whom I sent a transcript of the proceedings.
Thurlow Weed's paper published the affair, but seemed to
think nothing of it.
I proceeded, and the remaining five thousand copies fell
into good hands. Parker was so beaten that he never showed
on a public ticket from that day to this.
Mr. Smith was idolized in his own neighborhood. In it
he was elected to Congress in opposition to both the polit-
ical parties. But on this trial not more than five or six
thousand votes were returned in his favor in the whole State.
The reason for this was twofold. . First, his friends knew he
had no chance against the regular nominees of the old
parties, and, therefore, voted for Morgan, their second choice.
OB, THE SPIBIT OP CHIVALBY IN MODERN DATS. 115
And secondly, half the votes he did receive were not counted
to him. The district in which I resided gave him several
votes to my own knowledge, yet the returns did not show
that one vote had been cast for him. He paid the expense
of my Broadside and the cost of my traveling connected
therewith. Ole insisted upon paying for my time and labor.
But to this I did not, indeed I could not, consent, as at my
very outset in public life I resolved never to make profit by
my efforts to put down Land Monopoly, and it was on that
score alone I supported Mr. Smith. On the Negro Slave
Question we differed, at least in the importance attached to
it. He practically put it first and foremost in his efforts,
though his theory, as we have seen, gave precedence to
Land Reform. Evil indeed was it to his country that his
theory went one way and his practice another.
For Mr. Smith, in his Address already quoted, gave the
most eloquent discussion to the first great want of the nation
that, perhaps, ever was spoken or printed. With his undi-
vided co-operation — his resources, which were ample — his
character, so pure and uninipeached — and his genius, so
lofty, clear and demonstrative — we could have knocked Land
Monopoly on the . head. In fact the contest was virtually
won when this Slavery Question carried the public thought
away from it. On account of my work in this matter Mr.
Smith made, on my suggestion, a charitable donation of $25.
And yet this great thinker utterly deserted Land Eeform,
and whilst he gave fifteen hundred dollars a month to sustain
the border war in Missouri, waged by the heroic John Brown,
he refused to give thirty or forty dollars a month to sustain
that pure-hearted man, George H. Evans, in publishing his
Land Ref orm paper in New York. Evans was literally starved
back to his mortgaged spot of ground in New Jersey.
Greeley held a mortgage on it for $200 — had imperative
need and must get the money he lent — but would take no
Interest. Mr. * * * , ever ready to do good, lent George
half the sum without security and without Interest. Instead
of cultivating the stony public mind George went to cultivate
melons, and out of the first return from his crop he came and
paid off this $100 loan of honor.
The war is over; Mr. Smith's great object has been achieved;
116 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH <jkirJriiBr J
the negro is free—" free TO STARVE,"* and I write this
letter:
GREENPOINT, N. Y., August 26, 1872.
MY DEAB MB. SMITH:
It gives me a confused, mixed, perplexed pleasure to see
by the newspapers that you are still throwing your influence
upon public affairs. In the right direction, too; if, indeed,
such a thing as "right direction" exists in this lost Republic.
Lost! by the intense, insane selfishness that everywhere
and with front unbroken stares you in the face. Liberty!
"Why, the very ideal of it — the grand, sacred, ethereal im-
personation that held the hearts of your fathers of '76, of
mine of '98 — the goddess whose feet just touched the high
summit of the mountains — her robe stainless as its untrodden
snow — her smile the inspiration of the gallant cohorts arrayed
beneath her standard ! Alas ! alas ! she is gone, as if forever
— gone, leaving not a trace of even her departure behind.
Gross, greedy, sordid mercenaries follow in the trail of an
immoral drab, "which in their degradation they call, and I
suppose believe to be, "Liberty." Sight of torture! W3 can
find refuge from thee only in the thought of another sphere
of existence !
Indirect slavery — nominally the least odious, practically the
worst of its forms — is now enthroned high and unquestioned.
DISINHERITED MAN ! you ask through your Trades' Unions and
Labor Conventions only a modification of the inferior con-
dition that has been forced on you, and which you accept.
The Equal Children of The Creator — Heirs-at-Law of His
Grand Estate — you do not breathe a word of your INHER-
ITANCE— you ask only sucli a state of servitude as will be
tolerable — as will give you a reasonable pittance for your
families, in return for your all-creating labor. And you will
not get even that. Oh, no ! That selfish thing on its velvet
cushion — that wretch rolling in its glancing chariot, to its
banquet of a dozen wines — is not content. He wants "MORE"
* The inhuman politicians that constituted, and still do constitute, our
Government, would not give him the smallest patch of laud to sustain his
«' freedom." If they did so, how could, they refuse it to the white citizen?
To do so would upset their whole purpose, which was, and is, to seize all
the lands, disinherit tho people, and turn them into a vast gang of wages
slaves, arid build u;> in Air. erica an aristocracy such as has forever cursed
the world.
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 117
— he will for ever want " more." He wants you to take another
loaf from your children, that he may add another wine to his
table. He is insane ! He is execrable ! You strike against
him, do you? Alas! it is the strike of weakness against
strength, of poverty against wealth, of hunger against plethora.
You ha\ e given up your INHERITANCE — your right to own, and
use, and enjoy your own property. In that you have given
up everything — LIBERTY, SECURITY, KNOWLEDGE, REFINEMENT,
CHEERFULNESS — all that makes life true and dignified. You
have accepted SERVITUDE, SUBJECTION, DEGRADATION, IGNORANCE.
You have cast aside and turned your back upon all the
God-like attributes of your nature. You are no longer the
MAN you were created! You are the DRUDGE that is made
of you by wicked men, and you are not even aware that you /
are only a drudge.
In writing the name of " Gerrit Smith," why did my thought
start away and lose itself in the maze I have just traced?
Why? How could it do otherwise when that name, "Man's
Inheritance," flashes across the political gloom like lightning
across a midnight sky. "Man's Inheritance ! " Can I forget
that you, the ablest advocate — you, the purity and devotion
of whose life won for it a little of that consideration and
respect which attaches to your own character — you, oh,
misery! alas for the coming ages! you, even you, adandoned
that God-like effort, in the vain attempt to efface lines of
black and white — to annul a distinction fixed by the Creator
of us all? THOMAS AINGE DEVYR.
How relentless are Time and Fate ! Seventeen or eighteen
years have rolled over. His great idea of Negro Emancipa-
tion has been carried triumphantly through ponds of blood
and over fields of dead bodies and broken hearts, and, in
answer to the foregoing, I receive this last recognition from
Gerrit Smith:
PETERSBORO', December 18, 1874.
THOMAS A. DEVYR:
My Old and Dear Friend — -Your highly esteemed letter
finds me an old man (nearly 78) and in greatly impaired
health. I have to answer it briefly, and by the hand of
another.
I scarcely wonder at your getting out of patience with me.
so shrunken am I from what I was in my brighter and better
118 THE ODD BOOK OP THE NINETEENTH CENTURY J
days, when you first knew me. But age and sickness must
tell upon their sufferer.
I can do no more in the sphere of political economy. May
God preserve you to work in it many, many years. Our old
Land Reform cause is still dear to me, though I may no
longer have strength to serve it.
My dear wife will be pleased to know that you still remem-
ber her. She, too, is in broken health, and is in the hands of
a physician in New York.
With kind regards to all the members of your family,
I am, as ever, your friend,
T*V T? Q MTT, GBRRIT SMITH.
JDY XL b. JMlLLEB.
Very soon after this date that pure spirit left the sphere
of its great exertions. Mrs. Smith, too, — a glorious woman,
an equal partner even for such a man — followed him to his
rest two or three months after. Never did a wedded pair
leave a purer, brighter, loftier memory behind them. Of
my sustained correspondence with Mr. Smith I find in
my always carelessly kept records only the foregoing letters
and one autograph, which I preserve as a foe-simile of his
most singular handwriting:
122 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY J
THE FENIAN MOVEMENT.
The chronic discontent which underlies and inspires the
chronic war so long existing in Ireland became vigorously
've at the close of the Great American Civil "War, 1865-6.
etings were held, speeches made, papers printed, but not
a word written or spoken about the great foundation griev-
ance of Ireland — THE LAND GRIEVANCE. "The English op-
pression of seven centuries " — the contrasted figures of " Celt
and Saxon" — a sprinkling of "green fields," "blue moun-
tains" and "pellucid waters," and
"The long-faded glories they cover. "
This was the burden of all that was said, sung or written ;
in the midst of which the thief who dares to call himself a
"lord" lay hid away, unseen and unheeded. The Irish
People, Organ of John O'Mahoney and the Fenian Brother-
hood, was two weeks old, and had got no farther than
"Saxon" and "Sunburst," when I broke in upon them with
a letter which I abridge :
THE LAND QUESTION IN IKELAND.
'• What art thou, Freedom? O ! could slaves
Answer from their living graves
This demand, tyrants would flee
Like a dream's dim imagery.
Thou art not as impostors say,
A shadow — soon to pass away —
A superstition and a name
Echoing from the cave of Fame.
For the laborer, thou art bread,
And a comely table spread,
From his daily labor come,
In a neat and happy home."— SHKLLEY.
"An empty sack won't stand." — Irish Proverb.
The first grand step towards Freedom is Nationality.
And yet Nationality per se is not Freedom. Europe is full of nationalities
—but where is its Freedom? Tumble the Swiss Alps cut of the map, and
you will leave very little freedom behind.
" But Ireland will establish universal suffrage, and surely from the adult
manhood of Ireland will come forth a government commensurate with her
wants."
Such, doubtless, is the impression. Let us take care to have that impres-
sion realized.
France, whose advance step shakes Europe like an earthquake — high-
minded, chivalrous, intellectual France — what is the amount of substantial
freedom wrested out of her frequent and glorious revolutions? The conlis-
Oix, THE bPittlT UF CH1VALKV IN MODERN UAVS. 123
cated lauds of the "emigrant nobles" form, now many a happy homestead
for the people— but only for a small portion of the people of France.
And this breaking up of tho " emigrants' estates " was only an incident of
the Revolution. Those " nobles " turned their backs on Franco to join her
invaders. And then the Republic took their lands to redeem the national
assignats. Those who had assignats got land. Those who had no assignats
get no land. And those of tho nobles who tolerated the Republic. Have
not they or their representatives a clutch on tho soil of Franco to tho
present day ?
A recent English traveler says that much of the lands of Southern France
are in the hands of small proprietors, and he adds that in tho owner of one
hundred acres (much of it in vines) he found the refined gentleman, sur-
rounded by a train of assistants, cultivating his crops, and realizing just
such a happy life as we rarely find except in tales of romance.
But the artisans and laborers of the French cities and on the French soil,
what do they realize? Can it be possible that an American workman will
receive as ranch money for one day's toil of ten hours as the French work-
man receives in return for his labor of a whole week? Can it be possible
that the million:? of gallant Frenchmen — alter all their victories— rtill livo in
i hr presence- of poverty?
Behold, then, the contrast ! Reflect how things might have been if the
French nation had resumed the French soil, and opened its bosom to the
whole French people.
And would it have been unjust to apportion to those "nobles/' each, a
farm <;f reasonable s.;ze, and lot them work for their living like honestcr and
better men? Well, France did not do so — and is there no instruction in tho
result?
Are we Irishmen wiser and better than our brothers < >t' 1 'ranee? Y,'e are not.
And now for a short Christian Catechism : —
Are the poorest men and women equal to the richest in the sight of their
Creator?
Are they made in His Image?
Do they inherit His Spirit, as He "breathed it into the nostrils of Adam,"
tho first man?
Has he given to all His Children the same wants and necessities?
Has He created any means by which those common wants may be
supplied?
Are there such things as a fruitful soil, varied and inexhaustible mines
infinite mechanical forces?
Are those, with the condition of labor annexed to them, sufficient to
supply all our wants — first the material, then the moral and intellectual !
Who performs that condition of labor? Who should enjoy its fruits?
Does your reason suggest no answer to those questions?
Think those things over till you hear again from
THE SON OF A UNITED IRISHMAN.
1*2 -1- THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY;
O'Mahoncy tlien commissioned mo to write tlio leaders of
his paper, which I did up to the seventh number. The
London Time* took the alarm — declared we wanted to
" establish the Jewish Theocracy of Land, " called on- the land-
lords 1o "standby the government andn^ht for! heir estates,"
and had our paper shut out from the mails. The paper rose
from 10,000 to 30,000 in circulation. At tho seventh number,
Sullivan (the printer) -would publish nothing more from my
pen. The first thing ho refused to publish was tho following
critique upon an "Address to Southern Irishmen," by Judge
O. A. Lochrane, of Georgia — sucli a sample of literary rub-
bish as rarely ever made its way into print. As a sharp
etching of a puro demagogue, and for other reasons, I pre-
serve it.
"And Brutus is an honorable man." — SEAKESPEAE::.
To tlie ''Honorable" O! A ! Lochrane:
Sir.— " Honorable " is a grand prefix to a man's name. They use
•it — ?r abuse it — a good deal in the British Islands.
But hero, it 13 not abused at all. Hero, every man who has the
prefix must necessarily bo an honorable and an honest man.
For lias he not first taken a plunge into tho pure fountain of Party
Politics? Has he not been "cleansed" in that fountain, of all
>crisy and double dealing? Has he not been "'sprinkled with
the hyssop" of patriotism and public virtue, and come out "whiter
than snow"?
To bo sure ho has. You have been in the bath, and know all
about it. I wish to remind tho Southern Irishmen of tho fact, so
that they may givo you such respect as i.3 your due.
For you have been addressing a letter to them recently, and that
letter i.3 to mo a tempting invitation to sit down arid have a talk
with you.
Our purpose, you are told, is to "free Ireland from the British
Government." A most atrocious purpose, to be sure 1 "To form an
Irish Republic." How preposterous ! To make it one day an out-
post "of the United States." Yvrorse and worse! How could you
think wo would bo guilty of such wickedness?
It ii true the oU monarchies have their anchoring grounds in all
corners cf the globe. But what then! " Royal" men and "noble"
men surely ought to have prerogatives above and beyond common
fellows like us. Don't you judge so — most honorable Judge?
And you tell us that "a revolution commenced without sufficient
OR, THE SPIRIT OP CHIVALRY IX MODERN DAYS. 125
resources to sustain it, is the highest crime against both God and
man."
O! A! is it indeed? Away, ye Folanders under Kosciusko ! we
will revere your heroism no longer. Ye Circassians fighting for
your mountain homes ! how dare you commit such a crime ! Resist
the mi-hty Russian Empire, indeed. Oh, ye criminals ! Fathers of
Seventy-six, too — you little knew how near you ^tood to that
'' moral '' precipice ! Had the tiJo not turned in the Delaware — had
the gallant French come to help your enemy instead of yourself — I
shudder to think of what " criminate " you would have been "before
God and man." Heroes of Ninety-eight ! But you will be forgiven,
I hope. Lochrane ha-1 not yet arisen to make you aware of your
"great crime."
And then you shako i:i our faces that "one hundred and fifty
millions of inhabitants" which "England owns" in all quarters of
the globe. Vrhat a smothering we will get when all this power
comc.3 down upon us. AVe had been under the impression that much
of England's power had to go away, away — abroad to keep doicn those
myriadicol inhabitants. Tvro were foolish enough to regard them as
our very practical allies. It was cruel of your "honor" to dispel this
pleasing illusion.
And that "thousand ships, and hundred thousand seamen," which
you count up for England — how many of them is a free gift of your
own? It i.3 of importance to us to know this. "We were counting
on no more than her own ships, and we remember the Briton's
national song :
" Where'er he goes — where'er he steers —
In every clime he sees
Tho fl .g that braved a thousand years,
The battle and the breeze."
And so we expected only a sprinkling of those flags along the
Irish coast. One in every ten or twenty miles. It was very unfair
and ill-" judge "-ed and un-"neutral"of you, Judge Lochrane, to make
a present of five or six hundred ships to one of the belligerents, to
the great damage of the other. Besides, if your paper ships will turn
out to be as heavy metal as your paper bullets, they will send us
every one to the bottom.
And now, would you please stand up, till I put you through a
short catechism?
Do you know the extent of water front Ireland presents — bays,
headlands, creeks, inlets and all manner of indentations ? Can you
126 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY;
guess how many heavy ships it would take to watch it? How close
must the cordon be? links of five miles, ten miles or twenty miles?
The consequence of putting weak links in the chain — such as vessels
of less weight than fifty guns ? How many open coast landing places
of a fine summer evening? How long it might take, with ready
boats and launches, to throw a thousand men on shore? How they
could bring with them say sixty rounds and a week's rations? Have
you given your sage thoughts to the element of steam? How it has
changed things since the days of Napoleon ? Can you guess how far
off a ship may be descried even in daylight? How far off at night?
How long a vessel would be in making the land after she hove in
sight of it? Do you know the difference between a blockade runner
forced to make a port, and an Invader jumping to get his foot on
any point of the shore? If you fall in with a war vessel, do you
know that her first shot must be a harmless ' ' Heave to " ? Her next,
a boat with an officer to inspect your papers? Could you imagine
us driven right aboard that war ship? Our grappling irons? A
thousand men starting from under the shade of our bulwarks?
Their boarding-pikes and six-shooters ! "Won't you pray "God have
mercy" on the souls of your friends, if they resist now?
You believe, doubtless, that nothing of this kind can be done. It
is natural for you to believe so. But let me assure you that such
things have been done a thousand times. Done, even, without the
help of steam. Done, even, by mercenaries with no higher incentive
than a love of fighting and a day's pay.
Now, Judge, between you and me, I'm afraid you never troubled
yourself about these things at all. I'm afraid you rushed forward
to instruct the public before you took the least trouble to instruct
yourself.
"O ! A ! — but I think you haven't the ships, or the army, or, may-
be the men and the bravery to do this."
Well, I'll leave you to guess at those things. But don't look
into your own soul as a mirror of what we can, or cannot, do. You
will find little belonging to us reflected there.
What a delectable Judge you are, sure enough! You inform us
that the power of England has "swept over Ireland" from sixteen-
ninety to eighteen-forty-eight — as indeed it has for a much longer
period. And you assure us in the same breath that we have for all
this time "borne along the highways of the world" a bright
escutcheon, "blazoned all over with fame," and "wreathed all over
with laurels ! " How that bright escutcheon could stand up while
THE .si'JKiT or uuvAUtY is MODERN DAYS. 127
England thus "swept over" it! — how those wreaths of laurel could
grow on the brows of a "swept over" people — you do not wait to
inform us !
Out upon you, Lochrane ! Out upon all the shallow, selfish
demagogues (and their name is legion) who could offer to the en-
slaved people of Ireland this imaginary heritage in the Past, in lieu
of the real living heritage — their own land — in the Present, and in
the long Time to come !
See the Irishman in his empty cabin. The land-thief has been
there and taken away the food. That infant has nothing to get now
from its wretched mother. The fountain is dry and beginning to
shrivel up. "Hush! baby! here is a cupfull of that 'glory' sent
over by Judge Lochrane, of Georgia, in the United States." His
favorite boy (five years old) cries through his choking sobs, "Papa,
won't you give poor little Tommy something — oh ! something to
eat ! He is sick ! he will die !" " Yes, darling ! here is a morsel of
4 twined poetry ' which an ' Honorable ' Judge sent you from beyond
the seas!" May Heaven forgive you, Judge Lochrane — if it can!
You don't feed your own wants on " vanquished laurels " and "trod-
den down glory " !
But what ! though demagogues speak falsehood about our history !
What! though laurels do not enwreathe — though glory does not
over-shadow it ! Is that history less dear to us because dimmed by
a flood of tears? Is the memory of our fathers less cherished by us
because they fell and died (alas ! vainly died) in defense of their
country and their homes?
The aspiration was there. The devotion was there. The strong
right hand was there. But the cool thought and wise foresight
were not there. Impetuous valor swept them away. But not, I
hope, forever !
The United Irishmen won the battle of New Boss — on which
turned the fate of Ireland. But what their impetuous valor gained
was quickly lost again for want of that cool thought which ardent
valor is unwilling to listen to. Fatal error ! How have you been
atoned for ! with what a torrent of blood and tears !
But it leaves no stain on the manhood of Ireland. And neither
does England's victory of '48, which you point to with such exulta-
tion.
Smith O'Brien, Dillon, Doheny and Stephens had their Head-
quarters in a remote village of Tipperary. It was a Summer day.
A captain of dragoons with his troop rides into the narrow street,
128 THE ODD BOOK O±' THE MSETEENTH CENTURY J
and they are brought up all standing by a barricade. The
rifles behind it cover the gallant captain, who is so fascinated
by the attention that he hasn't power to move. The insurgent
leaders are in council hard by. They send a herald (John Dillon)
to know if the gallant captain has indeed come out to make arrests,
as is reported? But the captain (being himself under arrest just
then) is glad to say, "No!" He is merely out taking a harmless
ride. Oh ! very well ; if that is the case, open this barricade to the
gallant captain. And so, he and his troop go on their way rejoicing,
to the great disgust of the men who had shut them up in the coop.
Michael Doheny gives the particulars in his " Felon's Track, " and
adds:
"Tnis WAS THE REVOLUTION, IF WE HAD ACCEPTED IT."
Bnt they did not accept it. Judge Lochrane was there in spirit,
and he would not let them.
The Almighty hand seems to have preserved us so far from the
"high commanding influence " which the London Times desires so
much to see. Let us preserve ourselves from it for the time to
come.
I must now lump a lot of " honorable absurdities" together, and
get rid of them in one batch. You speak of the " Komance of
Revolution," with the ground you walk upon (consecrated in '76)
staring you in the face! Of "compromise" between that bloated
1 ' landlord " and his perishing victim ! The ' • blood of God is our anti-
dote," you say. It has flowed before the tyrant's eyes for centuries,
unheeded. You speak of bringing out the doomed ones to this land.
How many could we bring out, and how many must remain to perish?
You dwell on the "plunder, murder and massacre of war," but forget
the 70,000 who die annually of famine. And isn't that a brilliant
discovery of yours — we are not " Irishmen " any longer, we are only
"Fenians." O! A! Yes. The "Volunteers" of '82, and the
" United men " of '98 ceased to be Irishmen the moment they took
up their distinctive names. They didn't know it, to be sure, for
Judge Lochrane wasn't on the ground to tell them. But the Southern
Fenians haven't that excuse, and I trust they will deport themselves
accordingly.
But I am afraid they are stiff-necked fellows. I am afraid they
will not hearken to " Honorable " wisdom, when it is offered gratis to
them at their own doors. They have been through the war, too.
No doubt they have suffered, Judge Lochrane, probably as much as
you did yourself. Yet they don't seem to be shaking in their shoes
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 129
with fear. I suppose the slices they wear are not ' 'Honorable "
shoes. Little Tommy's famishing voice is ringing in their ears.
Can it be that they are preparing to bring him some other deliverance
a little more substantial than your "wreathed laurels" and your
twined poetry"?
0! A! "but they can't do it," you say. The American Govern-
ment won't let them. You cite big names, and even quote Latin to
prove this. But then again you disprove it all when you admit that
there is no law "to prevent the citizen [from] emigrating." Well,
that privilege is quite sufficient for us. We want no more, if we
only make good use of it.
But I cannot close until I give the Northern Fenians one undiluted
ray of light, just as it shoots from your sunny intellect. Here's
what you say :
"The Revolution is not the people, but a woman fond of show and
ornament, and given to dance and exhibition*." Now, I believe that
such a revolution (or woman) would be a fit consort for Judge
Lochrane himself; arid, taking off my hat and making my best
bow, in that congenial company let me leave him.
THE SON or A UNITED IRISHMAN.
Sullivan was an active, able man in his way. He wrote
"Desmond," quite a clever tale of the South of Ireland. But
his position brought temptation to him, to which he appears
to have yielded, greatly I think to his own loss. J.-Doran
Killian, too, (called "the brain of the movement"), was a
clever writer and speaker, but entirely unsuited to the leader-
ship of a revolutionary movement. In both respects the
same 'may be said of Wm. E. Robinson, who figured a good
deal at the public meetings. The atmosphere of New York
is not a pure place to breathe in. The rottenness of politics
pervades it thoroughly, and the men I here speak of did not
resist its contagion.
Finding the paper in bad hands, I started the Fenian
Brotherhood, and published, in its first number, this
LETTER TO ARCHBISHOP M'CLOSKEY.
RIGHT REVEREND SIR:
I take the liberty of presenting to your notice two facts of history.
Both of them are significant, and may at the present moment be
studied by you with great profit. Lady Montague, an Englishwoman,
draws the following picture of France in 1718 :
130 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY J
" I think nothing so terrible as objects of misery, and the country villages
of France show nothing else. While the post horses are changed, the whole
town comes out to bog, with such miserable, starved faces, and thin, tat-
tered clothes, that they need no other eloquence to persuade one of the
wretchedness of their condition. This is all the French magnificence you
see till you come to Fontainbleau, where you are showed jifteen hundred
apartments in the king's hunting palace."
So much for the effect. Now for the cause :
" Supposing," says high Tory Allison, " the produce of an • cr ) worth £3
2s. 9d., the proportion that went to the king was £1 18s. -id. ; to tti-j 1 indlord
18s., and to the actual cultivator 5s. If the produce of an acre were divided
into twelve parts, nearly seven and a half went to the king, three and a half
to the proprietor, and ONE to the actual cultivator ! "
That's the way they ordered things in France in those days.
And there were three "orders" in France at this time, who kept
the people in this deplorable condition. One was the "Royal"
order —the sensual and detestable Bourbons. Next came the ' • Noble ''
order — the thieves wno had stolen all the lands of France from their
true owners, the people. This "Noble" order not only excused
itself from paying taxes, but was continually besetting the Court to
get pensions, sinecures, all manner of plunder out of the national
treasury — out of the " seven and one-half parts" plundered by the
king. Then there was a third order — that of the bishops and clergy.
This order was a political body, with legislative power equal to that of
the nobles. They, too, excused themselves from all payment of
taxes ; and all its high dignitaries vied with the highest nobles in
the splendor and luxury of their lives !
This order, naturally enough, took part with the oppressors of
France. I do not say that they were oppressors themselves-, but I
ask you, Bight Reverend Sir, what do you think about them?
And I ask you further, do you think they did right in siding with
the oppressors of France? You will, of course, be guarded in
answering this question, as it has a personal leaning toward your-
self.
And I would further ask you, what effect did this conduct of the
French clergy produce upon the French people? Had it anything
to do with making France a nation of Infidels?
The founder of the Christian Religion was not an oppressor of
the poor. He did not league himself with their oppressors. The
people of France ought to have remembered that great truth. They
ought to have held firmly to the Christian faith. They ought to
have seen that the French political clergy were one thing, and the
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 131
Christian religion was quite another thing. But they didn't. They
turned their backs and bccarr.e infidels.
Do not follow the example of the French bishops. Bo not throw
yourself or your clergy as a shield over the crimes of the English
and Irish n,ri,;tocracy. Do not! No shield can save them Irom the
indignation of an uprisen and virtuous people. The shield may get
itself tarnished, but it cannot either screen or protect thorn ia their
crimes.
I have shown 3*011, sir, the witness borne by a woman against tho
atrocious S3~otc:n in France — a system of which your order was at
once partaker and defender. Let me now place before you the
witnessing of another woman — an American woman — Mrs. Nichol-
son, who visited the land of green graves and ruined households iu
1847.
Look !
"A former rector, named Wilson, died in tLp Sumraor of '17 leaving .a wife
and four children on :i pivtty spot where they had resided for jxv.rs. Here
I w;is invited to spend a few weeks, and with doep sorrow I saw. step by
step, all taken for TAXES und KENT. Everything that had life out of doors
was sold at auction--tlion. everything of furniture. Tho cottage was left
desohi e — tho moth :r w is put injii.'l, and is now looking through its gr.itod
windo-.vs, whilst her children are scattered abroad, trying to got a morsel
of bread."
And this, a woman of refinement— one of that class, too, which
the foul government would fain enlist under their unholy standard.
And Sir Richard O'Donnell (one of the old Celtic names) was the
desolator of this poor lady's household. Well and truly does Mr.
Q!Mahoney say in his Irish book that the " village tyrants, though
some of them be of Gaelic name and blood, and a few of them even
of the national faith, are now the only foreign enemy."
But to return to the picture :
"To see," says Mrs. Nicholson, '-the tumbled cabin, with the hopeless
inmates lingering around it, and wailing in despair -scraping the rubbish
for some little relic of mutual affection , the ragged, barefooted little ones
clinging around them — one on the back of the weeping mother, and the
father looking on in despair! Then they take their way to some ditch to
encamp, supperless, for the night- without covering for the head or foot, or
a scrap of blanket to put over them - into whatever ditch they may crawl.
Village upon village, and company after company have I seen. And a
magistrate who was traveling informed me that., at nightfall the preceding
day, he had found a company who had gathered a few sticks and fastened
them into the ditch, and spread over what miserable rags they could collect
132 THE ODD BOOK OP THE NINETEENTH CENTURY J
(for the rain was fast pouring), and under these more than two hundred
men, women, and children were to crawl tor the night. He alighted from
his car and counted them. They had that day been driven out, and there
was not one pound of any kind of food in the encampment 1 "
Now, Eight Keverend Sir, what do you say to those horrors? We
are going, 1 trust, to put an end to them. You don't like our way
of doing it? Well then, show us a better way, and we'll take it.
We'll be very glad indeed if you point out a better way. If you don't
do this — if you don't show us a better way — be assured that we will
take our own !
For this hellish system shall not continue. Even your inertia
defense of it will be unavailing. If people must die — sacrificed to
this Moloch of aristocracy — the mode of sacrifice must be changed.
Hunger will have to give place to the sword ! Hitherto the victims
have been all on the one side. Wouldn't it be well now to let the
other side have a turn?
Oh, no ! That would be shocking. But scenes like the following
are not shocking at all :
'•The road was rough," says this good Mrs. Nicholson, "and we were
constantly meeting with pale, meagre men on their way from the mountains,
to break stones and pile them high for the compensation of one pound of
meal a day ! Flocks of children went to school for the " bit of bread ' there
supplied to them ; some crying with hunger, and some begging to get in
without the penny required for their tuition. The poor little emaciated
things went weeping away. We saw multitudes in the last stages of suffer-
ing, yet not one through that day asked charity ! and in one case the common
hospitality showed itself by offering us milk when we asked for water."
At Kossford, in Erris, this picture :
"A young lady lived back two miles upon the mountain. She was edu-
cated in the popular genteel style, and her family had some of them died,
and all broken down, she was staying in a thatched cottage, which had yet
the remains of taste and struggling gentility. Two of the peasant women
had seen Mr. Bourne and me going that way, and by a shorter path had
hastened and given Miss notice, so that when we entered, the cottage was
in trim and she in due order to receive us. That pitiful effort was painful
to witness. She was suffering hunger, and had no possible way of escape.
Yet she assumed a magnanimity of spirit, and complained not. She only
expressed much pity for the poor tenants on the land about her, and begged
us, it possible, to send relief. Her table was spread with those pretty little
ornaments which adorn the drawing-rooms of the rich ; and she, with a
light scarf hung carelessly about her shoulders, genteel in form and beauti-
ful in features, was already looking from eyes that were putting on the-
'famine stare.' 'What can be done with that helpless, proud, interesting
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 13&
girl? ' said Mr. Bourne, as we passed away. ' She must die in all her pride,
if some relief is not speedily found. She would not go to the work-house,
and there, on that desolate mountain, she will probably pine away and
die unheeded."
This was the famine when , directly and indirectly, millions perished.
In ordinary time o.ily sevei.t, thousand die annually of hunger and its
attendant diseases. Have we lost all manhood ? Must such crimes and
such suffering endure forever?
And this American lady — this honest, true hearted woman — does
not throw a screen over the " Noble," and "Honorable," and " Right
Honorable" criminals. No, indeed, she speaks to them in this
way :
" Ye miserable oppressors ! what will ye do when the day of God's wrath
shall come? What 'rock and mountain' will ye call upon to screen your
guilty heads? Ye lords! when the Lord of lords shall gird on His sword,
then shall these poor be a swift witness against you. You who call your-
selves lords, after the name of Him whose mission was mercy ! When look-
ing at those exiles, my heart has said — How much more woeful is the case
of him who drove you into the storm ! Well might the apostle James say,
' Go to ! ye rich men, weep and howl 1 ' "
But the good woman concludes with the prayer, "Father, forgive
them, for they know not what they do."
Offering up on your behalf the same prayer, and extending to you
the same Christian spirit, permit me, Bight Reverend Sir, to take
my leave.
The feeling evoked, so far as I could judge, was a political
instinctive feeling to strike down the domination of England,
without much thought about the ownership of the land.
Its intensity breathes in this article :
TO SHIP! TO SHIP!
"Come as the winds come,
When forests are rended ;
Come as the waves come,
When navies are stranded^
Faster come 1 faster come 1
Thicker, and faster ! "— SCOTT.
Not to arms ! To arms ! But To ship ! To ship ! There is one spot still
living on this earth. One spot in which Soul is up — enthroned — sovereign
of thought and action. One spot where a divine enthusiasm carries men
above the low sordid pursuits that are the disgrace of the age. One spot
where deeds approach that will electrify the nations. That spot is Ireland.
To the ship ! To the ship 1 Hurra ! for
134. THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY
' A wet sheet and a flowing sail,
A wind that follows fast."
Hurra ! for the steam giant that works so bravely down in that deep hold.
Hurra ! for the gallant vessel, crushing beneath her the subject waves, and
bounding (like the Irish wolf dog) to the help of our brothers in the field —
to the rescue of our brothers in the dungeon.
Back ! Back ! To the land of Palaces and Prisons. Back for a look at
the riot of the Court, and the starvation of the Cottage. Hold the breath !
Set the teeth ! Bring up the memories !
Our brothers must soon— MAY NOW— be in the field. " Why stand we here
loitering?"
Crowd in the money. Make way for the crowding men. Emigration is
free 1 Gunpowder an article of commerce. Hurra ! Hurra !
Bottom has been struck. The lowest depth has been sounded. That
nation sunk deepest is the first to rebound. The pre-eminence is ours.
This the turning point of earth's history. Ignorance darkened the Past —
enlightenment dawns over the Future. Mind is emancipated. Voice and pen
unchained. Hurra ! Hurra !
Our brothers were poor. They must toil, toil, and forever toil, to keep
themselves alive. What was to dread from them? They buy rifles, indeed !
Why; they hadn't the price of caps. They forge pikes ! Why, they couldn't
pay for a pound of steel.
And so the tyrants were comforted.
For they didn't know that America was here. They did not dream of the
American dollar. They did not know that Irishmen had such a thing.
That they would throw it out so freely. That workshops would clank.
That foundries would spit fire. That powder and shot would roll them-
selves up together by the magic of that American dollar. No ! Dead, them-
selves, to every noble impulse— consumed by their own base desires — they
did not know that there was anything nobler in this world than sordid riot-
ing and sloth. They did not think of the American dollars ! Of the men
and women who sent them along. But they are beginning to think of them
now— Hurra 1 Hurra I
To think ! Aye, and to speak. " Oh, those bombs, and grenades, and
rifle bullets ! They were good servants when we nad them all to ourselves.
But they have divided forces — half gone over to the mob. Alas 1 for those
" sinews of war," sent on by the women and men, and girls and boys of
America i That noble lords and ladies like us should ever see this day ! "
But the day has come. In with the money ! Up with the sails, or —
" By Jove, we'll be too late for the first cut."
Up and at them ! Hurra ! Hurra !
BARGAIN AND SALE. -
"When the Irish Peojjle became formidable — when it struck at that
sensitive sore, the Land --when its circulation trebled, from 10,000
OH, THE SP1H1T OJb' CHIVALRY J\ MODEBN DAYS. 135
to 30,000 in five weeks — then it became worth a buying. Whether
it was bought or not by Mr. Archibald, the British Consul, I cannot
say — ;ueh things are done in a very close and dark market — but the
reader can judge from what follows. He forged, quoted this, sheer
forgery, as if from the London Spectator :
"England's war expenses have been increased three millions
of dollars a day, or the expenses of the American government during
the late war."
" We are thus weakening and exhausting England without striking a blow
and the ' longer we keep 011 this game ' the more powerless we are making
her, and the more ' influential Fenianism is becoming.' "
" England has now all the expense without the least prospect of recruit-
ing her army. "We are crushing the vitals out of England by a moral phys-
ical revolution alone, and every day we can safely protract the struggle is a
gain to us, and a loss to her."
On which my comment at the time was, "Get out, you scoundrel!"
In one thing this Sullivan was honest — honester t'lan most — I do
not say all — of the leaders. He did not profess to be actuated
by principle. "The excitement would die out by-and-bye," he said,
"but it would leave an established newspaper in his hands." This
to myself, personally. At the election of '68 he wheeled his paper
round for Grant, and got a $1,000 check from "Wilkes, of the Spirit
of the Times, for doi \g so.
Enthusiasm was intense. The New York 'Longshoremen's
Society presented $2,700. Headquarters — the large and
grand house in Union Square — was crowded with similar busi-
ness. A meeting was called in Williamsburgh (my own
home.) I was standing uninvited in the crowd when Colonel
Powers called me up to the platform. Mr. Wm. E. Kobinson
was speaking with his usual fluency, and he kept speaking
on till Mr. Killian arrived. Mr. K. asked me had I spoken
yet. No, that pleasure was before me. He presented him-
self. A fine presence and effective speaker, he kept the audi-
ence interested till the lateness of the hour compelled an
adjournment. In the course of his speech he said, " Much
as had been said about contributions— they had only reached
half a million of dollars."
The Civil War was over. Blockade runners could be
bought cheap. More than 100,000 men who had breathed
136 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY J
gunpowder for years were straining to volunteer for the
Invasion. Yet noiiiing was doi
And it was fortunate that nothing was done. For the
Fenian Movement had not the first idea of the Grand Truth
that the world is the Creator's world, and that the people
HE sent to it, every one of them, came with his title deed
in his stomach and in the dependent wants clustered around
it. All the wants — material first, then moral and intellectual.
It was a chivalrous inspiration for nationhood — a transfer of
tiie Government from London to Dublin. But the transfer
of not an acre from the Thief to the Owner.
I could do nothing with the leaders. They split into two
factions. One would send, and did send, individuals over to
organize the Irish people. Those were can- h', and impris-
oned, and tried — and brought Isaac Butt out a 5 their counsel.
The oiner faction was headed by Mr. Roberts, a dry goods
merchant of little public experience, and General Sweeny, a
brave man who won a commission and lost an arm in thd
Mexican war, and distinguished himself in the recent civil
war. Those called for an invasion of Canada. Purpose to "make
it a Republic, and found on it belligerent rights, with pri-
vateers to sweep the seas of English commerce." But instead
of making friends of the Canadians, the General proclaimed
that "20,000 who fought under Grant would beat 60,000
Kanucks." To show the folly of this talk, and for another far
more important purpose, I quote from Captain Preston's
" Three Years in Canada," ending '39 :
"The French-Canadian," says Captain Preston, "is disloyal to
England. Ho argues thus : If you keep me down by force I must
submit ; but if you relax that force it will be the signal for my rising
against you."
After describing the sullen apathy of the Canadian militia,
and the serious apprehension that they would join the invad-
ing force threatened from the United States, Preston thus
continues:
"But, fortunately, between the utterance of the Invasion and its
execution a sufficient interval elapsed to admit of reflection, and
when it was understood that an invasion of the Province concealed a
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODEPN DAYS. 137
war against life and property, despondency gave way to indigna-
tion," etc., etc.
"Well does the Marseillaise say tliat
" Falsehood's dagger tyrant's wield."
Never was concocted a more poisonous falsehood than
this. And Preston discloses that it was spoken from every
platform and echoed through, every newspaper, and preached
by the French-Canadian priests, who had the especial ear
of the people. And he illustrates the result by this picture :
"One militia man rushed from the ranks, and singling out an
antagonist, plunged his bayonet into him, exclaiming: ' You
scoundrel, you wanted to rob mo of my farm. There ! take that
instead.' "
Never was a more unmixed lie. The gallant American
borderers wanted none of tiieir land — would not tone tne gift
of it. But the Lie served a terrible purpose.
I did not suit the Fenian leaders it seemed any more than
I had suited the Political leaders, and alter publishing eight
or nine numbers of my paper I came out of the tug a loser of
much time and labor, and I don't know how many hundred
dollars. I shall conclude my account of Fenianism with a
letter, which. I abridge :
To HON. AND LIBERAL MB. GLADSTONE, CHANGELLOB or THE BRITISH
EXCHEQUER :
SIK — You a:ad your coadjutors are great " liberals " if we take your own
word lor it. You put four horses to your carriage, and a burden of manure
on the back of the small t Miant— ho who cultivates the fields which you have
the frontleas impudence to call yours. You put I don't know how many
descriptions of wine on yoi:r table, and you leave not even a pint of butter-
milk on the tablo of your brother man — him whom you have robbed of his
natural right on tii« earth. You take a palace to yourselves and give a
hove1, or the ditch side, to your cheated brother. You dispense rags to the
robbed multitudes, and you take " purple and fine linen '• to yourselves.
To them, e loct, and ignorance ; co yourselves, education and wisdom. To
them, all earthly toil and suffering; to yourselves, all earthly idleness and
enjoyment.
vTiberall" Faith you are liberal, nobody can deny that. Liberal to
138 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY J
yourselves ! Liberal of the stolen goods which you have stolen from your
outraged brothers.
And, Gladstone, you are a pet and a paragon of " liberality" — and, may
we not add, of candor also?
For you have been talking about the Fenians the other day in Liverpool ;
and you spoko of them as if they were enemies, not of you and your
" liberal" government, but of the Canadian people. You innocently assume
that the Canadian people are all full of loyalty to the " authority of her
Majesty." You forget all about the butcheries committed by her Majesty,
" aided and abetted" by such " liberal." men as you — committed on those
same Canadian people in '37, thirty years ago ! Huudi jds of patriots hung
to death by Head, your commander, for which murders he received a
message of thanks from your "liberal" predecessors, Melbourne and
Russell.
To you, sir, those barbarous murders, perpetrated in cold blood, on pris-
oners taken in war, may appear all as matters of course. You think doubt-
Jess that those murderers were doing ^od a service — that the " divine right "
of kings and queens gave them a right to murder their fellow-creatures.
The Canadian people will probably think otherwise. Time may have
dimmed their memory of those inhuman crimes committed by you. But
we'll try to jog that memory of theirs. If we in the United States have only
a little common sense we will send a snow-storm of documents into Canada
during the warm weather that will create a light and a reflection all over
that laud. Wo began wrong. That is admitted. Make your best of it.
But mistakes lead the way to success. They form that experience which
" teacheth even fools." When this paper reaches you, and I will send it on
carefully, you and your " liberal " brothers will bo aware of the news
of our confusion and incapacity ; that will reach you at the same time. But
be not too quick in arriving at conclusions. This Kepublic — one State of it,
indeed — has more men willing and able to demolish you and your govern-
ment than would do the business in a week. Do you think that a little in-
terruption or the incapacity of half a dozen half-leaders will alter the
determination of those in on ?
There never was a more helpless despotism than yours — once the test is
brought to it. The Irishman, the agricultural laborers of England, and the
denizens of the factory-hells, if let fairly loose upon you, by a force that
could marshal them for action, would break the egg-shell that you live
in, and scatter all the chickens like yourself in a week's time. Even your
soldiers and sailors— you know all about what they are, or if you don't
know, you may have the fortune to be instructed.
You have youx* victory — such as it is — over those unresisting men that are
shut down in your deep dungeons. But at what cost? Why, sir, you have
reduced that government of yours to the most passive imbecility. . No
matter what is going on in Europe you cannot appear in its councils as a
National Power. Your representative at Valparaiso had his instruction
OR. THE 8PIKTT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 139
and he went aside out of the way pf the Spanish shells. He couldn't — you
couldn't — afford to incur the resentment of such a fourth-rate power as
Spain. Soon will your situation be known to all men. Known that the
Irish element everywhere are watching you, —
" For never yet was human power,
That could escape, if unforgiven,
The patient search and vigil long
Of him who treasures up a wrong."
Prepare yourself therefore. There is no uncertainty about the future —
save a trifling uncertainty in the matter of time.
VOLUNTEER.
If this letter did not make an impression on Mr. Gladstone,
the rescue at Manchester, the blowing up of Clerkenwell, the
attempt on Chester Castle did, and his well-meant but abor-
tive land law was the result.
ITEMS.
I now present a number of Items, promiscuously, in which
there is instruction:
THE Sun informs us that the Land Leaguers of New York are " neither
more nor less than English Chartists transported to this country."
It is '465 and a Revolutionary veteran is refused a seat in the Troy and
Albany Coach, because he is not respectably dressed. The old spirit is
rapidly dying out. The stage manager knows little about Revolutions and
cares less.
Orestes A. Brownson, while yet a Freethinker, delivered a lecture ir New
York City on the " Civilizing Effects of British Commerce." Most of the Social
Reformers were of his way of thinking on religious matters, and I lost some
friends among them by criticising Brownson's discourse. I cited the
monopoly of food in the East Indies till the very rivers were sodden with
the dead of hunger — the poisoning with opium and slaughtering of the
Chinese. I dealt with him in this manner to the especial displeasure of Mr.
John Hecker— then a smal' store baker — since a millionaire, flour miller, and
vender o printed paper bags Hecker went into ' The Churchman " business,
and Brownson became famous in his Native American Catholic Review.
1 find the following in my papers :
' The Governor (Gilmer) of Virginia has resigned office. Some time since a
slave-stealer retreated on New York State, and a requisition was made on
Governor Seward to give him up. This Governor Seward refused to do
140 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY J
and very soon a culprit from New York took refuge in Virginia. A requisi-
tion was made on Governor Gilmer, but the Virginian would not give up
the offender till his claim on the New York Executive would bo complied with.
His legislature expressed a different opinion, and so Gilmer resigned. This
complication may lead to non-intercourse between the States— or even worse."
[ It did indeed lead to inconceivably worse. ]
Faneuil Hall is sacred by its association with the earliest history of the
Eevolution. It is an immense building — the lower story of which presents
four fronts, or blocks, occupied by stores. The upper stories are set apart
for public use, such as armories for the military companies, etc. ; the
middle story belongs to the public and can be had for the purposes of public
meetings, on the requisition of 100 citizens. Its ample interior — its plat-
forms and galleries — the fine paintings of Washington, Warren, Knox, the
two Adams', Samuel and John Q a bust of the elder Adams, Commodore
Freble and Tom Paine — they are all finely executed, and seem as if they
were listening, with the most profound attention, to every sound that
echoes through the immense Hall.
If Governments listened to the admonitions of Nature — and Nature is the
direct and unerring manifestation of God himself — if they did that they
would not be found conferring upon a man what they have no authority to
confer, and that, too, which he, owing to the fragility of his nature, has not
the capacity to receive — namely, ownership of the Land. Social, as well as
political salvation, depends upon finding out what Natural Eight is, and
bravely adopting it. Before the Declaration of Independence, any man
who contemplated separation from England was, so George Washington in-
forms us, looked upon as a madman. Every Keformer that ever showed
face in the world was regarded by the "wise men " of their day as "very
rash " — " very reprehensible," " very dangerous people."
In Senate, January 26, 1828, pending the discussion of the bill granting
" pre-emption to actual settlers," Mr. Clay of Kentucky said : " In no shape
in which the bill could be placed, could he be brought to vote for it. The
whole pre-emption system was a violation of all law, and an encourage-
ment to persons to go on the public lands and take the choicest portions of
them as suited their interests or inclinations."
In Senate, January 27, 1833, Mr. Tipton said : " He understood that the
Senator from Kentucky denounced the settlers on the lands as a lawless
Danditti of land robbers, unjustly grasping at the public treasure."
Here Mr. Clay rose and said : "lie would repeat what he did say on the
occasion referred to by the honorable Senator from Indiana," as above.
UK, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 141
Prom measuring the velocity of light to the construction of a glass
button, from the vast to the minute, tho march of Science and of Art strikes
us with a consciousness that those things are not emanations of the human
mind— that they come from a great Superintending Benevolence that sees
what wo want, and gives it to us with a profuse hand.
All that Art and Science points out to us is received with welcome by all
people. The truths of Astronomy — the records of Geology — the art of form-
ing and fashioning cloth, of fusing and utilizing metals— steam, electricity—
every improvement and discovery in material Science and material Art is
accepted and put to use. They do not infringe upon the great established
Social Wrongs. Indeed all those things go now to pamper those wrongs. To
the great mass of toilers those progressions are as if they were not. Chained
by their necessities to incessant toil, the world around them — its use, Its
grandeur, its boundless resource of all things — is not for them. They are
Disinherited '
In 1842 The Boss manufacturers of New England and Pittsburgh, and in-
deed all round, made dividends of from 20 to 33 per cent annually. Having
set forth this fact, the Mechanics' Association of Fall River proceeded thus :
" 1. The system of labor to which we have alluded in our preamble, re-
quiring of the Mechanic and Laborer of New England from twelve to fifteen
hours labor per diem, is more than the physical constitution of men can
bear. We have only to acquaint ourselves with the bills of mortality which
are annually rendered through the public journals of the day, with the em-
ployment of those who have died — the nature of the disease which ter-
minated their earthly existence, and we shall find that three-fifths of all the
deaths which occurred among us are attributable to the system of labor by
which wo are governed ; and yearly there are thousands who come down to
a premature grave in consequence of a system of labor which levies such, a
heavy tax upon the physical t-trenyth of man as to render him wholly unable to
pay. But this is not all. The influence of that system of labor is such as
must of necessity extinguish the intellectual fire which heaven desired should
burn upon and in every soul of man." And yet they still hang on to that
condition instead of turning their thoughts to the only thing that can rescue
them— THE LAND !
The Marquis of Lafayette, of an old noblesse family, did, in the
ardor of his youth, fight and sacrifice heroically for the young American
Republic. But, returning to France, he breasted the French Revolution in
favor of the Monarchy till he had to fly across to the Austrian lines from the
hostility of his own soldiers. But the old remembrances of what he had
done in America brought him up and out in 1830 against the despotism of
Charles X. Unfortunately, for it was almost entirely through his influence
that the Revolution accepted Louis Phillipe under the deceiving title of
" Citizen King." The sordid scheming and tyrannical reign of the " Citizen
King '' cost France seventeen years of suffering, and no moderate waste of
in several attempts to throw him off the throne. One of the most re-
142 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY \
markable of those attempts is portrayed in Hugo's Les Miserdbles — em-
bellished in fact, but not at all in spirit.
The funeral of General La Marj'ie was well calculated to rouse the en-
thusiasm of all the young and ardent Republicans in Paris. Those judging
the public mind by their own threw up barricades, and how they fought
behind them is master of undying History. But the excitement was partial,
personal— not national. Hence thoso gallant mon failed and perished. A
lesson, mark it.
One of my first controversies with our local authorities is thus
described :
BATHING.— The men of the Republic ought to bo men — accomplished in
all the manly exercises — shutout from no improvement that would make
them :nore vigorous and efficient in all the necessities and emergencies of
life. Bathing — swimming, diving, and performing every practicable motion
in the water — is one of the manly and useful exorcises. Hardihood — self-
reliance — health, and enlarged capacity to bo useful — would result from
sea bathing.
In a little book, entitled "A. Picture of the Seasons," the following passage
occurs, when it comos to describe the fervid heats of Summer: "Bathing
too, is a delightful amusement, and h;ippy is tho swimmer who alone can
enjoy in full zest this healthful exercise."
We are persuaded that in the restriction* put upon this "healthful exer-
cise " an injury is done, to the working classes especially — a serious injury,
and that, too, quite unnecessarily.
AN INTERVIEW — 1878.
Monopolist — Step in and take a seat. Glad to see you.
Reformer— Glad to hear it. I called to see if you wouldn't help us to
direct this great upheaval of the people for financial Reform.
Monopolist — I know of no upheaval of the people. I hear of a clamor
raised by idle, thriftless scalawags inclined to liquor and averse to work.
Reformer— Your picture is not a true one. There was no discontent no
idlers— no tramps— seven years ago. Whatever men are now bad govern-
ment has made them.
Monopolist — No. Idleness and drunkenness and turbulence have made
them. And look at their leaders. Ben Butler, a thief; Denis Kearney, a
vulgar, ignorant demagogue. Where will they lead them to?
Reformer— Of yourself, you know nothing of Ben Butler. Of Denis
Kearney you know only that he has as much practical knowledge as has
stirred up the whole hive of national plunderers. You don't like those
leaders. But how have you and your class led the people? You have Dis-
inherited them— not yourself I admit, but your class— stolen their Inherit-
ance and given it to Railroad thieves— their mines, everything that belonged
OR, THE SPIRIT Of CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYB. 143
to them and to their posterity. Now you vituperate them. You daro to spea k
as if you were thoir master. Fifteen years ago you endorsed this paper
for reform.* You paid your part for sending it on to Congress. But a man
(the * * * man) stood then at your shoulder, and infused public
virtue into you. Ho is now gone, and you are what I see.
Astonished that a representative of the ''lower class" would daro to
board him in his offlco, the Monopolist flashed with rage. It was as fiercely
returned by tho Kef of mo r, and a quasi acquaintance of thirty-five years
ended with Denunciation on one side, Defiance on the other.
Impressed with the ability of Mr. Boucicault and the evident force of his
character, I wrote to him suggesting a theme that would bring out the man
hood of tho American mechanic and tho ladylike dignity of the American
girl who dared honorable work and became reined through tho innate ex-
cellence of her nature. Unluckily he was in bad humor at tho time, and
wrote me the following note. I say unluckily, for I hold that this was a
better and everyway more profitable field than some ho so sedulously
cultivated :
DEAR SIB :— In reply to yours of April the 4th I regret to say that it is my
present intention to retire from my position before the American public at
the conclusion of this season.
Tho influence of the Press upon art and artists in this country is' so de-
basing that, although tho public are both generous and appreciative, the
associations of tho artist aro beneath contempt, and tho artists themselves
become subservient to an association of men — I mean the journalists — un-
paralleled in infamy and presumption.
No public reward can compensate a gentleman for the degradation of
being brought into contact with such persons, or having his name spelt by
such pens.
Your aspirations, sir, do you extreme credit; but, alas! they belong to
another country and a different time. I am, vours truly,
" DION BOUCICAULT.
39 E. 15th street, Now York, April li, 1860.
Strange and wayward fate I With tho ability to powerfully assist the
wronged, belied, half prostrate people, this man will go a little way down to-
ward posterity as a mere amusement-maker — for reward. Then be xitterly
forgotten.
ANTI- KENT — 1842.
Guarantee to tho people the position which their Creator intended for
them— guarantee to them the fruits of their honest toil. Do this, and they
will guarantee to you the power— the prosperity and the undecaying sta-
bility of the Republic.
But if, on the other hand, you insist upon propping up barbarous and
* Memoii.U to Trragress (see ante).
144 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH OENTUKY
selfish feudalism— if you persist in domesticating in this Republic a system
at war with Religion and Reason, with both the letter and spirit of our Insti-
tutions— a system from which has ilowed evils so vast, and so unmitigated
— a system from which no good ever did or can ever come. If you do this,
gentlemen, you will find, when it is, perhaps, too late, that you arc plunging
right into Anarchy first, and Monarchy afterward. By a strange obliquity
of vision you are rushing upon the precipice. The old Rattlesnake, Land
Monopoly, stands glaring upon you. Like squirrels, or small birds, you are
preparing to dash into its devouring jaws.
"SQUATTERS" — 1844.
I learn by the Common Council proceedings a few daye ago that a reso-
lution passed the Board of Aldermen " in favor of taking measures to-
collect rents from squatters on the public lands in the 12th and 16th Wards."
Some poor people, anxious to get a living by honest labor rather than be-
come paupers, have gone to the unsettled and unenclosed parts of this
island (which, a " long time ago/' some Dutchmen, who had no right to
buy it, pretended to buy off some Indians who had no right io sell it, for
about twenty-eight dollars,) and have erected huts and shanties to live in
on it. That's what our political Aldermen want rent for. Subsequently
the .xdermen forged titles to this land, and give them now (1881) to success-
ful profitmongers. Those come with their " crowbar brigades " and tear
down the shanties, and throw out the people living in them. By what right
f-sjlid the Aldermen first charge rent and then forge titles to those lands ?
God's title must be vindicated m\ nil land or this Republic is lost.
A M O B M O N S T A T E 8 M A N .
Joseph Smith was the Mormon candidate for President in 1844. Thus
he wrote: — "As soon as the greater National evils could be remedied,
so that slavery could not occupy one-half of the United States, for specula-
tion, competition, prodigality, and fleshly capital, and so that enormous
salaries, stipends, fees, perquisites, patronage, and the wages of spiritual
wickedness in ' ermine and lace, ' could not swallow up forty or fifty
millions of public revenue, I would use all honorable means to bring the
wages of the mechanics and farmers iip and the salaries of public servants
down; increase labor and money by a judicious tariff, and advise the
People, who are the only sovereigns of the soil, to petition Congress to pass
& uniform, land lair ! that UK; air, tho water, and the land of tho ' Asylum
of the Oppressed,' might bo free to freemen !
With considerations of the highest regard for unadulterated freedom,
I have the honor to be your obedient servant,
JOSEPH SMITH."
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS, 145
THE A L P 8 — A LESSON.
When Hannibal, the Carthaginian General, succeeded in flghting his way
over the Alps, " conquered not only the Alpine nations, but the Alps
themselves," he found himself in Italy, and approached by the gathered
armies of Rome. He then made a speech to his men that has been pre-
served in History, in Vhich ho pictured the situation like this: "Before
you is the Po, a river as broad and more rapid than the Rhone. Behind you
are the Alps, over which, with your hopes high and resources undiminished,
you could scarce force a passage. Here, then, you must conquer or die
the moment you meet the enemy. Let this bo but firmly implanted in your
minds, and once more. T say, you are victorious." And they were
victorious.
Now there is a very brief catechism which, if the Irish people- --the Ameri-
can people— ALL peoples, will only spend some minutes in learning, and then
keep it present— always present — in mind, so surely as Hannibal's men
•won the battle of Ticiu, so surely will the outraged Human Family win iho
battle of right and of true Freedom. We say true Fr oedom, for it is a.sham
Freedom that leaves the people no Inheritance in the soil. Xo means to
support tho wants of their nature.
ILLUSTRATIVE. .^
James B. Taylor, a shrewd, selfish man, started as a Whig politician, ;md
when the Brooklyn Water Works had been twice voted dowh by the people
he and his "Whig" friends joined with H. C. Murphy and his -'Demo-
cratic" backers, and got a law, through the " sr -ereign power" of corrupt
politicians assembled in Albany, to build tho Water Works. ' ' Water bonds ' '
flew about into the hands of the politicians, and formed a particular and
enormous " steal, " apart from the general stealing out of the general taxes
of tho city. Taylor became, rich, and speculated in other ways. The City
of Now York owned tho Washington Market, It had been built on ground
filled in from tho Hudson River front. Taylor discovered that the State's
title to this " land under water" had not been given to the city. He went
and procured an Act giving thotitlo to himself , and commenced proceed-
ings of ejectment against tho city. He was bought off, and made half a
million in this way. Similar \vas his action on the " Gansevort property,"
at G3d street and the River, and a similar amount of plunder was th.-i result.
But his great " success " ended, as is generally tho case, in a coffin, and
great wrangling in tho courts and newspapers about his will.
WEBSTER: HE WANTS A FOREIGN MISSION — 1845.
A large tract of land and water— intrinsically of considerable value
but doubly valuable from its geographical position— is " negociated ''
from us by Lord Ashburton, tho wily instrument of wily and dishonest
146 THE GDI) BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY ;
employers. Ask who conducted the negociations that gave latitudes of
Oregon to our must forward enemy ? The answer is DANIEL WEBSTEK !
Of diplomatic service such as Mr. Webster performs wo have had enough
It would be worth some millions of dollars to this Eepublic if our Boundary
question stood now, as it stootl when Mr. Webster took it under his diplo-
matic wings twelve months ago. It is now brought -to light in the British
House of Commons that Webster and Ashburton cozened us out of a
large portion of our dominions. Ashburton's employers are aware of the
cheat. He, himself, is aware of the cheat. We are tricked out of our prop-
erty by a fraud, and when the fraud is brought to light— when the maps
are produced in the House of Commons Avhich settle the question — which
fix to a hair's breadth the ground belonging to each nation — does any
Honorable member get up in his place, and move that the fraud committed
by Webster and Ashburton be set aside and justice set up in its place ? No
such thing. Their standard of morals does not comprehend any other line
of action than to pocket the fruits of the roguery.
BIGHT OF MAN TO THE EABTH— 1846.
When men, or nations, commence wrong, they fall from blunder to blun-
der, and nothing but difficulty besets them at every step. A Government
ought never to part with the fee of a foot of land. In point of fact it has no
authority to do so. The government of to-day does not set up an cibidiny
control even over the laws that affect men's every day affairs ; and how
much less have they a right to setup an abiding control over the Eternal
Earth which will be green, and flowery, and fruitful — full of springs and
rivulets, and waving woods — fresh, youthful and life-sustaining as it is now
when the men who now exercise an unbounded authority over it will
have betaken themselves to other spheres — higher or lower as the r-ase may
be— and will have done, forever, with all earthly affairs.
The true theory, then, is for the aggregate of the people represented by
their existing government to *hold the fee of all lands— at the same time
securing each individual, his heirs or assigns, in the possession and use of
all that reasonable share of which he may have become the rightful occu-
pant. If this were done all minerals would, as a matter of course, vest in
the State, and if an exceedingly rich mine turned up, it enured to the benefit
of the Nation — not to the building up of a particular fortune. This in 1844.
And look at the condition now !
But our Government thinks that it is possessed of all wisdom in this and
every other matter. So does every other government on the lace of the
earth, from the Chinese to the British. Their opinion is not. however, any
proof that such is the fact. Only one voice of sound wisdom in relation t« >
government has ever been heard in tin's world, ami that is the voice of
Nature.
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 147
PAY-MILEAGE — CONGRESS.
The growing rapacity among the politicians and the gradual decay of
public spirit among the people is sharply illustrated by the history of the
Pay and Mileage allowed to Members of Congress. Originally it was $3.00
per day, and the same amount for every twenty miles travel in going to and
returning from the seat of Government. Bye and by this was changed to
$8.00 a day, and the same amount for twenty miles travel. In 1816 another
rise was accomplished, and so many of those who favored it were defeated
at the polls that it was repealed at the next session. So it remained till 1856,
when the salary was raised to $5,000 a year — mileage as before, though now
two hundred miles could be traveled for the price previously paid for twenty.
Besides, though the railroads straightened the routes one-third, members
computed the old distance, and got paid accordingly. Then came con-
structive mileage. A session closes on Monday, an extra session opens on
Tuesday, and Hon. Members vote themselves another Mileage forgoing and
returning an imaginary journey to their homes on the intervening night*
Follows an open Stationery Account, into which Hon. Members intro-
duce not only paper and penknives, but fans, reticules and other adorn-
ments for the females of their families. In its printing jobs the official
newspaper made more money than the President of the United States then
received for his four years' salary.
After exposing and condemning all this fraud, Horace Greeley takes his
share of the " Mileage swindle " on the plea that he ought to take it when
every other member was doing the same thing. Ono member only declined
to participate in the plunder, and he lived so near Washington that his
share would have been nil
THE INTERNATIONALS.
In 1873 several of their men had been clubbed and imprisoned in New
York for walking in procession. I was present at one of their meetings.
A committee reported that they had consulted a lawyer who would not act
against the police without a considerable fee. There was no money in the
treasury — could not be, with members' dues fixed at 25 cents a month.
Motion carried to let the police escape, and so encourage them to further
outrages! Ira B. Davis and myself protested each with a $5 bill.
In vain ! Not a man would help us. Secretary half an hour reading
bye-laws — words — words — words. A meeting in Tompkin's Square
ordered. I am one of Committee on Resolutions. Propose a path
out to the Public Lands. My colleagues are surprised at me. Have. \
long since passed that old opinion. "Government must cultivate the
lands, work the factories, and afford everything at cost price." I could not
agree to this programme, and resigned from the Committee. Next week the '
public meeting came off in Tompkin's Square, and, singularly enough, in,
speaking I had to recount the following rascalities which passed through
Congress on the preceding day : —
148 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY;
1st " Unanimous consent was given to place on the Calendar a bill to
pay back to all State officers the tax paid (during the war) on their salaries
2d " Bill to give away to the Southern Pacific Railroad all it as^ed of the
Public Lands in Florida,
3d—" A bill to pay claims for rent in States that were in rebellion when
the rent accrued.
4th — " Appropriation of $50,000 to favorite newspapers.
5th — "An amendment which raised the salaries of all heads of bureaus
to $4,000 a year.
6th "A bill to give half the Island of Yerba Buona, in the Bay of San
Francisco, to a Railroad Company, sustained by a vote of 94 to 75. Passed.
7th— "A subsidy to a Paciiic Steamship Company of $500,000. This to en-
courage the brutalizing of our young men as ' common sailors.' "
At this meeting I urged tho Land and Loan Bill— that Congressmen voting
against it must be held to personal account — by hooting them in tho streets
on their return from Washington ; and, if a row followed, be prepared to an-
ticipate their shot. The other speeches and resolutions demanded Govern-
ment to manufacture everything, cultivate the lands, and furnish all products
at cost price. And this machinery asked by men both intelligent and honest !
COMMUNE.
Ill omened word ! How many lives have been sacrificed to it 1 How
much evil is it now doing — how much has it yet to do ! From tho first
dawn of electoral liberty in France the people communed personally, orally,
with each other in inhabited sections about answering to our school dis-
tricts. To communicate means intercourse of persons at a distance from
each other by the intermediaries of letters, messages, etc. To commune is
to meet face to face, and speak or commune with each other. Hence the
small compact districts were very properly called " Communes." The Prin-
ciple of Diffusion as opposed to Centralization was called " The Commune. "
All this the assassins of liberty in Europe and here knew and know— ex-
cepting, indeed, tho vulgar hangers-on at their heels who do not know much
of anything. "Whoever, therefore, confounds the word or the thing "Com-
mune" with a community of gooda is and must be either a dangerous knave
or an untaught blockhead.
A sketch ot! tho history and siege of tho " Commune " at the ignoble close
of the Franco-Prussian war lies before me. It is written by an eye-witness
— the American Minister — a man of aristocratic proclivities, which frequently
burst out offensively to view. It commences March 3d, 1871, and with this
picture :
" The city was dull and lifeless. Walking to my hotel in the Rue Rivoli
the few people I met. in their dark and lowering faces I eould read half
starvation and discontent."
There ! Behold the foundation of all the troubles I The German forces
were marching out. of the city, and a Junta, at Bordeaux was plotting a n»-
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 149
turn of the Bourbons. The writer tells us that " the honest sentiment of
the moment was discontent, produced by long years of oppression." " They
dreaded the return of Kings— demanded the Constitutional Bepublic, with
the Municipality governed by men elected by the inhabitants instead of the
rulers proposed to bo imposed on them by the Thiers' government." That
government, on tho capture of Napoleon, formed itself, and wan
now sitting in Versailles. Thiers and that central Junta desired to rule
France by holding the governments of the cities in their hands. This Paris
repelled. Tho National Guards fraternized, drove out Palladine's regular
army — seized his cannon and fortified Montmartre. Here it was that
Generals Thomas and Le Comte were detected as spies, with plans of the
fortifications on their persons, tried and shot. This has been pronounced
an " unnecessary act of cruelty. " Whether it was or not the case of Major
Andre goes far to decide-.
It would seem, however, that the Versailles government and its army
showed no mercy to any of the Commune people that fell into their hands —
armed or unarmed. The besieged people imprisoned the Archbishop,
Darboy, and others as hostages, proclaiming that they should be shot if the
Versailles government continued those indiscriminate murders. The same
condition was laid down by the Southern Confederates when some of their
men were under sentence of death in the North. Man for man and grade for
grade were selected (Colonel Corcoran was one of them) from Northern prison-
ers, cast into condemned cells, and held for whatever fate tho North might in-
flict on those condemned Southerners. Humanity prevailed at Washington.
onl a jail delivery was the result. A thirst of blood prevailed at Versailles,
and mutual murder was the result. I state the conditions. It. is for the
reader to judge them.
With a free soil, and really free people, we ought to have a com-
merce as free as the winds that waft it. Why should our sugar cost
us more than its natural price — three to four cents a pound? Why
should the Government levy $300,000,000, and the smugglers
far more every year, from the consumers of our taxed goods ? Is
it to give factory slave labor to our population ? We go for a free-
hold soil labor — for every man to be the monarch of his own two
hands — not worked like an automaton fourteen hours a day, for
barely what will keep up the steam of his miserable existence. Let
the factory lord make his own fortune. Let the laborer make his
upon the land. Under a rational system, five millions a year, and
less, too, would support our National Government. That ought to be
raised off property — the richest paying most — the very poor paying
nothing. Let us open our ports to the enslaved world. Let us show
an example to the fallen nations of the earth, and they will thank-
160 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTUBY J
fully pour in their produce and manufactures — and take in return
the abundance of our Free Soil. This they would do with their own
ships, if we didn't like to venture ours without a guard of honor at a
cost of ten millions a year ; and which could not guard them after all.
With a Free Commerce, where would be our need for a Navy ? With
a Free Soil, where would be our need for an Army ? We could op-
pose four millions of armed Freemen to all the mercenaries in the
world. — 1844. And things have been steadily steadily growing
worse and worse.
DEAD OF FAMINE.
The Beport of your own Government Commissioners declares that
seventy thousand human beings perish annually in Ireland from the effects
of famine. — Daniel 0' Gannett" s Speech on the State Trial.
The extraordinary mortality in the manufacturing districts is induced
by famine, filth and the absence of fresh air. Probably 100,000 die pre-
maturely in England alone from diseases having their origin in these
causes. — Pamphlet by a Manchester Physician, published in 1842.
Such is the fate that has descended on our brothers and sisters,
who toil, and travail, and famish in the Old World. Twenty millions
of the human race come into existence only to weep and to suffer,
and die. To bear the burthen of life, perched upon NOTHING — with-
out permission to set their foot on that solid earth which would
enable them to bear it with ease and comfort. And so they labor
on for a brief season, till death puts a period to their sufferings.
And then another twenty millions succeed them, more decrepid,
miserable, and short lived than the last. And the United States of
America is trying to plunge into the same condition, Men ! wake up,
or you'll be murdered while you're sleeping.
SINGULAR DEMAND MADE.
"A Republic without a Name."— So the Historical Society
sets to work and fashions out "Alleghani." But out comes an out-
sider, and suggests, " Dollarland." Then a sound comes over the
hills very like Yankee-doodle-dum, and it dies into an echo of
Disnmlswarnpism. This disgusts the " Historicals, " and they retire
from the field, leaving the Republic "a deed without a name."
LEGAL COLLECTION OF DEBTS.
Whether credit does more good than evil to men in business is a
subject not much inquired into. And yet it is a most important
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DATS. 151
subject. It is true, it seems to be a matter over which legislation
has little legitimate control. If A desires to buy on credit, and
B desires to sell to him, it looks like a private transaction with
which the public have nothing to do. But has it not as little to do
with the after payment that forms a part of the bargain? If A re-
fuses to pay B for the goods he has sold to him, does it not also
seem, that that is their own affair, the public having no more busi-
ness to interfere with the last part of the bargain than with the first.
The law to collect debts breeds a swarm of lawyers, and helps on
the ruin of the Republic.
GEORGE H. EVANS ON FOURIERISM.
Now what does Fourierism propose to do? To restore Capital to
Its rightful owners? No. To prevent its use to extort more Capital
from the laborer? Oh, no. To give the laborer a right to get his
own living on the soil of his birth, and to accumulate Capital for
himself? Certainly not : the soil of his birth belongs to Capital.
Well, then, at least, you will allow the laborer to go into the primae-
val forest and begin a "Re-organization of Industry" based on
Equal Rights? Decidedly not. The Landless shall unite with those
who have got possession of their accumulated labor, that this Capi-
tal shall have the power of re-production without the labor of the
possessor, and, to all eternity, live without labor on the toil of the
industrious. Such is Fourierism !
YOUNG IRELANDERS.
From my National Reformer 1845 : — We have not seen that
" Nation"-al humbug, the Dublin Nation, for some time past. The
cowardly impostors are afraid to exchange with us, because they
know we have a knack of distinguishing between words and deeds —
between solid facts and windy declamation. They know, too, that
wherever we alight upon dishonesty, we are sure to toss it up to
public scorn. We have not, therefore, seen the Nation for a great
while. But we see in the last number of the Irish Volunteer an ex-
tract from it, sneering at the labors of the Times1 Commissioner in
searching out, and spreading before Europe, the horrid details of Irish
hunger, nakedness, and utter degradation. Ah, ye most hypocrit-
ical and base crew, that, Rodin-like, play upon the passions of our
162 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY;
unhappy countrymen ! The Times1 Commissioner did more service to
the cause of humanity, by his expose of the people's wretchedness,
than the "Veiled Prophet "(Dan O'Connell) and his accomplices have
done of harm during the last twelve months. And that is saying a
good deal.
"THE CITY GOVERNMENT AND THE NEWSPAPERS."
Such is the caption in one of the New York newspapers. Now let
us see how the New York plunderers are going to be exposed. Look !
"An attempted steal of four millions of dollars, and an accomplished
steal of three millions." Well ! it is something to have newspapers
to let in the light on those crimes. But what? Is it indeed the
newspapers themselves that are making this steal? Is it for three
years' advertising of the city government that they ask four millions
and a half of dollars? Have they already received three millions,
and demand half as much more? Was this the wages of their con-
nivance or their defense of the public frauds. This ! — though a city
bulletin issued by authority once a week would do the municipal
work ten times as well, and, sold at two cents a copy, would not cost
the city one dollar ! This, then, is the • ' butter horn" that silences the
watch-dogs or inspires them with an approving growl. The New
York Tunes assaulted this machinery, and damaged it a trifle that
will be soon repaired, and for the suggestive reason that itself had
asked a taste of the butter horn, value $30,000 — and was refused.
BEN BUTLER.
In approaching Mr. * * * fs office one morning he put the
paper into my hand, saying, " Butler has stolen your thunder and
vollied it through Congress yesterday." I wrote to him encourag-
ingly. In reply to my recognition Ben sent me a dozen copies of
his speech, to which I responded, "Good so far, but a national
movement should commence at once by an imposing meeting in
New York City. Its reported speeches would make the subject known
over the whole country as matter of news, and he was just the man
to lead off in such a movement." I urged this on him again and
again, but discovered that his zeal stopped short with the mere cir-
culation of his speech. Mr. * * and myself had founded a
hope on him. It was disappointed. I saw the opportunity that was
lost, and expressed my regret that he could not see it and seize upon
OB, THE SPIRIT OP CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 153
it. Kegret that he was not big enough to commence this great
Reform— adding that " I did not blame him. He could make himself
no bigger than God made him. " He replied that "some men make
themselves lesser than God made them." I assented — acknowledged
that his "own life proved his position." So ended the corres-
pondence, short and sharp.
ON TEMPERANCE.
I find this in my correspondence with Gerrit Smith:
"There is a deep meaning in the thirst for exciting drinks. The
human soul is not like the human body, a mere machine. To rise
day after day to the monotonous routine of eating, working, and
going to sleep again, does not satisfy its longings. It will not, at
the bidding of an Inhuman Civilization, stagnate into a petrifaction.
It realizes the burying-alive agony to which the philosophic bard
has given an immortal voice :
' The keenest pangs the wretched find
Are raptures to the dreary void —
The leafless desert of the mind —
The waste of feelings unemployed.'
44 You have found water sufficient for your wants. So have I. But
throw back the immortal within us to rot in a mental dungeon, and
how would we feel. Eot ! Oh, no ! IT will not rot. It will quaff
the maddening draught — it will burst the dungeon — it will revel in
Imaginations, first — then in madness. If either you or I attempt to
wrest the bowl from its hand it will exclaim : ' ' Give my soul its
natural sphere, and it will trouble you for no maddening substitute.
But beware how you break that bowl, the last resource of a madman."
"If it were not Gerrit Smith that is identified with those things,
they should provoke from me no criticism. The superficially and,
as I hold them, stupidly benevolent men who surround and over-
shadow you, might prepare their nostrums, and with them mock
our mortal sickness. But they should have no attention from me.
How often have I said that you do not belong to those men. But,
alas ! alas ! spirit, like body, takes the hue of reflected light."
If Gerrit Smith had done for the white man as much as he did for
the negro, Land Monopoly would have been killed stone dead in this
country. Now, as ages roll on, the future of Europe looms up dark
before us.
154 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY J
ELECTIONS.
They were originally managed in this way. Meeting to appoint
delegates to nominate candidates. Meeting to ratify or reject
those nominations — which often did reject names and substitute
others. This has disappeared, and primary balloting substituted,
under an Inspector appointed at "Headquarters." The duty of the In-
spector is to " count in " the nominee of Headquarbers. This is the pro-
cess in both the Big Parties. The candidates so presented are both
necessarily corrupt instruments of " Headquarters," and your sole
privilege is to vote for one that is bad, to keep out one that is, if
possible, worse. There is no secrecy in it. The opposing ballots
are known by the printed endorsements on their backs. Some-
times candidates are "stuffed in," in this way. Tickets thrown
out on the table, for the purpose of assorting them. The In-
spector or other "stuffer" gathers together 100 or 150 of the
tickets he wants to defeat, counts them exactly so as to correspond
in number with the " little jokers " he has up his sleeve. When all
is ready he gives a signal, and two or three roughs commence a row.
In the confusion — quick as lightning — the obnoxious tickets are
swept off, and the "little jokers " take their place, and the "stuffed
in" candidate comes out with the handle of an " Honorable" stuck
to his name. Such is the treason of politics in the cities. In the
virtuous rural districts they would scorn to go through such tor-
tuous bye-paths. They march " honestly " up to the polls with their
ballots in one hand and their roll of bills in the other to buy and
sell the votes as they would any other commodity. And this
Anarchy at the ballot box is the lawful child of the Great Anarchy
in Washington. It is several years since I discovered this ; and when
I said the farmers ought to be ashamed of themselves, the answer
was, " Why should they? They don't pretend to be any better than
Members of Congress or Honorables in Albany. Don't those sell
their votes? What those are doing every day, on a large scale, and
with little or no disguise, has not the farmer as good a right to do
above board on a small scale, and only for one day in the year?"*
MR. * * *
A discussion in our local papers caused me to write an article from
which I extract :
* A correspondent of the New York World hud published a full description
of those trafficings.
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DATS. 156
"From the time (1847) this gentleman rescued me out of Albany
(where the anti-rent fanners let me spend my last dollar in their
cause), I was honored a good deal with his countenance and his con-
fidence ; and I tell you, sir, that his principle was to do good himself
with his money, rather than bequeath the good-doing to those who
were to come after him. ' The less I die worth the more will it be
to my honor,' was an accepted motto of his. No entries were made
of his unceasing charities. I thought I knew something of them
myself, but on the day of his interment I met an individual gentle-
man who told me more of his charities than I had discovered in an
acquaintance of thirty years.
44 With reference to the Public Library of which you speak, he held
that far better use could be made of $50,000 than to give it to any
such purpose. He held that there were more books in the Public
School libraries than were made use of; and if not, the necessary
additions could be easily and cheaply made — that men of learning
and research were generally men of leisure, who, if they wanted rare
books, could afford to go and get them in the Astor Library. He
also held that the old gentleman, his father, was unadvised when he
signed a paper promising to the scheme three or four thousand
dollars. And yet, when the old gentleman was deceased, and when
other signers sought protection from the courts, though utterly
disapproving it himself, he (like the honorable gentleman he was)
paid over the $4,000 without a word of questioning. The $50,000
you speak of he did indeed bequeath to the poor of the District — its
interest a perpetual charity.
" His settled purpose was to do far more for Williamsburgh, and
far more wisely. But disease seized upon him — eat into his mind —
distracted, weakened, dimmed it for one or, I think, two years before
it took him away from us. It is not necessary to state here what
his purposes were, and what he did to iorward them — the less so
because it is likely to come out in the movement for public parks in
the District, which, I trust, is now approaching.
4 ' I write this in discharge of a duty which I owe to the memory
of a man highly honored by all who knew him, and yet whose
rarest worth, (I do not mean his charities), was not known to
the public at all.
THOMAS AINGE DEVYB."
156 THE ODD BOOK OP THE HJLNKl'KENlTH CENTUBY }
THE GBEAT DIFFICULTY.
It would undoubtedly be a difficult matter to construct a fortress
that would be impregnable in itself, without a garrison to defend it,
or with a garrison of sluggards and cowards. In like manner will
constitutional protections be of little avail to a submissive, degene-
rate people. It is seen that the Constitution of New York State
affirms the principle of " Limited Taxation." In vain. It lies
there a dead letter — "abuse " has been pushed into robbery incred-
ible in its audacity and vastness, and yet no resistance to it has
appeared in any quarter. To refuse payment of a robbing tax bill —
bring it into the courts, and rest your defense on Art. 8, sec. 9, of
the Constitution, would put the courts on their mettle, and it would
arouse, if anything could arouse, the "two-legs" — I don't call them
men — out of their stupid apathy. But no man in the whole State of
New York has attempted anything of the kind. The "In" band
of robbers are exposed and denounced in election times. But by
whom ? By the " Out " band of robbers, who strive and scream to
get power to themselves in order to commit the same crimes.
Still, it seemed that if a definite limit were fixed to local taxation
— fixed in the Constitution— that limit must be observed, because if
a Collector presented a bill any higher than the limit, why, the Tax-
payer would refuse to pay it, and his property could not be seized
upon, and so the extortion would be baffled.
Not at all. The Tax swindlers would have nothing to do but
steal, steal, steal, and create "deficiencies" by the million. This
they have been doing every year — and putting the deficiency of this
year into the Tax levy of the next. An aggravated example of this
kind on a large scale has just been furnished by the Canal Board of
New York State. This Board is constituted as follows : — It consists
of nine members, three Commissioners, chosen for six years —
one to go out every two years, at which period one is elected in hia
place. Then the Lieut. -Governor is chairman, and the Secretary
of State, Controller, Treasurer, Attorney-General and State Engi-
neer make up the Board. Elected at various times, and of both
political parties, it is claimed that neither party is responsible for
their fraud, and this seems to be accepted, generally — though it takes
small discernment, indeed, to see that both parties are responsible.
Well ! This precious Board, made up of picked and polished chiefs
from both parties, has gone on for several years back "stealing,"
as even the Ring newspapers have to admit, until the " deficiency"
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DATS. 157
reaches six millions of dollars. Then steps in the Legislature, and
proposes that the people shall take their choice by a general vote
whether they will pay this forged paper, that the "Board" issued,
now at once, or fund it as a permanent debt of the State. No-
body talks of repudiating the swindle and prosecuting the thieves.
Is it possible that any machinery of government — any safeguards,
however wisely instituted — can save such a submissive people?
And one Great Pacific Railroad presents, like "Hamlet, "a play
within a play — a swindle within a swindle. The gross Company, in-
terwoven with and forming part of a corrupt Congress, seize upon
Public Lands, empires of public lands, and screw out of us 65 mil-
lions of U. S. Bonds. Then forms the inner Bing of the sharpest
knaves of the Company. Those make what they call a " Credit
Mobilier," based upon our Public Bonds, which sell at 10 or 12 per
cent above par. The road is contracted out in the lump to a dummy
contractor at $50,000 a mile— $25,000 dollars being the outside value
of constructing it. The "Mobilier" takes the job into its own
hands, includes a large extent of the already finished road, and
makes thirty or forty millions to themselves and such of their pals
in the Congress as they have selected. An Inquiry is set on foot.
Before whom ? "Who but a selection of members from that same
thief Congress, which does not, perhaps, contain a man who has not
in some shape participated either in the gross swindle of the big
Company or the nett swindle of the condensed Mobilier? To secure its
loan the Government had taken a first mortgage of the road and
rolling stock. It is by Congress turned into a second mortgage, not
worth a cont, and the swindle is complete. However, the road is
there and the lands are there waiting for their true owners when the
people come to their senses.
GOVERNOR HOFFMAN.
I write the following particulars because he was mixed up with
bhe ignorance that cost the lives of fifty or sixty people shot in
New York streets, and for other reasons :
A Brooklyn Sewer over throo or four miles of open country, was
concocted at a Champagne Supper by the City Hall thieves. Got an act
through in Albany, authorizing an outlay of $300,000; amended it to
$600,000. I had Governor Hoffman's letter that he would not sign the Act
till he would give me an audience in opposition to it. Went to Albany for
that purpose, but found that his signature had crossed mo on the way. He
skulked from seeing me, and signed another bill tor $125,000 additional. I note
158 THE ODD BOOK OK THK NINETEENTH CENTURY;
this complicity of Hoffman because he made himself notorious by sending
Jim. Fisk's regiment (the 9th) to guard a procession of Orangemen in New
York. Somebody throw an old shoe at the procession, and* the regiment
opened fire along the sidewalks and shot fifty or sixty people.* Because,
too, his block-headed example caused the stupid British Government
to repeal the " Public Processions (Ireland) Act," and re-introduce the
party feuds that had been for years well nigh got rid of.
In this connection I wrote Hoffmann this letter :
Nassau Avenue and Fourth Street, j
Greenpoint, May XO, 1870. '
John T. Hoffman, Politici.iu-Governor of New Totk State :
The time honored adag« " Honor among thierts " is of two kindi. One eonfl»ed
to themselves, and relating to secrecy and a fair dirision of their spoils. Another,
where the captain or a a individual of the gang may interpose protection to a victim
•who has had the misfortune to fall into their hands.
I recal this as an illustration, merely. I could not, you know, apply it literally to
the politicians of New York, and the can whom they " delight to honor."
But, nevertheless, it was some such unwarranted expectation a* this that pointed
my thought to Governor Hoffman— the thought that he would not lend himself to a
fraud so new in the history of cities as a half million sewer, te afflict the com fields
of Bushwick and poison the three-mile-long narrow waters of Newtown Creek.
As the pleasant romances of life stiver, one by one, into fragments of " cold
reality," we feel uncomfortable, and get into, at least, momentary bad humor with
ourselves and everybody else. So it was with mo when I found that Mr. Governor
Hoffman had " shivered " the respectable ideal I had formed of him into the " c«ld
reality" of what he is.
But on reflection I found that I was unjnit in this— that the ptr te Governor Hoff-
man was not mu:h to blame. If Nature infused into him a little weakness, or even
if it were baseness, could he help that ? He certainly could not. And if circum-
stances threw him into a peculiar, and not very pure, moral atmosphere, was it any
wonder that the natural weakness, " or even if it were baseness," of which I have
spoken, should crop out into offensive size and vicious action t Can we censure the
ptr te Hoffman for a result so natural ! He could not help it— could he I
And so I transferred my bad Lumor from that blameless gentleman to myself. I
*When the Orangemen of New York proposed to commemorate the discord of
the Boyue, in 1688— and the slaughter and torture of the gallant and United Irishmen,
one hundred and ten years later — 1 prepared a briei articlo, ahowiug their historical
merits — that their banner was stained wi'h the bloud of Emmet, Lord Edward
Wolie Tone, Bagenal Harvey, William Orr, amd other thousands of Protestant
Presbyterians who perished in that great struggle for republicanism. I went to the
New York (Democratic) World with the lesson.
"If you have news," «aid the autocratic editor, " we will gladly receive it, but we
advise the people ourselves."
"And if you don't understand this subject," I replied, " and if I do ; if there is
great danger approaching, will you not allow a warning voice to go forth that may
avert that danger?" The reply was, "We take news, but not advice." And this
was three dnyu before took place that wanton and uuprovoked massacre on the 12th
of July. Now, if the gentlemen of the World had brought a masculine understand-
ing to bear upon the (subject; if they had realized its nature and its danger ; if they
had exerted themselves to see Governor Hoffman and instruct his ignorance, it is
very probable tkat. an innocent man or woman would not have bean slaughtered on
that uuhappy day.
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY Ilf MODERH DAT*. 159
knew all about "birds of a feather," and their habits. Why did I expaet to find,
in Governor Hoffman, a game bird companioned with carrion crows ?
And, so, having reflected that Mr* Hoffman could not help being what he ia, and
having forgiven myself (we are all sure to do that) for the error I had fallen into
respecting him, I am all right again. Right, and prepared to estimate more truly
the vote-sellers of Albany, and their eustomeis in Brooklyn and New York. And
the vote-sellers are all right, too. They delivered the goods — the spurious legislation
—and got their money. So far as they are concerned the account is closed. But it
is not closed yet in favor of the buyers of this spurious legislation. It is just possible
that they may not be able to pass the counterfeit article — the bonds BO authorized —
for the genuine. If representative government has disappeared — if bargain and sale
has usuipcd its place — and if the people should at last open their eyes and take note
of this fact, you know the logical result that is likely to follow ; that not only the
bonds, but the legal forgers of the bonds — biggest of whom is John Hoffman — will
be repudiated by the people." (And he was. most effectually.)
Bennett, of the Times, (see ante.) was a very active engineer of this
Sewer Fraud. It was litigated, and facts like this came out in the
referee's report: — "The Board ($ewer Commissioners) gave Friel a
contract at a fraud of $163,000. For draining that was not done, $150,000.
The law required that the city maps should be used. They gave T.
W. Field $35,000 for new ones. For engineering and inspecting $81,-
000 was charged. The detail entree showed only $28,000. They is-
sued interest-bearing bonds before the money was wanted, causing a
loss of $20,000— making direct frauds of over $300,000, which the indirect
frauds ran up to over $400,000. For a solvent bid was in to do the whole work
for $300,000, and there was $625,000 expended (or stolen) on it.
In the meetings called to combat the swindle this Field kept " appealing to
Heaven, and hoping his course would be graved on his tombstone " — his
villainous course ! He had carried through a rise in the Tax valuation of
the city of 25 per cent, and was made Superintendent of Schools ($5,000 a
year) as the reward of that public villainy. I lost a little money, and a great
deal of time and effort, opposing this swindle— thought something was gained
when $100,000 was struck off the Act. But they quietly returned to the
charge next year, and got $125,000 additional— the odd $25,000 used pro-
bably to bribe it through the Legislature. The sum only is uncertain, for
no law could be procured without a bribe, and no law refused if a proper
bribe was offered. And this is "law," and this is a Eepublic, and there is
nothing better than this — and the people, fanned by wings of the daily
vampires, sleep on ! sleep on ! But not forever — surely, not forever !
FINANCIAL SWINDLING.
1868. — Walker, an Ex, and M'Culloch, an Existing, Secretary of the
Treasury, published two letters to prepare the way for the Great
Fraud of '69. Those letters, in one binding, hung together, as in-
deed their authors should have done if merit were duly rewarded.
160 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY J
I spent a day in Cooper Institute searching newspaper files for those
letters, but could not find them, to the great loss of this book and its
readers. For never in the records of financial villainy was anything
to compare with the glaring impossibilities presented as facts in
those letters. A big, broad, undisguised insult offered by those
swindlers to the understanding of the people. In " The Currency
of the Future," published at that time, I find this about them :
SAMPLES OF STATESMANSHIP.
FBOM OUR Ex AND EXISTING SECRETAIRES.
MoCulloch — We are " afflicted with a redundancy of currency." Witness
the " inactivity of trade" and scarcity of employment.
Walker— Pay the bondholder " 800 millions " extra. It will be a " gain in
values." Added to — the burdens of the Nation.
McCulloch — " Reckless and extravagant men are a public nuisance."
They let their money fly into— the channels of trade, and my own Custom
House.
Walker — "My elaborate essay converted the 38th Congress to create the
National Banks," and bestow on them thirty millions a year. Gain to them
— Loss to the Nation.
McCulloch— The " late contraction " " stimulated labor," " increased pro-
duction," and — made " incomes light " and " trade inactive."
Walker— I sold 250 millions of bonds to the Dutch bankers. Price 35 cents
on the dollar. They have risen to 82 cents, but it is a " burning, blushing "
shame il ive don't make it up to 100 in gold.
McCulloch— We have gone through a difficult war, and are "afflicted"
with — the agent that pulled us through it.
Walker — "To establish our gold oasis we must borrow 250 millions more
from the Dutch for home circulation." Ono half to go back to them — in
premium on their present stocks, t'other half to pay off those stocks returnedto
hansel our " specie payment."
McCulloch — " Contraction" must be enforced by Congress as a means to
resumption — because " nothing ^c ill be gained by forced resumption." When
the country is ready it will resume as a matter of course, but a first thing
necessary is etiforced contraction.
Walker — " With paper money we must go into the extremes of contraction
and expansion." For why ! Congress is — too stupid to fix a proper mean.
McCulloch — " Diminution " of the currency — " increases the supply of it."
—A McCulloch truth.
Walker— Hates "national debts," and would commence to pay off the
present 2,500 millions — with " ONE million in a year."
McCulloch — A currency redeemable in lands, goods, chattels, everything
that is for sale in the nation is — not redeemable at all. Why? Because it is
" IRREDEEMABLE."
Walker — " We will be twenty times richer twenty years hence than we are
now." — Walker's word for it.
McCulloch — " Our obligations " will be "dishonored" if we pay them—-
according to our agreement.
Walker (becomes poetic) — " 2,300 millions of currency is a grim monster"
— won't it hunt our people " into dismal caverns, the abodes of want and
misery, where would wander in ngony and despair the wretched victims "
of this terrible — creation of Walker's brain.
McCulloch—" Money is wanted in the moving of crops, but is not wanted
in their production." Labor is the grand element of production, but wno
would think, that laborers want money?
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 161
Walker (Is again poetic)—" If wo don't double our debt." and that very
speedily, our " wealth and our labor will leave our shores " in one " vast
exodus." For, the people will— never, never, stand the oppression — of light
taxes.
McCulloch — If banks did not exist, " I'd none of them," but as they do
exist, I'll punish them— with a bonus of many millions a year.
Walker—" National currency is 11 forced loan." Because, don't you see, it
is taken — withpleasure and profit by the people.
McCulloch— If National Banks were not, Btate Banks must l>e. Because
Congress has — neither the power nor the brains to issue a currency of its own.
Walker " Wo cannot carry on foreign trade if we nave a depreciated cur-
rency," because there was — 200 millions worth of foreign trade done by New
York alone in the depreciated currency year just dosed.
McCulloch — " Credit is curtailed, and some say more money is wanted to
do the business for cash. Wanted ! Nonsense. Those who have no money
can draw checks on a bank." And so forth, and so on, to the end of the
chapter.
Freed from bewildering circumlocutions, these are a sample of the out-
rageous and absurd propositions -which the two worthies dared to flaunt (n
the face of the nation. History may record the fact, but will posterity be-
lieve it, that two such men — so superficial in understanding, irould have the
audacity to attempt such an unheard-of crime against the nation, and get
no other punishment than a drumming out ot the service, to the tune of the
" Rogue's March "?
A FALSE SYSTEM.
The Ptolomaic system of the Universe made the whole heavens revolve
diurnally round this muddy little earth of ours. The sun had to travel some
550 millions of miles every day, and the nearest fixed star could not come
to time unless he stept out at tho rate of 2,500 millions of miles in a single
second. This profound philosophy kept possession of the learned world for
many, many centuries, and when assailed by one Copernicus, the learned
Universities disowned him, and the Church tumbled him (or his disciple
Galileo) down on his bare knees, to ask pardon for having doubted the
orthodox philosophy. All this, however, did little practical harm to the
world. The Universe went on in its old jog trot way—" seed time and
harvest " came, Avhatever the learned blockheads might say or do about it.
But the case is far different under our Ftolomaic philosophy of finance.
We make ail tho material wealth, the productive energies, the commercial
activities, and even tho credits and the authorities of the nations revolve
round one of the least and least useful metals that wo know. And wo have
the results that might bo expected. Our " system " keeps toppling over our
heads for a brief time, and then tumbles down, crash 1 on tho top of us.
Even philosopher Walker has to record the fact, that we have had chaos
come again in our ftnaiK" s, '•' eight times in sixty-four years." But what
cares Walker. A small per centage out of the Dutch bankers will bring him
safe out of the storm— away up into the fruitful regions of the National
162 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH OENTUBYJ
Banks themselves — there to bask in the perpetual sunshine ho has created—
and among the patriotic, prosperous progeny of his prolific pen.*
It will be hard, too, if all the gas blown out by the honorable McCulloch
does not inflate a balloon big enough to translate him into the same per-
ennial skies ! There the kindred souls may serenely look down, as the
thunders roll and the tempests break on the common crowd beneath them
But Walker has got six feet by two, and a mocking devil has got a hold on
McCulloch.
NEW YOBK WOBLD.
The New York World is a light of the old philosophy — though its own
nature and the blasts from without make it rather flickering and unsteady.
It wants, by the sheer force of paper and lampblack, to make a creed for
the Democratic party. It would be difficult to say what influence brings it
to strike hands with Greeley and the Evening Post. Like them it yearns for
the " gold standard"— the " specie basis "—the " true measure of value."
Still, when it comes to a closer view, it gets afraid, and would put the con-
summation off, and for the following very sufficient reasons :
" If a European war should break out, or any great disaster should over-
take that quarter of the world, causing large amounts of our bonds to be
returned to this country for sale ; or if the exchanges from any other cause
should be greatly against us (as they will almost necessarily be if we im-
port much and export little) a great drain of gold would ensue, forcing the
banks to suspend, cancelling their charters, compelling the Government to
redeem their notes, and reducing it to insolvency by its inability to do so."
And again, in the same article : " If the Greenbacks were withdrawn and the
(pet) banks should (thus) break, the people would be without any other
currency than gold and silver, which would produce guch stringency and
distress as would bring universal ruin."
And at what time, may we ask, would those reasons not exist? At what
time would wars not be ready to spring into destructive action? But the
writer forgets that even Greenbacks could afford him no protection under
a return to the specie sham. Would not they, too, like the other paper
credits, be reducible to gold? Would not the holders of them make a
" rush " and " redeem " them in gold just as eagerly as would the holders
of all other paper? Would not their "conversion" leave us naked to that
gold " stringency, distress and universal ruin." so unwillingly sketched by
the gentleman himself?
GBEELEY AND GOLD.
That vibrating philosopher, the New York Tribune, is now floundering in
the Ptolomaic vortex, like all the other philosophers. So long as our cir-
culating paper was in the hands of Bank monopolists and per centage
shavers, Mr. Greeley blew the loudest kind of a trumpet in its praise. In
1858 he had no bondholders to back up in their rapacious demand for gold,
• But he did not stay up long. He was flaunting $25,000 gold bonda in Washing-
ton when he unexpectedly tumbled into the grave.
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 163
and so, taught by the recent great calamity of '57, he sent forth a votce like
the following :
'• Gold and silver are a real necessity as a measure of value in such times
as the period of our own Revolution, and the great Revolution in France.
When the omission of Government paper was such as to overwhelm the
nation's credit, of course its value sunk to any indefinite fraction of its face ;
when to this was superadded the Machiaveliau policy of England in forging
alike our ' Continental paper ' and the French Assignats ; when the re-
spective countries (America and Franco) were overrun with those forgeries,
it became impossible for the genuine paper to be distinguished from the
spurious, and then those securities ceased to have any value at all. But
those times have passed away, and with them has passed all necessity for
the use. of gold. *
Somebody, about the time of the War ('63), I suppose he was an
Irishman, sang all this in honor of Mr. Greeley :
CHORUS.
Oh, dear ! what can the matter be?
Oh, dear I what can the scatter be?
Dear me, what will the damage be?
Greeley's undone by the war.
Ye toul' us at first that the North wasn't right at all ;
If South wish'd to go, she might go any night at all.
Then ye foun' out that her men wouldn't fight at all —
And so, that there could be no war.
That their bones were all " boase," and their sinews all vigorloss,
Their swords hadn't blades, and their muskets were triggerlew j
Nothin' to do only knock them down niggerless —
And put an end to the war.
First out from the Union ye'd cut them and carve them out ;
Next bullets and steel and gun-powder you'd sarve them out;
And lastly you'd stap all their rations, and starve them out —
Famish them out of the war.
For their land, you swore, wouldn't give praties or oats at all ;
They couldn't get goold, and they hadn't bank notes at all.
And how— without brogans, or breeches, or coats at all-
How could they go to the war?
But Greeley, asthore ! this fair talk has been foul to us ;
The good things ye promised— the wise things ye toul' to us —
Where, all, are they now? Gone aglee, bi me s— 1, to us —
Hammered aside by the war.
You boozeled and foozeled our " Prince o' Wales Corcoran ; " *
From the dock of Clonmel, too, ye hooked our friend Meagher in :
First you sent both of their senses a shuugheriu- -
Then you sent them to the war.
*Bo distinguished for refusing to turn out the 69th Regiment to honor
th« Prince of Wales in New York.
164 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTUBY J
For you know when the two wero across-the-Atlantlo-men,
Their love for " Repeal " was resolved and romantic then ;
Now, *' Union by bayonets I " like any two frantio men
Shouting, they rush to the war.
And afther all this you won't be afther lavin' us
In quateness to think how you have been desavin us ;
But day afthar day you kape tellin' us, deavin' us,
All what you think of the war.
What you think, you ass !— I've been murdhered an kilt for yo« I
The best drap of blood that I had has been spilt for you !
Till you're in the " big house the county has built for you "' f
We'll see no end to the war.
Our tay once was tay— but it's now like-cr dry turf moul' ;
Our sugar was six-pence — It's now twice as high, am toul ;
And coffee was coffee — it's now burnt rye — dher-dioul !
Someway bewitched by the war.
The cottin's so scarce, my last shirt is too nice a fit ;
The treacle's got sour, and I can't get of rice a bit ;
An' whiskey i Och, murdher ! you've trubbled the price of it !
Bad luck to yourself an' the war.
" Bad luck •« *' Och, it's seldom I've leisure to pray at all ;
And now it's so late I've no time to delay at all ;
But my blessin' I'll leave you, before I go way at all
Lave to yourself au' the war.
Och, "the curse of the crows on ye," Greeley, ma augenarjh !
May the d 1 himself pound you up in his knockin' trough !
I'll meet you some darracht night, gu lean ire rudh imttacJi—
An' give you a touch of the war.
Oh, dear J what can the matter be?
Oh, dear! what can the scatter bo?
Dear me I what will the damage be?
Groeley's undone by the war.
As a contrast to this rhapsody, and a compensation, let me present
a picture of early life and heroism,
THE WAR SONG OF THE VERMONTEBS ('76).
Ho ! all to the borders? Vermonters, come down,
With your breeches of deer-skin and jackets of brown ;
With your red woolen caps and your mocassins, come,
To the gathering summons of trumpet and drum.
Come down with your rifles ! Let gray wolf and f ox
Howl on in the shade of their primitive rocks ;
Let the bear feed securely from pig-pen and stall—
Here's a two-legged game for your powder and ball.
Ho I all to the rescue ! for Satan shall work
No gain for the legions of Hampshire and York;
They claim our possessions, the pitiful knaves,
The tribute we pay shall be prisons and graves.
"fJall.
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 165
Let Clinton and Ten Broek with bribes in their hands
Still seek to divide us and parcel our lands,
We've coats for our traitors, whoever they are,
The warp is of feathers, the filling of tar !
Does the ' ' Old Bay State " threaten ? Does Congress complain ?
Bwarms Hampshire in arms on our borders again?
Bark the war-dogs of Britain aloud on the lake?
Let 'em come, what they can they are welcome to take.
What seek they among us? The pride of our wealth
IB comfort, contentment and labor and health,
And lands which, as freemen, we only have trod,
Independent of all save the mercies of God.
Yes ! we owe no allegiance ; wo bow to no throne ;
Our ruler is law, and the law is our own ;
Our leaders themselves are our own fellowmen,
Who can handle the sword, or the scythe, or the pen.
Our wives are all true, and our daughters are fair,
With their blue eyes of smiles, and their light flowing hair;
All brisk at their wheels till the dark even-fall —
Then blithe at the sleigh-ride, the husking or ball.
We've sheep on the hill-sides, we've cows on the plain,
And gay-tasseled corn-fields, and rank growing grain ;
There are deer on the mountains, and wood pigeons fly
From the crack of our muskets like clouds in the sky.
Like a sun-beam the pickerel glides through the pool ;
And the spotted trout leaps where the waters are cool,
Or darts from his shelter of rock and of root
At the beaver's quick plunge or the angler's pursuit.
And ours are the mountains which awfully riso
Till they rest their green heads in the blue of the skies ;
And ours are the forests unwasted, unshorn —
Save where the wild path of the tempest is torn.
And, though savage and wild be this climate of ours,
And brief be our season of fruits and of flowers,
Far dearer the blast round our mountains which raves
Than the soft summer zephyr that breathes over slave* I
Hurrah for Vermont 1 for the land which we till
Must have sons to defend her from valley and hill ;
Leave the harvest to rot on the field where it grows,
And the reaping of wheat for the reaping of foes.
From far Michiscoui's wild valley to where
Poosooinsuck steals down from his wood-circled lair,
From Shockticook river to Lutterlock town,
Ho 1 all to the rescue I Vermonters come down !
Come York or come Hampshire, come traitors and knaves,
If ye rule o'er our land, ye shall rule o'er our graves ;
Our vow is recorded, our banner unfurled —
In the name of Vermont we defy all the world !
In 1762 New York laid claim to 64 townships in Vermont under a
grant from Charles II., and made an ineffectual attempt to dla.
166 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTUBY;
possess the settlers. Offered a reward for Ethen Allen and seven of
his associates. Those in turn proclaimed that they would ' ' kill and
destroy'1 any force daring to approach them. New Hampshire laid
claim to the whole of Vermont ; Massachusets to two-thirds of it.
Britain, too, was hovering round its skirts, but the little State de-
clared and maintained its independence for fifteen years, and was
admitted to the Union 1791.
The above War Song has, I believe, no place in the libraries. Is
a fugitive, and was likely to be lost. The same is, I suppose, true of
"The Poacher," written by Thomas Doubleday — pure, high-minded
patriotic Thomas Doubleday ! — once my associate on the Northern
Liberator of Newcastle-on-Tyne. Let me preserve it.
THE POACHER.
They feast and they snore, whilst we hunger and toll ;
They rejoice in the title of " Lords of the Soil."
Kay, as " Lords of the Soil," not content with their share,
They resolve to be " Princes and Powers of the air 1"
Not content with their reign o'er the wet and the dry,
Their dominion would have all that run or that fly ;
But their " High and Low " are no more than a name,
And we swear there shall always be " Jack and the Game I"
See the Pheasant rise stately, all glistening with gold I
Bee the Covey, alarm'd, flash in fear from their hold ;
See the Woodcock, alone, from the well-head take wing;
From the grass-tangled bank see the Leveret spring.
Who's the Rearer, the Tender, the Feeder of those?
'Tis the Woodman who plants, and the Ploughman who sows,
For here " High and Low " are no more than a name,
And afield there will always be " Jack and the Game."
A " Poacher's " a title— a " Lord ;' is no more ;
And both have been won by brave fellows of yore !
The Mitre's the Bishop's— the Crown is the King's ;
But who ever saw " goods and chattels " with wings?
Then scour out your barrels, your powder keep dry;
There can be no " Manorial Bights " in the sky,
For there " High and Low " are no more than a name,
And not half so well sounding as " Jack and the Game I "
Do ye preach up " *he Peace?" do ye threaten
If a cover we beat, or a trigger we draw?
Bemember the time, in its ripeness may come,
When your ears maybe stunn'd by the roll of the drum I
To fight for your fields, shall it then be our will,
Or to bleed for the birds we're forbidden to kill?
Not while " High and Low " is made more than a name,
And the lawyer dares stand betwixt " Jack and the Gam*
OE, THE SPIRIT OP CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 167
When ye've tied down the eagle with parchment and wax,
And, by law, made the wild swan his pinion relax !
When the crane and the wild duck ye stop on their way,
And set up a turnpike, the woodcock to stay —
When this ye have done, we shall yield, as we must,
The heritage true and the privilege just ;
But till then " High and Low" shall be only a name,
And we swear there shall always be " Jack and the Game."
ENGLISH CHARACTER — GOOD ENGLISHMEN.
Among the most remarkable men now in England are University
Professor John Ruskin, and Joseph Co wen, M. P. for Newcastle-on-
Tyne. Yet Mr. Ruskin dwells with prido on the great minds that
English Colleges have sent forth to carry enlightenment into far-off
lands Enlightenment ! written with the sword in tho blood of the
far-off peoples. In China, India, Canada, as well as Ireland, Scotland,
and the besavaged state of her own people, under her own eyes and
her own procurement.
And Mr. Cowen ! How and where shall I place him? As a Re-
former standing alone in Parliament: And, owing partly to his posi-
tion as an Englishman, distinguished above them all. Dragging
forth into distinct and damning contrast the Bright and Glad-
stone ' ' Out " and the Bright and Gladstone ' ' In." Brave, uncounting
and unapproachable. And yet Mr. Cowen prided so much in England's
foreign "possessions and power "that he went along with Disraeli,
sustaining on the floor of Parliament his wildest villainies, mistaking
them for an extension of England's greatness. Such is the dull
prestige of birth, bringing up, and country — even in men of such
large heart, keen perception, bravo devotion to tho right and defiance
t.> the wrong as John Ruskin and Joseph Cowen.*
In close affinity with those is George Jacob Hollyoake, a natural,
persistent, life-long Reformer — yet he, too, with a remarkable
peculiarity.
It has been seen how he aided my purpose twenty years ago — and
later took a great deal of trouble in procuring papers necessary to
the English Section of this book. I don't know but the sect of
" Secularists " was originated by Mr. Hollyoake. He is at least one
of its most active members. "Co-operation " is his forte, and prob-
*Juat as I close, M~. Cowen h,.s made a speech at Newcastle-on-Tyne. Nothing
could be more searching and scraping-up than he gave the surface of things. But
all on the surface. He took no more notice of the Divine Truth than if it had no
168 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTTTRY \
ably he has done more to advance it than any other man living. He
speaks as he writes — calmly and lucidly ; and in his recent visit to
the United States he commanded the attention and (outwardly at
least) the respect of men who were at the moment worming their
way toward the destruction of the Eepublic — working to hand it
over to the Destroying Corporations, and eventually to a "Crown."
Mr. Hollyoake fills his place \voll as a local, practical, partial
Reformer. Bnt to me it seems that his nature and abilities are
worthy of a loftier and wider range. And I hope that he will, even
yet, give them a higher range. Laying their foundation on the
solid Land instead of the shifting Storehouse. I commend 1o his
thought, and the thought of all thoughtful men, to study the Nature-
inspired examples elsewhere presented by the "Indian Settlement"
and the "Zoar Community."
The high consideration in which all true men must hold
Mr. Hollyoake has been expressed already in this book.
And now* at this late hour, my heart goes forth to the writer
of the following letter. I anxiously hope that a copy of " THE
ODD BOOK " will find him in good health and usefulness. He
is — he must be — an embodiment of the patriotism of New-
castle in its past days. Otherwise, he never could have pre-
served and cherished a memento of "The Writers" — the
pure, good, able, devoted " Writers of the Liberator" In the
interim of four years I had lost reams of papers and letters
(through my irregularity), and I regard it as providential that
this of Mr. Longstaffe comes to my hand at the last moment:
NORTON. Htoekton-on-Tees, October 1, 1877.
DEAR SIR : I send you the little book referred to in Mr. Devyr's letter of Aug.
13 last— which I return you, with thanks for its perusal. You can tell him I
lend him '• The Northern Lights " on the terms of his letter with very great
pleasure, as it .always affords mo satisfaction to assist others in elucidating
the history of the " North Counterie," and I have no doubt Mr. Devyr's book
will throw considerable light on an important epoch in our political organ-
ization. Yours faithfully,
SAMUEL FRANCIS LONGSTAFFE. F.ll.H.8.
To G. J. HOLLYOAKE, Esq., 22 Essex St., London, W. C.
POST SCRIPT. — Mr. Devyr's letter would be interesting to Tyneside
friends. I therefore beg to ask your permission to insert the enclosed
communication in the columne of the "Notes and Queries "of the Weekly
Chronicle, Newcastle.
OR, THE SPIRIT OP CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 169
If you consent, please send it either direct to the editor or return to me
for that purpose — and if you could add a note on Mr. Devyr's life and
history, it would add to the interest of the letter. Yours truly, S. F. L.
Much was done at the time — much favorable notice con-
ferred on me — by those two gentlemen. I have lost the
evidences of this, but I have not lost my sense of gratitude
for it. I believe I am a younger man than Gladstone — and,
if things go favorable, iny voice will yet be heard in " Cannie
Newcastle."
The Constitution of New York State is called up for re-
vision every twenty years. Delegates to revise it are elected
in the same way, and unluckily by the same machinery, as
Members of Assembly. It was the corruption and proflig-
acy of those very men which made the revision necessary,
and to elect such men to restrict their own plundering^ would
be not a little absurd. I spoke of this to Mr. ***....
"The supreme want," said he, "is a Constitutional Limit to
Taxation. But if all others stand still our moving will serve
no purpose. You know our men of note and influence. Will
you interview some of them oa the subject?" He gave me a
memorandum, setting iurth tho vital and far-reaching import-
ance of this Reform and his belief that I had zeal and ex-
perience to aid in carrying it out. I took the paper (it is now
mislaid), but on reflection I decided not to call on men who
had acted so contemptibly in the Taxpayers' Movement. And
I so reported. " Well, I'll try another plan." And he sent
round notes to a number of those gentlemen to meet at
Firemen's Hall and discuss the subject. He instructed the
messenger to deliver the notes personally, and ascertain
whether they would promise to attend. They all promised
to meet, and not one of them fulfilled the promise. A note
came from Mr. * * himself, expressing regret that he
couldn't be present till nine o'clock. That hour came and he
came, and no other came, and there was no meeting.
But the politicians roused all over the State, and elected
themselves by the old machinery, and so tinkered the Consti-
tution— so made it worse instead of better — that it was re-
jected when submitted to the popular vote, all but a lease of
fourteen years to the judges — round which all the lawyers
rallied at the polls.
170
THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY;
And so that effort also fell to the ground. It was about the
last he was destined to make. And the scene closes as follows :
I am slowly recovering from a sickness that kept me on life's
extreme confines for almost a year. Mr. * * * is in
Boston himself under medical treatment. My mind had
been unbalanced for months, and I wrote some incoher-
encies to him on matters of business. He replied, "Take
no trouble about those matters. What you have to do is get
well. An occasional drive out will help you, and I have
given instructions that my coachman shall attend to this when
required." Why do I relate those things? Why, but to
show the strangely good and considerate nature of a man
who at the moment was himself in the grasp of a fatal
disease. He returned home only to leave us for a better
world. I was indebted to him in every way — as, indeed,
almost everybody was who came near him. And now in his
great last affliction I do not ask to attend on him, for would
it not be imputed to me as a mean seeking of personal ad-
vantage? I write to him, stating my bitter regret that I
cannot be at his side. The following reply comes to me.
One of the last he has ever written. The stamp of his waning
powers is upon it as compared with the bold, vigorous im-
press of his hand in the days gone bye. But the heart, the
goodness, the kindness is still the same:
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 171
No shadow of regret or sorrow. The latest effort a ray—
a sunset ray — of departing hope and brightness. His whole
life a presence of "CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS." Surely an
immortality lies before us. A higher and purer life where
this world's inequality will not stand a barrier between soul
and soul.
In looking back at my varied career, I could not help
thinking that it contained Thought and Experience that
might form a chart, less or more useful to future voyagers on
the same turbulent sea. To that end I had been gathering
them up, with a vague, undetermined purpose of presenting
them under the title of
"MEMORIES OF A LOST LIFE."
"Lost,"' I now thought, irretrievably, by the loss of its
sole encourager and inspirer. As I proceeded in my task
the full character of that gentleman gradually unfolded to
me. How distinctly it brought out and emphasized the
cause of our early decay! — how it suggested an example to
the nations! — how, with "the modifications of time and
country and existing habits of thought," it revived the
Chivalry of ancient days. And, under whatever title and
whatever circumstance, I determined to present that example
to his countrymen, first — then to mine, and to the world —
but still under the name and title of "A Lost Life " — when
this happened :
FIKST CONNECTION WITH THE "IRISH WORLD."
I had suffered so much fatigue, vexation, loss of health and loss of
money in my effort to give direction to the Fenian Movement, and
had given up in such utter despair, that the word "Irish," prefixed
to any printed matter, made me recoil from the sight of it. General
Crooke had put a number of the Irish World in my hand years before,
but I would not look at it. So it might have been to the end, only
this happened :
Passing a news-stand I saw the name of Archbishop McHale on a
newspaper (the Irish World) in large letters. It fronted the descrip-
tion of a, fete given in celebration of his fiftieth year as a prelate. In
that description men of note were eloquent in depicting his career.
172 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY J
But the thought struck mo that the incident of forty-five years before
(see ante — Irish section) enabled me to pay a higher tribute to his
powers than had been, or indeed could be, offered to him by even the
most eloquent of his eulogists. I embodied the fact in a communi-
cation to the Irish World. I also had been skirmishing in a jocund
way with our local metal-heads on the subject of finance, and en-
closed the following ironical letter to Wendell Phillips :
"•Rag Money! ' Don't you know, Mr. Phillips that it is a vile thing? Who
invented it ? How nearly did it aink us during the war ! How little has it done /or
us since the advent of peace 1 We have been afflicted with it now for about 16 years
We have ' flaunted in rags ' all that time, for what tailor would give good broadcloth
for ' rag money ' ? And ia it strange if we have not broken our fust during the while
—fir why should butcher or baker give fresh beef or bread for mere * rag money ' ?
How we have gone through sun and Btorma, without a roof to cover us ! for what
landlord is such a fool as to take ' rag money ' for rent ? Debta, of course, have stood
still, for what creditor would accept payment in 'rag money'? Why, the very
creators of the vile thing disowned their own buby ; would not care it themselves,
and had not the face to affront the foreign banker with the sight of it I Ah, Phillips,
Phillips, Wend-ill Phillips 1 How could you wend your way into such a mud, and
try to wend the whole world in along with you !
" 'Tis true, you saw that the bonds, the flx*d 6 per cents, were made of exactly the
same 'rage,' created by exactly the same authority, resting exactly upon the sam«
banis — you saw those Jlxed bond* some 10 per cent better thi\n gold, and that I suppose
was the reason why you put the circulating bonds, the greenbacks ou the strne level
as to assuredness. God bless you, there ig between them the greatest difference in
the world. The one bears a big crop of gold every year, the other be trs nothing . It
takes a great machinery to collect this gold crop together, and just see how many
honest fellows in the Custom House, and all around, make a decent living, besides
'pickings,' as t crews in that machinery. Think, too, of the enterprising smugglers,
what would become of them if this machinery were broken up ? And would not it
all go to the dogs, if you only could persuade people to turn the Jixed bonds into
circulating tonds ? But then, you know, there would be no gold crop for the bond-
holders, everybody would take the circulating bonds, and glad to get hold of them,
without asking interest on them from the government, which means from themselves,
They would find u«o for them all, too. If France uses $30 per capita, we require a
far bigger amount, for is not everything here about twice as dear as it is in France ?
Our fields, forests, and factories, too ; don't they require a far bigger outlay for their
development f
" But then , if you take a pen and combine these facts ek'llf ully, they would play the
devil with the National Debt, the Custom House, the smugglers, and all those evang-
elizing influences which now reign over the whole nation. Fse, Wtndell ! don't
you see what you are driving at? What would result if your doctrine prevailed?
But it won't prevail. We will meet it, and confound it, and upset you and it. We
have nothing to do only shout * rag money/ ' rag money ' ! and the thing ia done."
To my astonishment I found that the Irish World was as Green-
backed as myself — my two contributions coming out with strong
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DATS. 173
approval in its next number. I found, too, that it was earnest and
far-seeing on the question of Land Ownership. I made several con-
tributions to it ; from one of which, August, '76, 1 extract what seemed
a prophecy :
THE COAL MINER.
" Working in constrained and unnatural positions, begrimed with dirt, he ia in all
respects a blacker and less protected slave than ever was the negro. But ' hold on ' !
says Gowan. ' Half a million a month more will bring up the dividends, and secure
our positions and our big pay. There are such a multitude of those miners that 10
per cent struck off their present wages will make up just the sum we want. Men
who now receive $50 a month will si ill receive $45, and they ought to be thankful, lor
when they look round they will see plenty of meu who can get NO WORK and MO
WAGK8 at Ull.'
"And so the miner at his long, unnatural, dangerous, dark and dirty toil, is docked
a tenth of the pittance he had been earning, to add to the hoards of the foreign and
domestic sha'ks. His little ones may want a bigger yard of cloth than they did last
year ; a bigger dish of potatoes ; but what business has he with a wife or lictle ones ?
That twenty millions of London gold vested in the mines is a very big fact. A
paring of it would buy ns many spies as might be found necessary, as many and as
good lawj em as ever proved black to be white, as many ink voices as ever howled
through the column* of ihe press, and it is a melancholy thought that juries may be
as leadily packed in one country as another. One or two resentful and desperate
men may break through the law, may ' cover their tracks,' and make it h<*id to trace
th m. Such men are not likely to be the leading, thinking men among the miners.
But what matier! The thinking men are the modt obnoxious to the monopolists,
because th y are the most formidable. Unable to trace and clutch the real reckless
offendeis, it is just possible that they might take hold of the thinking, leading me a,
and bring the machinery uf nired spies and paid lawyers, and even packed juriee, to
bear down upon them. Such things have been done a thousand times, and never,
perhaps, on an occasiou that looked more suspicious than toofcj the whole aspect of
affairs as now presented in the Coal regions of Pennsylvania."
All here spoken of, and far more and far worse, actually took place
ten months after this. The dates and facts will be found in the
Appendix. They are so horrible and so disgusting that, if it were at
all compatible with my duty, I would exclude even an allusion to
them from this book.
ON THE STAFF.
My coming on the staff of the Irish World was hardly less
singular than my first correspondence with it. I had written
a letter describing the overthrow of gold by the banks in '57
and notifying that I would write no more — take no more
trouble with a people that were so dull and apathetic. At
the same time Mr. Ford had written inviting me to help
174 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTUBY J
him, and the two communications crossed each other on the
way. Mr. Ford introduced me with this very flattering
notice :
" It is with pleasure we announce that we have added to the staff of the
Irish World Mr. Thomas Ainge Devyr. His name is already known to the
reader, and it is unnecessary to make any flourishes in this introduction.
Mr. Devyr is a man of conscience and a man of ideas. He is a time-
honored, but by no means a time-worn, reformer. His whole life has been
devoted to the service of humanity ; and now, moving toward three-score
and ten, his one absorbing thought is to spend the remaining days that God
shall give him in the same noble work."
And the very first work I had to do on the paper was a
criticism on the writings in the press that led to the un-
paralleled Judicial Murders that followed in Pennsylvania,
and which are outlined in the Appendix to this book :
RATTLESNAKES.
"Where at each step the stranger fears to wake
The rattling terrors of the vengeful snake."
— GOLDSMITH.
The New York Sun is one of those snakes. It has got more rattles than
most of the other snakes. A more venomous bite, too. It has sprung all
its rattles this week, and makes a hideous noise in the train of one Gowen.
The particular Gowen. The Gowen who took the coal fields of Pennsyl-
vania across the Atlantic on his back, and pledged them for twenty millions
to the London Jews. According to the rattles of this rattlesnake, one band
of assassins peoples the entire coal regions. He calls them "cut-throats,"
who " stab in the dark," and, on slight provocation, " shoot from behind."
The venom of the snake must be in gross quantity 'when it overboils in this
way.
Now, this same Gowen has given the miners not 'very " slight," but very
great provocation, if seeking their lives and cutting down their pittance of
wages be provocation. If that be a gage of war, this Gowen has thrown it
in their faces. Isn't it strange, then, that men so numerous, so " lawless,"
so " stab-in-the-dark," so " shoot- from-behind," as this villainous writer
describes them — isn't it strange that they have not so much as turned a
hair on this Go wen's head?
Now, the wicked man who wrote this knew nothing what-
ever of the men whom he murders in this way. (Yes,
murders followed those atrocious writings.) But Gowen had
come to New York and "instructed " him. And those writings
brought on the
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 175
JUDICIAL MURDERS IN PENNSYLVANIA,
which are faintly set forth in the Appendix.
John Kehoe was a man of weight and intelligence. He had in-
terested himself in behalf of men arrested by the Coal Thugs, which
so exasperated them, it seems, that they determined to hang him-
self. They had the wretches ready to swear the halters off their own
convicted necks and on to that of John Kehoe. Summoning the
Court of Pardons to meet him at Harrisburgh to review this Judicial
Murder, the Attorney-General — their own Attorney-General — pro-
ceeds to write down this paragraph — a damning paragraph, that
tells the whole story. He had previously told them that he had no
hope they would alter their judgment, and he finishes in this way :
" But I will be in Harrisburgh on the 17th, at eleven o'clock. My hands
are washed of Kehoe's blood, and if others want to do the same, I will
aid them."
On which the infamous Miners' Journal comments in this way,
" The concluding remarks had been better left unuttered."
Yes ! The Judicial murderers might well wish those words of
even their own Prosecuting Attorney " unuttered." Those words
are a death sentence to the reputation of every official man engaged
in compassing the death of John Kehoe. Right ! Attorney-General,
you could have little hope, indeed, of the men who could see "no
doubts in the case before." Such men had taken their stand, and
were not to be driven from it. Strictly, there could be no " Pardon-
ing " in the case. How could there be when the evidence was by
condemned murderers swearing to save their own lives?
Besides the Judicial Murders recorded in the Apendix there were
more added sufficient to make up twenty-two or twenty-three in all.
All on the evidence of real convicted murderers swearing to save
their own forfeited and accurst lives. In the case of one of them,
M 'Donald, the noose was three times slipped over his head, and his
long beard as often lifted up on pretense of fixing the rope aright on
his bare innocent neck. Will not those unspeakable crimes invoke
a heavy cursoon the Republic?
To reprint articles from an ordinary ephemeral newspaper
in a book like this would be unpardonable. But a paper
the authority of which was so repeatedly recognized in both
Houses of the British Parliament is not an ordinary paper.
176 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY J
Recognized as the only publication that was a terror to them.
There are few well-informed men in Europe who have not
heard of the -Irish World in this connection. They, too, may
be curious to see a sample of the artillery that shot its way
through the two Honorable Houses. Even the two or three
specimens I give will throw a suggestive light on the
Great Movement — a movement that now fixes the attention
of the world. I offer them, therefore, with this explanation,
and without further apology. Thus was rained the hot shot
into the "Home Rulers" that drove them from their guns.
First — In tracing the progress of the movement comes
this picture of
THE HOME BULE D E LU S I 0 N—1877.
Enter a village in Ireland. There is a meeting convened in the lower
end of the street to consider the wrongs, and thier remedies, of Ireland. A
man of plain speech and ragged exterior is telling them that they have a
right to " life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness " in the land of their
birth. He is telling them that it is a mortal sin to submit to plunder and
slavery. He has got so far as to say, " Resistance to tyrants is obedience
to God." Hark I There comes a great noise of trumpets and cymbals and
all brass instruments. On horseback and in chariots come on a great cav-
alcade grotesquely attired, waving flags and shouting gibberish. The
meeting at the lower end of the street breaks up, and comes rushing to see
the bedizined mountebanks and watch their performances. It is a grand
success for the mountebanks. They break up the down street meeting.
The actors are so big, so various, and of such name and of such note. The
brazen trumpets and tinseled costumes are so loud, and so bright, and so
grotesque, withal, that the crowd is carried away, and loses siftht for the
moment of the man in the ragged coat, and his sober speech about " life,
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness."
And then there is to be a great Conference held in Dublin.
Mr. Butt wants admission to be very select — ministers of the
gospel and ministers of the government. Biggar, Parnell and
Ferguson oppose this, and the meeting breaks up in confusion.
On which the Irish World goes to prayers in this way :
A foreshadowing, we trust, of the final break-up of the great Obstructing
Home Rule party. That done, we'll have a chance to fall back upon the
homely meeting at the foot of the street, and hear once more about " life,
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," with all the land of Ireland for a
hunting ground.
Second — And this assault on
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 177
THE HOME RULE P H A N T 0 M._ 1878.
This Home Rule Conference may well look forward to the pleasant play
in which they are to be the admired actors. " The liberals," " the friends of
progress," " the people's champions," the admired of all beholders. There
will be placards and processions to arouse the admiring public. The lead-
ing patriots, in the full bloom of exuberent "liberalism," will march or be-
driven to the lighted halls. The crowd will cheer them along the streets,
and redouble the cheer when they mount the rostrum. There is a glow of
warmth and a blaze of light around them. They have arisen from a
delicious dinner and a glass or two of exhilarating champagne. The
reporters are ranged before them, to catch their world - redeeming words
from their eloquent mouths. The morrow's sun will rouse an admiring
public to snatch the morning paper, and read with rapt wonder the elo-
quence inspired by the good dinner and the ten-year-old wines and the
reverberating magnetism of last night's crowd. Reconnoitering in front of
the hotel and around the street corners, Curiosity will be poised on its tip-
toes to catch a glimpse of the patriotic orator of last evening, and hurra ! —
his carriage drive to the station, whence he whirls away to gather fresh
banquets and fresh laurels in the next admiring town. His lungs are
sanitarially inflated, his appetite aroused, his bodily health is set firmly on
its legs. His mental vigor is ever so far ahead of even his material exuber-
ance. Wherever may be that man in the dilapidated frieze coat, bending
over the spade after a hungry breakfast — wherever he may be, the " liberal,''
"patriotic" Home Eule leaders are as well and as satisfied as heart can
wish.
But how is it with what is left of the frieze coat? We will suppose that
he is the rack-rented tenant of six acres of land. It used to be only four
acres, but they have got the "statute acre," the "English acre," and that
bedeviled the four acres Irish up to six acres English, with a rent marching
up to keep it company. He has been thinking if that spot of ground were
his own, subject only to a national quit rent, there would soon be another
face upon it. Many a time he has thought what a sheltering, sunny little
orchard that half acre behind the cabin would make. That dale rising
beyond and above the two-acre meadow, how the wintry streams from its
potato and flax ridges might be led over that meadow and irrigate and
improve its crop. In the adjoining hollow may be turf, and on the knoll
beyond it limestone. Here, then, with a little care is plenty of -manure.
The oats and barley and hay and straw that now must be carted into the
big maw of the land rogue, how their essentials might again return to the
ground and recruit its fertility. All this he has many and many a time
pictured to himself, and with it the warm, secure home and its contented
and comfortable inmates. But he has not anything like this ; he has not
the least chance of anything like it. It must not be even spoken of until
the Home Rule party getg another chance at the six hundred aliens — another
ciuurge at them, with Isaac Butt leading on the wordy war. Yes, that man
178 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY J
and his unimproved fields and his half-naked, half-starved family must wait
till the eloquent sixty overthrow the pig-headed six hundred, and get leave
to transfer their gymnastics from London to College Green.
Well, if, at the end of fifty or five hundred years, this victory — the victory
of the sixty over the six hundred — should be accomplished, then — what
then?
Freed from imperial cares, the local lawyers and land thieves could
direct all their attention to bamboozling the people. The great Land
Blasphemy would not be approached by them, and if others approached it
those others would be met with a howl about the " sacred rights of property."
Press, platforms, pulpits would level their artillery against that man in the
frieze coat, and if that didn't do they would level the artillery of lead and
gunpowder upon him. If he said, " I, too, am a child of the Great Father,
and give me this small four-acre modicum of my Father's estate? " the first
work of the Home Eule Dubliners would be to choke him into silence, and
if he would resist, then choke him into death.
Among all the leading men now pursuing this fugitive, far-off Phantom of
Home Rule, how many of them ever toiled a day in the field and sat down at
night to a scanty supper? We look at the long list of M. Ps., and T. Cs.,
and M. Ds., and Q. Cs., and reverends and right reverends. They are all
there, standing in one imposing group, and they force upon our unwilling
thought that they are not of the class that needs to speak out and bo heard
The Great Foundation class, on whose intelligence and industry depends
the prosperity of the individual and the greatness of the land. We very
much mistake that great sovereign class, if they are contented to remain in
their rags — to live in their dens and dig in their uncertainties — whilst Mr.
Murphy and Mr. Butt and Mr. Mitchell-Henry, and all the rest of the " half
sirs," lead on another, or ten other, or fifty other annual assaults on the
alien six hundred.
Third — And this on the same subject:
TO THE MEN OF I R EL AN D.— 1876.
The United States have recently been a political battle-field from
North to South and from one ocean to the other. We had to take a
hand in, the more especially as the two great conflicting parties
agreed between themselves to continue all our existing evils — want
of money, want of land — everything. Their " sound and fury,"
and glaring torches, and banners, and bands, all trooped out to be-
wilder and humbug the people. We couldn't stand by to look and
listen ; we raised our voice against it. Our indignant voice against
the Party Factions that are working to enslave this country to Mon-
opolists and stock-gamblers. This gave a half direction to our
OR, THE SPIRIT Of CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 179
thought — turned it half away from the "noble" criminals that en-
slave, and outrage, and slay, and starve the people of Ireland.
If they had taken moderate rents, instead of starvation rents ; if
they had done as the Edgeworth family did in Longford, and as
Sharman Crawford did in the County Down ; it they had lived among
contented and comfortable tenantries, leading in agriculture, arts,
and refinements ; if they had been a little less selfish and inhuman,
it would have been a little better for themselves, and a good deal
worse for the people.
"Worse!" for under a system like that — a humane system — men
might have remained under the delusion that God's land did belong
to liars who called themselves landlords. That those liars and
plunderers were "noble," and that the multitudes of honest men
were base — "base born!' That to sport and spend and steal the
product of other men's toil made them " honorable" and " right
honorable.' The more they stole, the more the honor. Under the
mild sway of the Edgeworths and the Sharman Crawfords the
GKEAT 1 IE about land ownership might have remained unexposed,
unquestioned even, for centuries. But now the light has broken out
It is in the heavens — it is edging with gold and silver every cloud —
it is raining its effulgence down on every field and forest tree — it is
curling round the blaze of every cottage fire, and gilding every
ascending cottage smoke. This Glorious Truth, that the land is
GOD'S LAND, that the people's are GOD'S CHILDREN, that the Land
Thief is the great foundation criminal of the world. That he is the
inflicter of all the poverty on the people — of all the ignorance — of all
the crime. That no man sorrows or dies in hunger and in rags, but
this Land Thief kills him. That no man languishes in a dungeon,
or is forced out to die upon the scaffold, but the Great Land Thief
Mas lured him there — into that doom !
Men of Ireland 1 Make way for this Great Light. Open your
hearts to it. Impart it to your brothers of your own and of the
other lands. Let yours be a " voice in the wilderness ; prepare ye
the way, make its path straight."
So sure as every heart becomes the altar of this Truth, so sure as
this divine Thought lifts a man up to a knowledge of himself — of his
true dignity — of his true place on the earth, so sure will there arise
within him a God-like strength that will, of itself, almost without
the design or the consent of the man himself, rise up in its might and
majesty, and hurl the GBEAT LIE from before it, down into the
180 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY}
pit of scorn and forgetfulness, and hurl with it the High Priest of
that Great Lie— the blasphemous Landlord.
Talk not of Revolution. Think not of the rifle or the pike till,
first, the groat Truth of man's NATURAL RIGHTS is enthroned in
all your hearts. Once in full possession of that Great Truth — of
man's Equal Birthright in his Father's Estate — once every man of
you knows he is an heir-at-law of a ten or twenty-acre field — then
prepare the artillery ! But not till then. Till then not a word about it.
Fourth. — The following article is especially valuable, as
embodying a ruling of the "law lords" which kills off all the
titles in Ireland. For, if Force is not in some titles,
Fraud is in them all.
MAN'S NATURAL RIGHTS.— 1878
" On Lough Neagh's banks when the fisherman strays
As the clear cold eve's declining,
He sees the round towers of other daj
In the waves beneath him shining."
There is some poetry and no truth in those lines, but Lough Neagh
is worthy of some notice and deep interest for all that. It has from
the first claimed distinction in two grand essentials. Ireland is but
a green dot on the map, and yet Lough Neagh happens to be
one of the largest lakes of Europe. It possesses, also, the very
singular quality of petrifying wood into stone. The holly is a solid,
close-grained wood. Saw it into any size, and carve it into any
figure you please, immersed in the lake for a time proportioned to
its bulk, and it returns to you a stone of a smoothness and fineness
of grain, and as free from grit as the wood you immersed six or
seven years before. An old familiar cry in the northern fairs and
markets was " Lough Neagh hones for the razors." .
But another distinction has fallen on Lough Neagh — a new dis-
tinction that will take its place above the two old ones. Nature, it
seems, had a sharp eye on Lough Neagh from the first — knew from
its bulk and depth and coolness and clearness that it would be a
good large nursery for good large fish. Onq of those reprobates who
shake the devil's club over Ireland twice or three times every year
had an ancestor, as it appears, named Lord Donegal. This ancestor
lived in the pure and pious precincts of the court of Charles II. of
England. Well, by some parasitical process doesn't he coax this
exemplary monarch into a belief that Lough Neagh, its waters and
its fish, did belong to and were specially created for him, Charlee tL
OB, THE SPIRIT OP CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 181
" But," says he, " your Majesty has ' other fish to fry' than the
fish of Lough Neagh ; and, for fear they would go to loss or to the
fishermen along its banks, would it not comport more with your
royal dignity to grant them to me and my heirs — lifting the burden
and the thought of them off you and your heirs forever?"
" Well," responds His Majesty of the Mistresses, " yes; I don't
see what business Nature had to create them for me. I wash my
hands out of them, both the water and the fish. There's my sign
manual. Take them along with you. As Nature gave them to me so
do I give them to you, and not otherwise "/
So far so good.
Tears rolled on, two hundred of them, and neither has Lord Done-
gal nor his blessed heirs had time to attend to the fish at Lough
Neagh. And the fish and the fishermen got along very well without
them. At the end of that time a justice of the peace named Cromelin
raised a war about the fish — didn't see- why this latent " Donegal ''
ownership should not bo brought up out of the depths again in his
own favor. So away he goes to the present Donegal — not the
town or even the county, but the man — buys his "royalty" of fish
from him for a " good song " or two, and comes back with a voice
issuing from the dead grave of Charles of the Mistresses, and tele-
phoned through the live carcass of the Marquis of Donegal, ordering
the fishermen to " hands off" and let Cromelin into his " royalty."
Thefishermen heard the voice, but they heeded it not, and Cromelin
disappears off the scene, leaving a group of trustees behind him to
uproot the fishermen and scatter their nets. They cite the fisher-
men, as thieves and robbers, before the nearest justice — we believe
before Cromelin himself, who very quickly denounces fine and im-
prisonment, but is stopped short by an appeal to the court above.
The one side pleads natural right and " immemorial iisage," the other
interposes the not-to-be-questioned right of the defunct Charles to
make disposition of the fish forever and ever. The two naked issues
came up before Mr. Justice Lawson and a jury, at the Assizes of
Belfast, and, as a good judge, learned in the stupidities of the law,
he hooted at the disputation. The right of Charles to give and
Donegal to receive and his heirs to transfer to Cromelin, and Crome-
lin to transfer to the trustees (the staff and the dog and the kid and
the bush of blackberries) were all affirmed by Mr. Justice Lawson,
His Justiceship refusing to let it go to the jury at all. But up it
went oh another appeal to the Courts in Dublin, and thence pro-
gressed across the Channel to the House of Lords.
182 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH OENTUBY }
Here, strange to say, a rebellion broke out among the "law lords"
against the supremacy of the dead Charles, and this is the shape it
took. Here's what they agreed upon :
First — Lawson had no right to abolish the trial by jury.
Second— A patent from Charles II. was not at all sufficient to settle
the question of ownership.
Third — The Lord Chancellor observed that " no evidence was given
how the Croim became possessed of the fishery"
Fourth — Lord Blackburno said that " on the evidence before them
the jury would have been justified in finding a verdict for the defend-
ants"— that is, for the public.
Fifth — (and most important of all) Lord Cairns asks — actually, and
to the horror of all land thieves in the rack-rented islands — asks this
question: "How DID CHARLES II. GET THE FISHERY OF LOUGH
NEAGH?" and adds :
" If Charles II. got the fishery of Lough Noagh by VIOLENCE or FRA VD
or by any ILLEGAL MEANS, he had no more right to give it to the
Marquis of Donegal than he had to give him the fee-simple of the planet
Neptune."
" The fee-simple of the planet Neptune !" Here let us pause and
take breath, abd assure ourselves that we are actually alive and
awake, and that we are quoting the singular and sublime words of
such a body as the law peers of England — sublime for once, if they
never were so before and never will be again. Powerful, indeed,
must the truth be when it forces itself into the learned brains and
out through the learned mouth of such a body.
Let us now repose the Whole question, then, on a query or a conun-
drum, or whatever you like to call it : If the man giving the title
— say William or Cromwell or James — got his own title by " violence,
or fraud" had he or had he not a right to give a title to anybody
else? That's the conundrum. The Chancellor and the ' ' law lords," to
our joyful surprise and astonishment, say "THEY HAD NOT." So
the only question that remains is whether the land thieves or their
ancestors did or did not come to their title by " fraud or violence."
— a question I leave the historic records to decide.
About this time (1878) all the liberal papers and liberal
platforms and liberal pulpits in Ireland rang out in favor of
that open, palpable delusion, " Home Kule." All their clamor
in its favor was re-echoed by the "liberal " armies on this side
of the ocean. The Irish World stood alone exposing, oppos-
OK, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 183
ing and ridiculing it. It was incepted by Isaac Butt, a born,
bred and natural Tory. He called around him gentlemen,
none but "gentlemen," of both political parties, and a first
canon of their creed was protection of the vested robberies
which they called "vested rights!" Didn't the Irish World
attack it in this way?
HOME BULE — ITS DYING FLUKEY.— 1878.
"When the monster of the Northern deep feels the harpoon of the
hunter he lashes the waters into a foam and spouts to any height
and any distance. The dying Home Kule party — that assemblage of
hollow-hearted, picked-out, propertied aristocrats — is in the condi-
tion of the whale just now. The people had got tired and disgusted
with its performances. Its out-branches were dying out or dead.
Its machinery run down flat for want of the mainspring — public sup-
port. The first petty "flurry " they made of "Obstruction " having
subsided down toward the quietude of death, the party gives one
more dying heave to the waters. It takes the shape of a three days'
Conference in Dublin, ending 23d October. Whether this splurge
will attract much attention we shall see, and whether it should
attract anything but contempt or execration let us now examine.
It proposes a war against Mr. Butt. To what end? Is not Mr.
Butt already a dead cock in the pit? " Ah ! well, but, you see, can't
we make a noise crowing over him?" Gallant fellows, those Ob-
structionists ! If they haven't gained a victory over the alien House
they expect to have it over Isaac Butt. And isn't that something?
And so with the flush of this great unachieved victory on their
cheek, they boldly advance farther on their regenerating path. How
advance? and to what end? Why, they will make a " tour through
the entire Island " and rouse the people. House them to what? To
the great question of " Obstruction!" They will rouse the constit-
uencies; they will march candidates into the field pledged to "ob-
struct" the alien House so as "to stop Parliamentary business.1'
Can they do this? Not at all — not the least approach to it. But
they will " force the Parliament to expel them " — can they not effect
that much? We say again, not at all — not the least approach to it.
For, by a simple change of the " rules of the House," in shortening
debate, similar even to our "previous question," the alien Parlia-
ment may spit upon their " obstruction " without expelling or im-
prisoning, or even voting a censure on any one man engaged in it.
And now Mr. ParneU and the other booted and spurred and
184 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTUBT J
mounted horsemen of Home Oppression, which happens to be the
true name of Home Eule — the rule of the rack-renters — will fly
around the country offering to the people a clumsy, transparent false-
hood as a truth. Offering, in short, a gross insult to the people, in
addition to a murderous wrong. Daring to presume that the people
of Ireland are so ignorant that they cannot even see through this insult
of "expulsion," which the itinerant mountebanks who travel round
the country offer to them.
But what can they do — those booted and spurred gentlemen?
"Where do they get the boots and spurs? Do they not get them from
the great land thefts, either directly or indirectly? At any rate,
those land thefts are quite compatible with their enjoyment of boots
and spurs. Abolish the land robberies to-morrow, and the boots of
most of them, might change into brogans. Instead of cultivating
Home Eule delusions, it is possible that they might legitimately
come to cultivate a ten-acre patch for a living. No, no ! The Land
Robbery must be kept in the background. Away, kept out of sight — for
if the [people are allowed to think of it there may be some slight
change from boots to brogans.
But the people will be allowed to think of it and roused up to think
of it. What though one vast conspiracy to screen that Bobbery
covers the whole land? What if the " patriot ' endorses it, the pul-
pit consecrates it, the editorial army covers it with its guns? What
if a thousand Home Bule screamers rush from post to pillar round
the island, begging attention away from it — away to their buffoonery ?
What if they shut it down — this Laud Bobbery and Blasphemy —
down into the caverns of their silence and lock the door of their
mouth upon it? The Great Truth of man's Equal Inheritance in kin
Fathers Estate will burst' through the buffoonery — will crack open the
cerements of their dead mouths — and out it will come, placidly and
peacefully or with a crash that will be neither placid nor peaceful
— out into the light even of the nineteenth century before its close.
This buffoonery, this last gross insult offered to the people of Ire-
land ! Are ye, indeed, so stupid, Messrs. Home Shammers, as to
think it will keep out the light? — keep the Irish people eternally
working in the rattle and the weight of the land thief's chain?
No, no ! That uncreated orchard on the hillside ; that undrained
meadow; that quarter cultivated field; that cabin with the grcou
water tracks trickling down its inside walls ; that man with the
"windowed" garment and bent frame and asking stomach; that
woman once so lovely in her girlhood, now with disheveled hair and
OR, THE SPEMT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DATS. 185
care-worn countenance ; those barefoot little ones with the out-worn
; raggedness napping around them ; all this must be changed, good
"Messrs. Home Shammer*. The orchard must bloom, the meadow
flourish, the cottage smile; decent clothes, cheerful hearts and
faces; no dread of the robber bailiff or exterminating sheriff; a
thought of brightness and hope for the morrow, instead of a thought
of darkness and despair. All, all this must come. And all this
would be better for all parties, even for the rack-rent thieves. So
look to it ! All this must come, or doom must come?"
i
Those teachings wero faithfully followed up. The famine
that set in — the necessity that called aloud for help — called
attention to the cause of the necessity. Mr. Parnell's visit
to America intensified that attention, and the drift of events
on both sides of the ocean gave strength and impetus to the
Great Truth and the Great Necessity. Just at this juncture,
too, Beaconsfield over-reached himself and dissolved Parlia-
ment. The Great Truth was sufficiently in motion to force
its way in some shape into all the turmoils of the Elections.
For it or against it, it was introduced into them all. The
impetus thus given to it who shall estimate? What is here
stated aided also to give it both force and direction.
It was snowing heavily when Mr. Parnell held his last levee
in New York on his departure to take part in the elec-
tions. Home Rule was a thing of the past, and he was ex-
horted to substitute " Land " for " Home Rule," and let the
latter drop out of the programme. He did so. " Land —
land as God gave it," became the rallying cry, and it carried
all before it in Ireland. The Land League was formed, and
at its first session demanded a two years' suspension of
evictions, and actually proposed to buy out the Blasphemers
at some twenty odd years' purchase. They were reminded
that this was at least" premature — that the matter should be
referred to the judgment of the people at the numerous pub-
lic meetings that were now to come. This was acceded to,
and Gladstone sat down to incubate his bill. He had done
something ten years before, and it was expected that the
experience and reflection of the ten years would enlarge and
strengthen him. Forster had been a pilgrim to the famine
thirty odd years before, and John Bright had said brilliant
and even ominous words on the subject at the close of the
late session. Sir Cliarlea Dilke, too, a professed Republican,
186 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY;
selected by Gladstone roused expectation. But not a mem-
ber either in House or in Cabinet had the least sense of the
GREAT ISSUE now up for judgment. Not one of them realized
that to clutch and huxter out what the Creator had given
freely was an IMPIETY riding horseback on a LIE. And likely
not a man among the double squad but would have made a
most orthodox Turk had he been bred up in Constantinople.
Discussions of the subject in Parliament could do good only
so far as those discussions were re-discussed outside, not
in the Isles alone, but on the continent, in America, every-
where. It formed a grand opening to spread abroad the
Divine Truth that had now come down. To tell the nations
that the Creator made the land a free gift, not to the Liars
and Rogues, but to the whole Human Family. But it seems
the "Parliamenters" themselves did not want the Truth to be
known. At least they did not attempt to make it known.
Indeed it is to be questioned whether one of them, up till very
recently, realized or accepted it at all.
And 80 light skirmishing went on in Parliament and
heavy skirmishing went on in the large and quickly
succeeding meetings that now rang all over Ireland. Even
at these the speakers and the writers kept almost dumb
about the Great Truth. But the primitive strata did
not keep dumb. Explosions burst forth everywhere. " No
Rent!" "No Land Thieves!" "God made the Land for the
People!" Weekly vollies from the Irish World boomed
across the ocean, and aided — at least aided — the explosions,
and gave them an echo far and wide. Dunraven and Orra-
no-more did not mend the matter when they proclaimed in
the House of Lords that the Irish newspapers did them (the
peer-less thieves!) no harm. The harm "came from that
organ of American Thought, the New York Irish World."
Buckshot Forster denounced it in the Commons, and
Gladstone, too, acknowledged its power by guarding the
ports and. post offices against it. Vainly guarding. The
paper got in about as effectually as before.
Thus it stood when Gladstone brought in two bills which
were indeed a direct challenge to physical conflict. I do not
pretend to determine the reception the bills merited. But,
like others, I am free to offer my opinion about it.
It has been seen from the first that Mr. Parnell inherits
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALBY IN MODERN DATS. 18?
the energy and pluck of his naval ancestor. Never reaching
after the sublimities — sedate, cool, imperturbable — never off
his guard, and never hesitating. No one doubts that he
had decision and pluck sufficient to take up Gladstone's
gauntlet and throw it back in his face, if he had only thought
of doing so. Suppose he had thought of doing so. Suppose
he had met the challenge in this way :
"You, Mr. Gladstone, have MAN'S LAW at your back. You
have a compact force of prepared mercenaries — drilled in the
art of killing people. You have the platform, the press, and
the non-resisting pulpit sustaining you. To your money re-
source there is no practical limit. As little bound is there
to your skill in applying it. The inhuman ferocity with
which you enter conflicts of this kind has left an undying
stamp on the pages of '98 in Ireland and '37 in Canada. I
know your nature, but am not afraid of it. You have un-
just " laws," 50,000 mercenary forces, and the murderous
traditions behind you. I have the LAW OF GOD and Nature
to sustain me, and a million of men and well-grown boys be-
hind it. They are "spoiling for a fight," too; and have a
means in their hands that equalizes war. Hand grenades
were at one time an arm of war — hence the name grenadiers.
They were superseded by the musket ball, only because
the musket ball was more destructive.
"Now a change has taken place — a discovery made — that
makes the grenade more destructive than the musket ball. As
an arm of war they are sure to return to the field.
Their use by assassins developed their power — not their
true use. Assassinations, individual destructions, are
not their true use. If even directed against man-enslavers
and their guards the use is unwise. Their true field of action
is the opon field, or the open street, or wherever you may
array your mercenaries to enforce the robbings and murder-
ings of what you call " law." In the evolution of things a
Great Truth — the Great Truth — has come down to us, and
with it has been sent down a Power that neutralizes all your
perfected skill in the science of killing people. Its -use re-
quires neither drill nor skill. So you may count whether
my million of men and boys are, or are not, a match for the
force behind you.
" This understood, we may come to business. Your
Arms Bill is to disarm my friends, is it ? Your Coercion
188 THE ODD BOOK OP THE NINETEENTH CENTURY ;
Bill is to imprison my officers, is it? I don't propose
to disarm your men or to imprison your officers, and I
will by no means consent that you shall disarm or imprison
mine. If I did there could be no negotiation between us—
nothing but dictation on your part and submission on mine.
No! The odds aro now very, very largely in my favor, and
this robbing and degrading and murdering of tho Irish
people has gone on long enough."*
Such, it seems to me, was the logical attitude into which
Gladstone had forced him. And at the same moment affairs
were transpiring in the little Transvaal that lent very de-
termined countenance to that attitude. One county, one
city in Ireland, had more resource both of men and material
(and as much of resolve, too, I may venture to add) than
the entire Transvaal.
It was fortunate. It was providential that Mr. Parnell did
not realize the position Gladstone had crowded him into. If
he had realized that this was a direct challenge to him — that
it carried a gross personal insult to him and to his friends in dar-
ing to disarm and imprison them, Parnell would have accepted
the challenge as readily as he would an invitation to pistols and
a ten-yard shot. It was providential that he did not realize
it. It is not yet lime, and will not be till the most rugged,
ragged and oppressed man in Ireland conies to know that no
man EXISTS better than himself — clothed more than himself
with Manhood's BIGHTS and DIGNITY ! The men who have
assumed the teaching of Ireland have thrown their dirty
little exhalations between it and the sky. But the exhal-
ations are not of a nature to remain there. It is from a flood
of light from Heaven, not from a torrent of blood on the
earth, that man's earthly redemption must come. That con-
viction reconciles us to the illogical attitude of Mr. Parnell.
For Gladstone would doubtless have been glad to take refuge
from his moral nakedness even in the convulsions of war.
To keep in hiding the Great Truth is now the greatest sin
against man — against the Creator. Heaven forbid that I
should charge any man with a wilful, cowardly conceal-
ment of the Great Truth. It is far more likely that
*Tho Groat Convention showed that tho Light was diffused. And now
Mr. Parnell's arrest shows that ho should havo met Gladstone at tho time
and in tho way indicated.
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 183
the Great Blasphemy has been so grounded into them
from generation to "generation that it forms a part of
their inherited life. But their amount of guilt or of inno-
cence is of little consequence. If, in the fulness of time, the
consuming, degrading, murdering LIE is to be overthrown,
and the Divine Truth enthroned up in its stead — if that time
has now at last come, no earthly obstacle can prevent its ac-
complishment. No new rent-charge yoke, no fixing of the
fixities, no bargaining with Blasphemers.
THE NEW LAND LAW.
It lifts the personal odium of cruelty in all its forms — rack-
renting, seizing, selling out and evicting out — entirely off the
shoulders of the Blasphemers, and rests it upon that intangible
and morally unapproachable thing called " Law." Thus now
speaks the Blasphemer: "You are on the sidewalk, are you?
you and your family ? Your cabin is leveled to the ground.
But from the passage of the Land Bill into law I had no part
in fixing your burthens or throwing down your house. It
was the law did it. ' The law took its course.' I had neither
the direction nor the control of it. So, 'thou canst not
say I did it.' " And that "law," and the administration of
that law in all its ramifications, are in the supreme hands of
born and bred aristocrats. Commissions, Land Courts — all in
control of it — all of one breed — all empowered to do just what
the Blasphemer himself had heretofore to take the odium
and the risk of doing.
A remarkable distinction of this bill, also, is that it enjoins
not even an hour's duty nor a shilling's sacrifice of any kind
on the Blasphemer. Leaves him nothing to do only go
about where he pleases and do what he pleases with the
collected Blasphemy, without even the condition of planting a
fruit tree, to adorn the lands lie is authorized to desecrate.
Persons who have not studied out the nature of this Great
Criminal may think the name "Blasphemer" harsh and ill-
timed. But, if it be true that the good God intended this
earth for an unspeakably happy as well as unspeakably grand
home for His Great Family — and if this evil man mars the
DIVINE PURPOSE — robs, starves, desolates and kills, even by
millions upon millions, his brother man and his sister woman
190 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTTTRTj
— the name of "Blasphemer "indicates only his crime against
the Creator. His crimes against his fellow-creatures — what
name can describe?
THE LAB O R E K.
Singularly enough, the first voice in his favor was raised
by himself at a meeting in Portadown, County Armagh. It
was caught up and echoed in the Irixh World. At the meet-
ing to receive Davitt in Jones' Wood, New York, a resolution
on the subject was presented to the appointed committee,
and it was embodied, after a feeble fashion of their own, in
the regular proceedings. More than one missive was sent
through the mail to Gladstone, asking him to secure at least
an acre or two to every laborer, and a loan to build a cottage
on it. Not only was he disinclined in this direction, but
Forster, at a late period of the incubation, told a deputation
on the subject that there would be no room for them in the
coming law. He reversed his talk, however, a few days
after. Such is governing shallowness. Grade, caste, land
thievery, and all injustice, are so deep and so ramified in Ire-
land that it would be wonderful if the "tenant farmers"
escaped their contagion. And they didn't escape it. But
time and events will teach them better. And now comes up
a disposition to galvanize the dead carcass of Home Rule.
It was well, therefore, to level at it once more the artillery
that first vollied it off its legs.
And now the same gentlemen are putting the same
Phantom into the foreground. There is just one condition
on which they should be recognized as true men, as reformers,
as anything but shams and impostors. And that condition
is a very short and a very simple one. After they have done
homage to Home Rule — after they have sacrificed to Home
spinning and weaving — let them whisper to their audience
before it disperses one little sentence like this, " Remember,
and carry home with you the Thought, that your Creator did
not send you as a beggar or a slave to this earth; that the
soil is His ESTATE, and that you are His EQUAL CHILDREN." If
the gentlemen Instructors had done this constantly, persist-
ently from the first, the thieves would now be on their knees
before the people instead of riding on their necks. There is
a little hope that they will do it, even yet — but there is a
bright hope that they will be unhorsed if they don't do it.
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALBY IN MODERN DAYS. 191
I am hastening to a close of the book. This was adopted
at a recent public meeting. It condenses the first great need :
LAN D R E FOB Ml
Three powerful forces are now settling down on the Republic. Corpora-
tions have arisen within the memory of man. They are increasing with
great rapidity. Already they have all the cotton mills, the railroads, the
coal mines, gold and silver mines, shoe and leather manufactories ; nearly
all the great industries are in their hands. They are usurping the PUBLIC
LANDS by hundreds of millions of acres, cultivating them by machinery,
from 15,000 to 20,000 acres of wheat in one field ; grazing ranches as large
as counties. They control all the Legislatures, and the Courts are their
obedient tools. That is one great force setting in upon us. Machinery is
another force, illimitable in its power. The Empire of China contains 400,-
000,000 of people, and can send as many fifty-cent laborers over in one year
aa would do all the work in this country. No disposition of the currency
can save us from those forces ; no regulation of wages or hours of labor
can save us. One thing only can save us —
THE PUBLIC LANDS, AND A FREE PATH TO THEM !
And a loan to begin the settlement. The following orders were sent on
to Congress from a public meeting of Land Reformers in New York. City :
WHEREAS — There are large numbers of our people unemployed and in
distressed circumstances ; and,
WHEREAS— There are large areas of fertile Public Lands lying untilled
and unproductive ; therefore,
Resolved — That it is the instant and imperative DUTY of Congress to take
up the LAND AND LOAN BILL, introduced by the Hon. Hendrick B. Wright,
of Pennsylvania, and pass it into a law without delay.
Eesoloed — That the lands o( all nations are the Inalienable Inheritance of
the peoples of those nations ; and that wo shall "hold as traitors and public
enemies any men in authority who shall dare to shut out the people of this
nation from the lauds of this nation. And no matter under what guise or
pretense they may try to cover up this crime, we shall not submit to it.
Better that the whole existing generation should perish than that our pos-
terity should bo enslaved.
Resolved— That DISINHERITANCE is SLAVERY— Wages Slavery — which, in
most of ita phases, is worse than Chattel Slavery ; more easily worked and
more profitable to the slave-driver— more crushing, and even exterminating,
to the slave.
Twenty thousand miners in Pennsylvania petitioned for this law, but it
was thrown out In the last Congress by a vote of 212 to 22 ! Both political
parties voted against it — both alike enemies of the people.
An aspiration to rise and become great in the world is a
natural, and, under proper direction, it would be a laudable
aspiration — as all truly natural impulses are. But in the
192 THE ODD BOOK Of THE NUSETEENTH CENTURY \
United States this impulse is working incessantly for evil.
There is no standard of Public Yirtue set up for emulation.
Labor is greatly overtaxed and proportionately underpaid.
As everything else is turned upside down, why should not
work be slighted? — assumed to be an evidence of inferior
mind? Backing your brains, and cutting into your truth
and manhood — in law, in politics, or in profit-hunting — are
assumed to be pursuits more dignified than honest, down-
right work. Work ! which is almost the only nurse of the
virtues that remains among us. The lawyer stands high, as
he can "make the worse appear the better reason." The
same faculty (and it is a mean, ignoble faculty) is brought
into action in the world of trade and the world of politics.
If nothing can sustain a true Republic but truth and honor,
then a]l those three work directly toward its destruction.
Both law and commerce are embodied insincerities. Politics
is gambling direct. The public spoils are the faro bank, the
whole nation is a "hell," and every politician is a player.
The professional gambler is not more sunken and lost than
is the professional politician. And the unnatural pressure
put upon the wage worker tends to undermine even his
honest manhood. Tired to exhaustion, is it wonderful that
he tries to evade a part of his heavy task, even by duplicity?
To remedy all this turn your back on the examples set us by
England. She has unbounded Monopoly of the Soil and DIS-
INHERITANCE of the people. She has a metal currency that
makes all trade tributary to money-lenders. She has un-
stinted power to tax the people to any amount the " Collective "
criminals choose to extort. She has a drilled army to compel
their submission under pain of death. It is because we have
forgotten the murders she committed upon our fathers; it is
because we are untrue to the traditions of the Eepublic; it is
because we have followed her accurst example — that all our
existing evils have fallen upon us.
Civilization we must have. It is part of the SUPREME PLAN.
Shall we accept British "Civilization," springing out of the
ages of ignorance, rapine and murder? Or shall we adopt
an American Civilization, founded on the teachings of Christ
Jesus and the Bublime traditions of the Republic?
British Civilization, indeed! British inhumanity — British
wallo wings in unearned luxury ! No, no ! Surely God has
not forsaken us.
OB, THE SPIRIT OP CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 193
I have a thought that the death of President Garfield
would have signaled the subversion of the Kepublic. That
he was providentially saved, even for a time, is to me a
promise that help from On High will come to us, and that
the Republic will be rescued out of the sordid and insane
hands that threaten its destruction.* The danger is now
so great — the destruction so nearly accomplished — that I
believe no earthly effort could save it. No power but the
Power from On High.
To enumerate all the watchful care which General Crooke
held over me would be tiresome. But two or three
things I must add before taking leave of him. A bogus In-
surance Company would have swindled me out of the only
really valuable possession I ever had — some 30 acres of
land. He said to me, "That land is rooted. It will not take
wing and fly away, as this Insurance stock may do." As it
did do a few months after. Its President gathered all
of its assets he could scrape together and fled abroad with
them. My possessions had gone with the rest only for
Philip S. Crooke.
The1 Pennsylvania Coal Company notified that it would not
make good an agreement for a dock lease it had made with
me. They knew the General, and as soon as he notified
them, they at once gave up their design, and it saved me a
matter of $30,000 and more. All of which left me through
the inhuman taxation of Brooklyn's political rogues and the
destruction brought about by the Currency Screw of John
Sherman.
Before that screw descended my property paid its heavy
taxes and interest on its debt, and left me $3,000 a year to
live on. The screw came, and employment fell and wages
fell, and the rent of my houses could not be paid, and I had
to request my creditors (heirs of Mr. * * * ) to take all
the property and make what they could of it. Though that
*When the crime of Guiteau was consummated General Grant, in an,
interview published iu all the papers, said, '• If this Nihilism is an outgrowth
in our country, if the President dies / will proceed to Washington and hang
the Nihilists and their followers." Here was a declared abrogation of all
law. An ushering in of the Dictatorship. Bouse, men I Understand, at
least, the volcano you are standing on.
194
THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CJBNTUET $
friend was gone, enough of his spirit remained to decline
this offer and leave the property in my hands in hopes I
might one day redeem it. So it remains at this day managed
by my son, and I believe it stands one lonely and honorable
example amid all the desolations that the Contracted Cur-
rency spread over the whole country. Just before I was
compelled to take the above step General Crooke wrote me
the following, which I preserve to his honor:
And now when the poor or perplexed man comes to Brook-
lyn for the one adviser that never failed him he searches and
searches for his office. It is not there, he is told — he has
removed. "Oh! where? I must find him!" An Invisible
Power takes him by the hand. The streets vanish. He is in
a place of graves. " There he sleeps," whispers its voice.
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHTVAUIY IN MODERN DAYS. 195
"He has at last closed his last office?" "And what am I to
do? Where seek the sure aid and the wise counsel?"
"Aye! where? where?" repeats the voice!
Surely the life of such a man is a proof of immortality.
I once said to him, "Is not the hoped-for future existence a
grand mystery ? " " That we live," said he, " is a grander
mystery. That the life given should be continued to us is
no mystery at all."
THE GREAT FRENCH REVOLUTION.
Before I left England Mr. Doubleday said to me, "Bronterre's
•Life of Robespierre1 puts a new face upon the atrocities of the
French Revolution." Up to that time all the writers ascribed all
the guilt to the French people — picturing the aristocrats as innocent
lambs led to the slaughter. In the lull after '48 I got together all
the available data and commenced to arrange it under the title of
" Dug-up Facts of the Great French Revolution." In pursuing my
task I found the most astounding falsehoods, suppressions and self-
contradictions — and deductions the direct reverse of what the facts
authorized. Allison gave a list of four hundred authorities he
derived from. Of these just two were Democrats, and he does not
quote a line from either. Each writer he quotes from outdid those
who went before him in truculent mendacity, to gain Court favor for
himself and sale for his book. And as for Allison himself, he is the
bravest falsifier of them all. On one page he tells us that "it was
ths feudal nobles who laid the foundations of freedom," and in the
next page he thus shows us a sample of the freedom they brought
into the world : "The most important operations of agriculture were
fettered or prevented by the game laws. "Wild boars and herds of
deer were let loose, and did damage which, in four parishes only,
amounted to nearly £8,000 a year. Hoeing and weeding restricted,
lest the young partridges should be destroyed. Corn had to be
ground at the landlord's mill, and bread baked at his oven. Permis-
sion to grind barley between two stones had to bo purchased. And
of twelve parts, the produce of an acre, the king got seven and one-
half parts, the seigneur three and one-half, and the actual cultiva^r
ONE." And this is but an indication of the self-contradictions and
falsehoods that distinguish all the compilers, with the one single
exception of Carlyle. I showed my plan to Dana — of the Tribune he
was then. He encouraged me to go on and he'd help to get me a
196 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NmETEENTH CENTURY J
publisher. I disclosed my purpose to the Harpers, who then had
Parson Abbot puffing up to the skies the usurper and purjurer Louis
Napoleon. They, too, encouraged me to go through with it. But
before I was half through out they came with a book on the subject
by Abbot — the first notice of which I saw was Dana making merry
with its peurile absurdities ! So much for the honor and the enter-
prise of the Harpers. When I had the work in a forward condition
I called on the Appleton's and thought it good fortune to find Dana
there before me, expecting he would aid me in accordance with his
promise. He was working on their Cyclopedia at the time, and had
very much the diffident air of a man that feared to be turned off. I
suppose this was assumed to lessen in appearance the meanness of
breaking his promise, which he did most effectually. The manuscript
lies untouched to this day. One peculiarity I enforced in it. At
the end of each fact stated, I ask the reader to pause and criticise,
and form his own opinion of what it is worth — urging him to carry
the same critical judgment always into all he should read, whether
in book or newspaper, so that he might not permit the ' ' His-story "
makers to do all the thinking for him.
Is not the mean selfishness that has taken among us such
deep and "wide-spread possession — is it not traceable to
the one foundation, all -pervading sin of DISINHERIT-
ANCE? Had Disinheritance not been, would not men have
worked their condition up to its natural place and perfection
centuries and centuries ago? Opportunity for development
had been afforded to all minds, and the growth and greatness
of mental wealth had been in proportion. Destitution had
been unknown, and with it the distress, the deaths and the
suicides resulting from it never, never had appeared. A
sight of these terrible examples was to men like the sight of
people crushed over to the edge of a precipice and the
weakest falling down it to death. So long as the precipice
existed — so long as large numbers of people were crushed
over it — was it strange that the sight made men take every
means, even the sordid and the base, to get away from it?
Had the precipice never existed — had the ample provision
made by THE CREATOR been made available to all — would this
selfishness have such a deadly hold on men? Would it have.
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IX MODERN DATS. 197
any hold on them at all? Is not a restoration of man to his
INHERITANCE the first work to be done ? Is it not the founda-
tion on which alone you can regenerate society? Abdicate
that Inheritance— leave it in the hands of evil men — and all
the Reform you may build will be built on a quicksand.
Holding in their hands the GRANARY OF EXISTENCE, those men
could mould into any shape — trample down into any depths
— the condition of all the peoples in all the nations. Establish
the DIVINE LAW on the Soil! Throw down the corrupt laws
of criminal kings, Cromwells and Congresses! Arouse, men!
Look around ye. Comprehend the great, great work that is
to be done.
This great work, which, though commenced in Ireland,
must be fought out on this side of the ocean — it is fighting
under Deadly disadvantages in Ireland. How many writers,
how many speakers, how many preachers present in its full
proportions the DIVINE LAW to the acceptance of the Irish
people? "Whoever is not with the Great Truth is against
it." . And has it not been proclaimed in the House of Lords
that the Irish papers did them (the thieves) no harm? That
the. Irish World of. New York was alone their great enemy?
Under circumstances like these, would it be wise to risk the
GREAT ISSUE — its success, or its discomfiture, or even its delay
— on the conflict now going on in Ireland? In that conflict
as it now stands, is that Great Issue brought squarely up at
all? If its writers, speakers and preachers were equal to the
Great Occasion — if, instead of clouding it, they would flash
in the Heaven-born LIGHT upon the people — if they would
directly and vigorously oppose the Divine Law to the Bobber
Law • — we might help, and await their victory whilst prepar-
ing to take the field for our own. But it is not so — the very
thieves, speaking out of their den, proclaim that the writers
of Ireland do them no harm. Is not the issue, then, upon us?
May we not, here now in the United States, exclaim with
Bruce at Bannockburn? —
Now's the day and now the hour;
See the front of battle lower 1
See approach the LAND THIEF'S power I —
Chains and slaverie !
"Approach," indeed ! That Thief is among us— is welcomed
among us by our governing traitors. He has " grants " filtered
198 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY J
through Spanish and Mexican marauders of the last century,
who did not own an inch of the land. He has "grants" from
kings and Holland Companies, that did not own an inch of
the land. He has "grants " from corrupt and criminal stewards
in Congress, that didn't own an inch of the land. He has
"grants" from Farmer occupants, who did not own an inch of
the land. And he thinks — they think — the foreign and
domestic land thieves think — that the one, for a few dollars
in hand paid down, and the other, for no dollars paid — will
have nothing to do but rack-rent, degrade and murder the
American citizen — a citizen no longer — through all future
time!
Yes ! Our atrocious " law " gives the Irish Land Thief a very
encouraging slap on the shoulder and the struggling Irish
people a very discouraging slap in the face. Is not the
nature of those insane monopolists, and their brother traitors
caucused into our government, clearly brought out in the
Judicial Murders of innocent men in Pennsylvania? — in the
unheard-of crimes and cruelties and murders in our prisons?
— in the Consular scrapings among the oppressed workers
of Europe, to find out how little wages they can contrive not
to die upon? — in the coalition of militia officers of the North
with Beauregard and his unhanged brothers of the South,
in their proposed army of 200,000 chosen scalawags, political
scalawags, (700 picked out in each Congressional District) to
be drilled, appointed and officered from that concentration
of political traitors now usurping government in Washing-
ton?— in their street-firing drill, to slay our citizens should
they rise against "Consular starvation"? The GREAT ISSUE
is indeed upon us. Let us accept it at once. And whilst
with one hand we throw help and encouragement over to
our friends in Ireland, with the other hand let us take our
own domestic traitors by the throat — reprint the Mary-
borough motto:
"NO AIE-LOKDS! NO WATER-LORDS! NO LAND-LOKDS!"
and scatter it broadcast over the country. Any public meet-
ing that separates without proclaiming this Great Truth will
not be a land meeting — it will be a landlords' meeting. So,
if it is not proclaimed from the platform, let some brave
fellow proclaim it from the crowd.
OH, THE SPIRIT OJf CHIVALRY IK MODERN DATS. 19$
PAKNELL IN BKOOKLYN.
It is a great meeting. The Academy of Music is full. You
pay your half dollar to a "rosette" politician outside. And every
"rosette" you encounter inside insignias another politician.
Parnell ia in front — tall, erect, impassive as a steel statue.
He is telling a plain story of desolation and ig-" noble" crime.
But there is a stir, a buzz, and a " Hail to the chief! " A broad,
burly bulk makes a lane through the crowd on the platform.
"Who is it?" I ask. "Who? Don't you know Beecher?"
"What I the 'bread and water* man?" and I begin to hiss
with great vigor, not doubting that everybody would join in.
Instead of that rosettes and policemen have me by the neck,
and I can just twist round in their hands and stentor out,
"Bread and water! Bread and water ! " before I am telegraphed
safely out to the sidewalk. Beecher had just been a royal
"birthdaying" in Montreal, and, surcharged with love and
loyalty, who knows how much of it he would have scattered
over the meeting, if he hadn't got that " bread and water "
in the face? That helped to cool him off. And the land
rogues and royalties will never cite the speech he made that
evening. In a printed review of the meeting, one of the
first — if not the very first — of the leaders in the movement
thus characterized it: "There was only one man in the meet-
ing, and that man was put out."
"Tax !" There should be no such thing in any civilized nation —
the United States for example. Our 50,000,000 of people require $40
per capita. France has $30. Of this 2,000 million two per cent is
lost annually in the circulation — a gain to the Government of forty
millions annually. Increase of population and trade would require
an increase of one or two per cent in the currency to keep it up to
the per capita standard — making thirty or forty millions more. The
standing Army is a great evil — the sailing-about Navy is a great evil
— our diplomacies abroad are a great evil — our Custom House is a
great evil — our office-holders in the General Government are a great
evil — our swarms of lawyers are a great evil. With our ports open
free to all foreign nations — all monopoly of lands and mines and
waters abolished — Townships settled on just and scientific principles
and converging into simple State governments — it is not clear that
we would either have "foreign entanglements" or any need for a
200 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY J
"General Government." Few laws required. None for land, save a
Record defining Boundaries, Possessors' Names, and Transfers. None
for interfering with commerce by collecting debts. Our criminal
law proportioned to our criminals, which would be steadily going
down to nil There is no need of Tax, Mr. George ; and if there is
no property in land, how can you tax it?
I had occasion to examine the records of suicides in Brooklyn, and
for two and one-half years of Contraction and distress I found seventy
extra above the number recorded in the two and one-half years before
Contraction. This would indicate an aggregate of 7 , 0 0 0 extra in the
whole country during those two and one-half years, as Brooklyn
contains one hundredth part of the entire population. Two Germans,
who lost their mortgaged houses and lost their work, went, one
after the other, to a dilapidated house and hanged themselves. Two
small traders in groceries broke down and resorted to the same
remedy. And the owner of one of the prettiest houses and grounds
in the same neighborhood lost it by foreclosure, and threw himself
before a train and was killed. All these took place within a radius
of one or two miles. The guilt of those political criminals
in Washington never, never will be measured. Docs it not stand up
side by side with the crimes and murders of the land thieves of
Ireland? Men wondered when I stated at a public meeting that "if
I were to be driven out of the world in this way (and I ran a close
chance for it) I would step up to Washington and take on the journey
a few companions along with me."
Though still on the staff of the Irish World, uncertain health has
estranged me a good deal of late from my principals. It is with
deep regret that I look back upon the time when we were much
together, engaged in the holiest work that can fall to the lot of man.
I have preserved one evidence of their good will to me when I entered
on the service of the paper. That was five years ago. Two years
later their kindly feeling toward me surely over-tinted the following
picture :
" MB. DEVYP FOB CONGRESS. — All through this campaign, and all the
campaigns though admonishing the friends of Industrial Keform to exercise
all diligence in making their nominations, we have ourselves refrained from
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DATS. 201
presenting any names. There were two reasons for our not doing so. In
the first place, we had neither the time nor the disposition to canvass the
personal merits of individuals. And, in the second place, we feared that
any such suggestions might be thought to be a piece of impertinence on our
part. There is one name, however, whose full significance we understand,
and the presentation of which we feel to be an act of duty — that name i s
Thomas Ainge Devyr. When most of us- were in our cradles the man who
bears that name was battling for the cause of humanity. To-day there is
not in the forefront of Keform a soldier who fights more vigorously, more
unselfishly or more zealously than he. Not one ! Mr. Devyr is now up for
Congress. Greenback-Labor men of Greenpoint! honor yourselves by
sending him to the National Legislature. Think not because Mr. Devyr is
on the staff of the Irish World that we are anxious to see him chosen as
your Bepresentative. Think not this, we say, for it was for this very reason
— because ofJds connection with this paper — that we have kept his name out
of our columns till this moment. No, no ! Did we take a narrow and selfish
view of the matter, we should prefer rather to see him defeated in the nomi-
nation. We should consult only the interests of this paper. But we are
capable of rising to a holier conception of our duty. Serviceable as
Mr. Devyr is to us, he can be of still greater service to the nation at
Washington."
Well, I can do no more than here and now bear testimony to the
fact that the cause of Human Progress owes more to the Messrs.
Ford than it owes to any other men now living. For have they not
opened a communion of mind to Beformers all over the world, and
which they never had before? And have they not inaugurated the
Great Movement that now shakes the earth? They were and are
the men ! Davitt, Parnell — all the leaders of the movement — were
and are merely their disciples. As for Patrick Ford, as a literary
swordsman — a zealous, wary, fierce gladiator of Reform — I would
advise the hollow hearts to keep out of his way.
A lecturer in Chicago informs us that "there are eight thousand,
odd, newspapers in the United States, which wield a power over the
public mind that they could not abdicate if they would," and, let me
add, would not abdicate if they could. As soon would the most
despotic monarch abdicate his crown. The lecturer, as well as
the outspoken Chicago Times, admits that newspapers are enterprises
to make money. The time is coming — has come — when Thought
shall govern. The retailers of news were not slow to perceive this,
202 TEDS QDI> BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY j
and they improved the opportunity. Their business gave them
almost exclusive access to the public mind. How they used their
"opportunity" is mirrored in the present condition of the country.
They did not levy inhuman taxes. They did not Disinherit the
people, steal the Public Lands, or "scramble" the public mines.
They did not embody soulless Corporations to take possession of
all our public resources and utilize them by the disinherited slavery
of wages. It would be difficult to put your finger upon one wrong
or robbery wrought directly by the daily newspapers. And yet, by
indirection, ' 'by counsel, by concealment, by partaking, and by defense
of the ill-done," they are guilty of them all. The measure of the
country's distress and degradation is the measure of their guilt.
But as the day rises and the light grows another change comes
over the world. Men realize the Almighty Will, and we see in the
distance the Great Land Movement in America getting under way. A
NATIONAL CONVENTION of Delegates, one or more from each State
and Territory, sitting en permanence in New York, and holding con-
tinuous communion with their constituents. Their debates on the
Land Robbery, and all other public robberies, published in their
newspapers and read as news, enlightening the whole nation. A
small daily at every centre of population, superseding the corrupt
"enterprises " in the matter of news, wresting out of their hands their
power over the public mind. Trades Unions could help this change.
Such is the vision that rises up before us. It is yet in the
distance. The only way to approach it and to realize it is to let in
THE LIGHT — to force the GKEAT TKUTH on public attention.
In this let ail men help. And women and boys and girls. Small
hand presses, with type and instructions, can bo had for little money.
In an incredibly short time boys and girls would learn to use them.
Select from Reform papers and books short articles, and print and
scatter them around in the shape of tracts. The Iritth World file is
a mine of Reform diamonds. Useful things will be found even in
this book. Wherever found, print them and scatter them — every
tract surrounded by a tasteful border, which may be deftly colored
with a toy brush in tiny little hands. The whole process would
greatly improve the tastes and the knowledge of the young persons
engaged in it. I have copper-plates of the "Deserted Village," with
a preface and sketch of the author. And of Burns' "Twa Dogs,"
with a picture of Burns, and critique on his character. The whole
containing thirty pages, including twelve illustrations. I will send
twelve copies of it, post paid, for one dollar. It will form a patri-
OR, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY US MODERN DATS. 203
otic souvenir, intrinsically' 'woT thra cart-load ^of. gift -books. The.
two greatest blows ever struck at the aristocracy are the "Deserted
Village" and the "Twa Dogs." The man who circulates if it is but
one copy will be helping along.
The work before US' is an immense work. It will take the resources
of all our minds and all our means to accomplish it. 1 may err in
my suggestions — any of us may err. But as brothers let us judge
each other kindly, and all pull together. Let me add—
" I've paced much this weary mortal round,
And sage experience bids me this declare " —
that the lawyers and the politicians — and, more dangerous than both,
the daily newspapers — now loom up the greatest danger ahead of us.
Even among those are good and patriotic men. Let them throw
their heart into this great redeeming work, and admonish their less
worthy brothers to do the same thing.
POLITICAL SCUM.
"The hum
Of cities that boil over with their scum."— BTEON.
If the "scum" of the city is bad, is not the scum of the "caucus "
worse? All kinds of people, good and bad, go to make up the city.
Only one kind of people go to make up the caucus — a kind it is not
necessary to re-describe here.
The man who notes the sidewalks of New York — who sees the
DISINHERITED man and woman trying to snatch a precarious existence
out of their sale of small wares, the whole stock not worth a dollar —
who sees their asking faces turned to every passer-by, in the "forlorn
hope" of a pause and a purchase — that man, if he has a heart in his
body, will feel almost a curse rising within it against the inhuman,
spoils-scrambling, dead-locking "Scum" that shut' those people out
from the rural homes which the All-Wise created for them.
The lordly Scum of Europe can plead- in mitigation of their crime
that they were born to it. Our Scum have not even that excuse.
They were not "born to it." By their own self-debasement they
have come to it— come to be the ignoble, criminal, execrable things
that you see.
EMIGRATION. — Load with warlike stores. Take out papers for any foreign
port. Charter or take the loan of steamers to transport emigrants, each
having.a rifle in his baggage. Meet the. storeships on the ocean, at a point
fixed upon. I accept the fact that our caucus government at Washington
204 TEE ODD BOOK. OX* THE jnOTOTCETOH CJESTTK"? \
will do all it can to protect the Thugs of England. But can it stop emigra-
tion? The British Government in 1860 (see ante.) could not interpose when
hundreds of young men from Ireland emigrated to Italy to aid the Pope.
Three thousand men could "rough it" for ten days on one steamer, and
three or four such steamers, manned by veterans of our late war, would
soon settle the dispute. New York State alone could furnish a volunteer
volunteer force that would settle the land thieves in quick time.
Working girls— "Mr. M., we cannot possibly do this work on those con-
ditions— the hours longer, the pay less."
Mr. M.—" But we had to take the job at a low price or * * * would have,
and then you'd have no work at all. It will only last a week or two, and
then comes back the old work and the old wages."
[ The " week or two " passes over, and no change. ]
"Can't change," he says; "that firm * * * down street won't let us."
One of the girls — " Well, I'll go home and work no more for you."
Another girl (follows her out)—" Oh ! how I wish I had a home to go to I
But I haven't. I must work and work on on till I die ! "
[ SCENK — Greenwood Cemetery. ]
"Whose grand monument is that? How much did it cost?"
" That is Mr. M.'s monument, and it cost eighty thousand dollars."
" What ! Mr. M. of the long hours and low wages? "
Yes ! that was the man. [ A literal fact. ]
And yet don't despair ! Of the best Reformers I ever knew, two were
millionaires and two lawyers. Nature still lives in that class. If she
didn't these pages had never seen the light.
EGOTISM
Every man is to himself the centre of the Universe. From such a stand-
point few are likely to make a depreciating estimate of themselves. Bather
the reverse. And so much so that it has given birth to the significant word
" egotism." To this rule, no doubt, there are exceptions. But the gentle-
man whose example I present forms the one only distinct exception to
it that I have ever known. The capacity which grasped first principles at
first sight, and the active devotion he threw into their service, indicate at
once the statesman and the patriot. But added to those was another
capacity, as remarkable in its place. He was a born writer as well as a
" born gentleman." * His correspondence flowed from his quill, clear, fluent
and unstudied, as his language in conversation. And yet not only did he
not assert this accomplishment but he positively disclaimed it. II a fact or
incident would strike him as remarkable, he would note it in his diary.
*So called by his associates.
OR, THE SPIRIT OP CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 205
Nothing could be more concise, lucid and well-judged than those sketches.
Yet he would by no means admit that they were so, and he always denied
my request to have any of them, published sub rosa. To fix more distinctly
his estimate I shall have to relate an incident which I would not relate if I
had less respect for the truth and more respect for men's captious opinions.
Talking of inequalities ho said to me: "Nature has given me capacity in
business to make money. What she has given to you is in the higher
sphere of intellect." Now, the truth was that his mind was cooler, clearer,
far more haraiomously balanced than mine. If it never took pitches so high
it never took stoops so low. It was a bird always on the wing, always main-
taining its onward flight in all hours. To what objects the records in this
book sufficiently indicate.
NATURE'S "POLITICAL ECONOMY."
In 1845, when my heart and hopes were high, at the head of the Anti-
Bent Movement, I find this picture — so graphic, so sorrowfxil — recorded
in the paper I then published in Albany :
"How IT WORKS IN ENGLAND.— The abomination which has so long
overspread the earth — the blight — the leprosy of landthiefism is departing
and must utterly depart from among men. God has marked it for destruc-
tion. In the decree that ENLIGHTENMENT should go forth, THE DOOM or
LANDLORDISM went forth also. The "Beast of the Revelations !". His
thousand years is up, upon the earth, and he returns to the Hell he came
from. Bead the following statement of an English laborer, William Parry,
of Charlton:
" ' I have come twenty miles to tell my distress. I have six children, a
wife and myself to maintain on eight shillings per week, bread being fifteen
pence per gallon. A gallon a day, being one pound to each, is what wo
want in my family. Then there is clothing and firing wanted, and house
rent to pay— but there is nothing to pay for them. The relieving officer
sent me an order for one of my children to go into the workhouse. I could
not part with ne'er a one. I had the cries of my poor children, which were
piercing to my heart, ' Don't send me, father ! don't send me ! ' Was not
that enough to try a man, without the pressure of starvation? I spoke a
few words at a meeting at.Upavon, and master told, me the farmers might
have done me some good but for that. I wa'nted potato land, but master
wanted eight pounds an acre for it. I could not pay that. If I could get
THREE ACRES at the same price, that the farmers get it-^-t wo pounds an acre —
I could provide for myself and family. But they won't agree to it.' "
There is more solid, practical information in that man's statement than
in ten volumes on " Political Economy."
Wilkio Collins said to -the farmers of Norfolk, " for the love of Christ give
those laborers what will enable them to live." By the same Sacred Name
206 tfHU Ot>D fcOO* 01* TBH NINETEENTH CENTUKY J
let me invoke help to enlighten those Disinherited men— to teach them that
God created plenty of land for them all, and that of all the Impiety that
ever was committed on this earth robbing that land from them was the
greatest Impiety. Many a Christian man and woman have given Charity —
many a bequest was made for charitable purposes. Was ever an object so
holy as to let the Light of God's Benevolence into the dark minds of the
people? It is only enlightenment ever can lift them out of their wretched
condition.
"CIVILIZATION."
The word has been associated with civility — forbearance — kindliness,
etcetera— and hence has derived a respect that does not at all belong to it.
I do not by any means assail those things when I execrate all established
Civilizations The Duke of Argyle thus describes the criminal " Civiliza-
tion " which this book assails, and in which himself takes so prominent a
part:
"We cannot contend that a civilized condition involves any of the higher
elements of character. It is a consequence of that instinct that leads us
to identify our own passions and our own sympathies to any brotherhood
[ even the brotherhood of land thieves ] to which we may belong, whatever
that brotherhood may be. Men of great refinement may be, and often are,
exceedingly corrupt. And what is true of individuals is true of communi-
ties. The idea of Civilization is in itself separate from the idea of virtue."
Does not this justify my undying hostility to the thing called "Civiliza-
tion " ? Does it not everywhere exist only to pamper and spiritually
degrade a few men, and oppress, degrade, and in the ultimate starve and
murder the great bulk of the Human Family?
Embosomed in the Kepublican virtues, and there alone, can a true
Christian Civilization exist. Don't insult Heaven and outrage common
sense by giving that name to the Brigandage of England !
On looking over the facts embodied in this book, and especially in the
Appendix, do we not find that the ruling forces in this country are more
corrupt, more base, more blood-thirsty than they are even in England? A
Great Movement is about to arise to dethrone those corrupt men, and dis-
rupt and scatter their insane accumulations. My time is not long here
now, but I hope to see them overthrown and the Eepublic restored to its
primitive purity. And that hope rests on a Supreme Providence.
OK, THE SPIRIT OP CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 207
TITLES Congress being a temporary two-year-old steward, and all its
acts repealable, could not give title to what belongs to all the people and to
posterity. Pennsylvania first levied a " Royalty " on all the coal mined and
carried away. Then her political "one-year-olds" hocus-pocused spu-
rious titles to the Coal Companies — which titles are of very necessity
waste paper.
Forty years ago the rocks and swamps constituting most of Manhattan
Island were so unusable, so fortified in their natural ruggedness, as to
be unapproachable even by speculative greed. No MAN CLAIMED OWNEK-
SHIP of the rocks and swamps, till the love of fresh air, freedom and some
green possibilities reared in interstices of the rocks brought several settlers
first and then a great many to build shanties on them. The political rogues
enthroned in New York Municipality exercised the first ownership of the
Sahara of rocks and swamps. Charged rent to the settlers, and after a
time forged titles to rich profit-mongers who wanted grand mansions in
which to repose their evening of life, made happy by their unjust trading.
Bo out come cable brigades, swing the cables round the shanties and throw
them to the ground. And if any spirited man spoke of resistance, the police
pack first and then the newspaper pack opened howl on him for daring to
oppose himself to "the law" — drawn up by scoundrelly Corporation attor-
neys and rushed through the bargain-and-sale shop established in Albany.
HELP ALL ABOUND.- -The man working for wages has no help but his
two hands. The man on even a small piece of land may have -a strut of
turkeys, a flock of geese and a crowd of chickens, all out picking up some-
thing for him. Volunteer pigs, too, rooting up bacon for him. Emit trees
grown wherever the rain and sunshine fall, would help him. A couple of
cows would lend him a hand, and even an undersized pony stands ready
to work for him. Pigeons would fly home to him, each with a pie on his
back, and the whole country is his grazing ground for a stock of bees.
Every season presents him its variety of work. His mind employed as
well as his person, planning experimenting, learning. And
" The wish that ages have not yet subdued
In man, to have no master but his mood,"
is realized. No slavish obsdiQUCQ to a. boss. No cheating him out
208 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTUBY J
of his natural wages. No sudden loss of the job — either to him or
to his children. Well, we'll see nbout it.
ELECTIONS They are just closed. Ever returning — they bring a con-
fused selfishness into almost every household. Scarcely one but has some
friend it desires to see elected — simply for the place, the " spoils." Thus
the healthful stirring-up of mind which elections would be in a pure system
is turned into a spreading and confirming of corruption and mental degra-
dation. It costs ten, perhaps twenty, millions to gather up the public will,
and it is not gathered up. And if it were it is not worth the grathering-up
—a mere reflex of corrupt newspapers and political spouters. That is the
present condition. All resulting from the Boundless power to Tax.
SAMPLES.
JAY GOULD'S BRITISH " CIVILIZATION." — August, " Ten in a cell in Kings
County Jail. Intense suffering. Th<3 interior like a furnace." " Forty in
Loredo Jail, Texas. Seventeen escape to the Rio Grande. Two hundred
shots are fired at them in the water. All but three kilted or recaptured.
Mexicans firing across to -save them." Win. Creever left to stand on
nothing at 13. Imprisoned five years in a " Reformatory." Time up.
But not free. Forced to the brutalizing life of the forecastle. After one
voyage to Liverpool leaves it for work in the New York Bible House. Five
taxeaters of the city have "law" to drag him back to the "Reforming"
hell. "What for? "he asks: "I'm at work and living with my mother."
They take out the handcuffs, and at the thought of going back to the
" Reformatory" he dashes himself to death out of the three story window.
The news scribbler said, he had " no reason to dislike the Reformatory."
That " his statement was not believed by the officials, but they made no
inquiry." His statement was true. I called on his mother, at 174:
Delancey Street — a German woman, of pleasing address. She sobbed
hysterically. " He was a tall, handsome youth," she said, and added —
this unsophisticated woman added — "How many young men are driven to
destruction by not getting a fair start in life?" But what care our
"Scum " politicians "how many" go to destruction? Are those politicians,
or are they not, rebels to the Will of The Most High? Did not the
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DATS. 209
Divine Power create a benevolent, bountiful supply for the wants of all?
Is not the Divine Will trampled out of sight by the junketing plunderers
who reign in Washington?
OUTBAGING NATUKE. — Ballet master, interviewed:
. "Yes. We advertised, and a hundred girls present themselves. We
select by the age and height and weight. Under 20, height five feet, weight
135, won't do. 120 is about the right development." " Girls," he continues,
"understand, you are to wear tights and short dresses." ' He selects 35.
The rest go away disappointed. " There is no difficulty," ha adds, "till
they come to rehearsal. That makes some of them wince." This exhib-
ition of themselves is an outrage on Nature. How many of them would
" wince " out from him only for the two executioners, Hunger and Naked-
ness, standing outside ! Is it necessary to add that this, too, is chargeable
to the supreme " Scum " assembled in Washington? With the lands sur-
veyed, prepared, and a path out to them, there would Boon be a scarcity of
ballet girls.
And now we have some $150,000,000 of surplus revenue, and we have
been so tied up by Sherman and the corrupt Congress that we cannot apply
it to pay detet without giving the bond lords the " market price,'' which is
now 113, and if we went in to buy it would soon be 120 or more. England
can reduce interest on her debt at anytime, offering the bondholder his
principal if he declines the reduction. Another proof that we "follow
England in all her abominations, and exceed her in most." Instead of
paying off our debt, it is now coolly proposed to begin with forty millions
in building new ships to "protect" our sailing profltmongers, or prepare
for any war they might drag us into. The profit-hunters need no protec-
tion if they obey the laws where they visit. But the naval families need
" protection," to live a life of well-fed sloth — rob, insult and spit upon the
'•"common citizen."
DEATH PENALTY. — Mr. Phillips is, as usual, on the right side. He is
deeply read on the subject, and brings armies of texts, commentations, and
interpretations to his aid. Dr. Cheever is his principal opponent, a .d the
Doctor says: " 'Whoso sheddeth man's blood by man shall his blood be.
210 THB ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY;
shed.' — (Gen. ix., v. 6.) This is the citadel of our argument, commanding
and sweeping the whole subject." Mr. Phillips contends that the original
may be translated, " by man will his blood be shed," making it a prophecy,
not a command. But if it be " shall," and if it were a law of the Jews, has
it any authority over us? Jewish law authorized the father to slay the son
—authorized "stoning to death ' for a breach of morality? Does Chris-
tianity accept the one? Does not the Saviour rebuke the other? What
need, therefore, wasting shot on this " citadel of the argument"? The solid
question is : Did society do all its duty to the criminal? Did it give him a
good bringing up, and what poor Mrs. Creever called "a fair start in life"?
If it did not, how dare it speak of killing him?
OUB CONDITION— OUR DANGEK.
Our diplomatic leeches with their return cargoes of Royal snob-
bery have done their work. And now when the "noble" tourist
returns from America he has "met all through the States a growing
friendliness to England." He has found in their Sunday books
imported pictures of Queen Victoria riding out, and talk like this
underneath the pictures: "All the Queen's subjects love her most
dearly for her many virtues and the pattern she sets us of being not
only a good Queen but a dutiful daughter, an affectionate wife and
a good mother. Do you see that boy riding beside her? He will
be King of England." Here is a distinct, dangerous, deliberate
falsehood, forged to mislead the children and poison their minds.
On the very day that human idol was crowned 80,000 Englishmen
assembled in Newcastle-upon-Tyne to denounce this whole Royal
Impiety.
Those Sunday books don't tell the children that this human
idol of a "good Queen " costs half a million of pounds sterling every
year — wrung from people who are even clothed in rags and starving
for food !
If the school children don't cry out, "Wouldn't it be nice to have
a good Queen?" it is not the fault of the profit-hunting publishers
and the clerical School Trustees,
6ft, THS SPIRIT 0* CHtVALfct IK kODltttH DAYS. 2ll
Then "Lord" Backer opens his distressed mouth and speaks in
this way : "The League is too strong for me. I'll go to the United
States and buy land, and its 'enlightened laws,' for the 'dollar now
in hand paid,' will give me a • vested right.' " To do what? Why,
only to rack, and starve, and murder our citizens. The "right" to
do this "vested" in himself now, and the heirs of his dead body
forever ! He has bought the " right," he has paid for the " right,"
and the thing we call " law " will execute the "right " — even to the
extreme of murder, as with United States troops it has murdered
the farmers of Colorado !
And our caucus-born rogues think all this can be done. And the
gaping speculators think it will continue. And the mad thief Kail-
raiders — and indeed all the thieves — count that the British horrors
have been fastened on us forever. That there is such a network of
"vested " plunders that we never can grapple with them at all.
They may be slightly mistaken. They do not seem to know
that there is just one steel wedge that, driven under them, will
upturn their whole mad Impiety. Take a look at the wedge. Here
it is : There EXISTS NO TITLE to land save the occupancy title of
the man who cultivates a farm. None ! For the conclusive reason
that there NEVER DID EXIST a power — King, Cromwell or Congress —
which had authority to give such title. This Sublime Truth is
plain and patent to all honest men. It has been again and again
demonstrated in this book. But it is of such vital, such vast, such
all-reaching, never-ending importance that I must again and again
urge it in these concluding pages.
Mind and money, viciously directed, are destroying the Kepublic.
Mind and money, virtuously directed, alone can preserve it. Have
we the mind? We have. Standing on the rock of Truth we are an
overmatch for the most adroit fencing-master of Error stuck in the
quicksands of Falsehood. Who are the men that started Ireland
to her feet?— that carried dismay into Lords and Commons? — that
shook and are now shaking the social world? It is not necessary
212 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTtJEY J
here to say who 'they;were, but it may be pertinent 'to say that the
intellect of one of those men was never swathed with a. college
cobweb. Have \ve money? How much would ten cents a week —
some more, some less — from the wages and mortgage slaves amount
to? There are twenty or thirty millions of them. "But they
wouldn't give it." Just stop 'that calumny. The money is there,
waiting for the collector. But have we the energy and skill to
collect it? Ask the hundreds of Benefit Societies.
Life, spirit, sotTL ! is all that is wanted. Have we writers and
orators to stir those up? Have we business management, to give
the writers and the orators a hearing? — to circulate the writings and
let the orations be heard everywhere — in every corner? That we
have all those elements of success within our grasp no thoughtful
man Can doubt.
Is there not one descendant of the Bevolutionary heroes to make
head against our danger? Are the descendants of even the "Minute
Men "all dead? Phillips! Emerson! Is there another? Kouse,
rouse! Form a nucleus that will attract round you all that is true
and virtuous in the Bepublic. Those who remember Ireland will
be with you to a man. UndeT God there is no other way to save
the country from being amalgamated with that murdering, Infidel
nation called England. May that Divine Power inspire you to give
this one last chance to the Bepublic ! The hearts of the people are
sound — of all the people whom honest work has preserved from
selfish wickedness. • Baise the standard, and they will rush to your
side.
HINTS FOB LAND BEFOBM OBATOBS.
FIEST — The Young Irelanders were merely " Tenant Bight "men.
Man's right to the land never entered their minds. Middle class
men of talent they were, who aimed to substitute their own power
for that of O'Coimell. Dispersed and discouraged, in '48 they dis-
appeared, chiefly into the ranks of the • liberal Whigs."
OB, THE STOUT OF CHTVALBT IN MODERN DATS. 213
SECOND— Interregnum. In which the Phoenix Society arose sec-
retly and merged openly into the "Fenian Brotherhood." Object — a
revolution : an Irish Kepublic. Man's right to the land spoken of,
but little heed given to it. Fenian prisoners in Dublin ably
defended by Isaac Butt. His popularity thereby. He starts
" Home Rule " — a mere control of roads, bridges, Grand Juries, etc.,
and even that under Viceroyal veto. A " Home " declaration, too,
that they would defend the landlords in what they called their
"vested rights." "Obstruction" in the House of Commons then
came on the stage. And that was "something to look at, if it was
nothing to eat." But the Irish World vollied both shams off their
legs, and threw up for the first time "THE IBISH LAND FOB THE
IKISH PEOPLE." Bound and round it the people instantly rallied.
The famine helped. Home Rule was struck down, and the Land
League established. Gladstone's sham Land Bill and coercions
brought out the manifesto of "No Rent." The issue now is between
the lords and dukes and American dollars. The dukes to evict —
the dollars to sustain the evicted. If the dollars hold out the
longest, the dukes — big and little — will be bankrupt, and the Gov-
ernment in such a "fix" as never was government before. Every
branch of the League, therefore, and every friendly Society, must
now become a centre of weekly collection — from five cents upward.
Half a million of dollars (£100,000 sterling) can easily be collected
each week. A part of it will bankrupt the dukes and break down
the British Government ; and the balance will be on hand to nullify
our Congressional forgeries called titles, and restore the American
lands and mines to the American people. First in order is gather-
ing up "the sinews of war."
Our lands in the hands of thief Bonanzas and domestic swindlers
and imported lords. Our mines in the clutch of scrambling rogues.
Even our ponds and running streams, that belong not to us
but to posterity. The wretched monomaniacs who have seized
these lands and mines and waters are at war with Nature. They
cannot use them— they would be happier without them.
214 THE ODD BOOK OP THE NINETEENTH CENTURY J
V ' -**-. ; • •> *"*=:"•• -•'• ' ••' " r-*"f 3 ••• * «•*« v-fc*.. i>..'
" Reason's whole pleasure, all the joys of sense,
Lie in three words — health, peace and competence." *
Those three things the monomaniacs may have — nothing more.
"We don't intend to sacrafice ourselves and our posterity to appease
their madness— their man-killing madness— their British land-thief
madness. In their life this madness is a sore perplexity to them.
And what is it at their death? Somebody has written :
" Accumulated with such anxious care,
Bequeathed will be to gaping, thankless heir."
Thackeray, in "Vanity Fair," pictures the sad condition of an old
man, poor and dependent on " friends " who wish to get rid of him,
and the still worse condition of the rich man, surrounded by people
whom Bryon indicates in this way :
" Sweet is a legacy, and passing sweet
The unexpected death of some old lady
Or gentleman of seventy years complete,
Who've made us youth wait too, too long already
For cash, or an estate, or ' country seat.' "
Speak those truths to the rich. And if you point to the exit of
A. T. Stewart, it will do no harm.
Of how to live and how to die this book furnishes more than one
Chivalrous example, of the true American citizen.
Don't forget that population is pressing in on the one side —
machinery on the other. Don't forget that Hayes and his co-
traitors sent orders to their tax-eating consuls to fish up the wages
that European workmen can manage to half-starve upon — that those
wages were published at Government expense in 15,000 volumes and
sc&ttered broadcast over the country by the Washington traitors.
To prepare our workers for what was to come. Don't forget that
street-firing drill was made a science, to murder our citizens if they
should rebel against the starvation wages. And don't hide away the
fact that a discovery in chemical science has been made that EQUAL-
IZES the man-killing business, and puts an end to the reign of bullets
and bayonets and brute force. And remember that the settlers in
OB, THE SPIRIT OP CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 215
Colorado, who had irrigated their farms twenty years before, were
swindled out of them by a Pacific Railroad, which had deflected its
map over those grounds, and, armed with a corrupt decision of a
local United States Court, drove those men from their homes
—called out the United States troops, murdered seven of them,
and imprisoned all the rest. For ' ' contempt and resistance " to this
atrocious knot of politicians, calling itself a Court of the United
States!
As I close, the President's Message is out, and it is ominous of
evil. Our late war was a great harvest to all the public rogues.
Another war would be as great a harvest. We have profit-hunting
ships and man-killing ships sailing up and down through our
" foreign relations." If desired, it will go hard or they will be able
to fish up some pretext for a war. The possibility of a domestic
broil with Utah also has "money in it." Our revenue is increasing
and our debt could be paid in a brief time. National Banks would
then fall asunder, and national money take their place. A great
evil to the banks — avertible by another war and a new debt.
Besides, there would be jobs, contracts, robberies of all kinds,
rested on the new debt. All scope, in this Message, is given to army,
navy, foreign relations, banks, deposits, and so on. Not a word to
the domestic affairs of the country. Clouds of evil loom up through
the Message, and a blast from Washington can give those clouds any
shape the political rogues may determine. Action, sharp and sudden,
must confront them — mental and moral action. Get together the
"sinews of war" 1
The sole use we have for a man-killing Navy is to provide for
political chickens hatched in Annapolis— to brutalize our youths in
the forecastle — to insult our citizens by declaring that they cannot
rise higher than a " petty officer " — to guard our sailing-about profit-
/ hunters— and, finally, to fish up that most desirable thing for our
216 THE ODD BOOS OF THE JttkrTEEm CEffTtJKY;
political thieves in Washington and elsewhere — a War, with its
contracts, robberies, debts, and all other attendant evils. This they
are likely to accomplish before the Peru Ambroglio is ended.
Elaine (mackerel Elaine) and his Minister Christiancy, are giving
each other the lie direct. And Elaine* — mackerel Elaine — has sent
a challenge to all Europe, daring them to interfere in the settlement
between conquering Chili and conquered Peru. And this pro-
found Mr. Elaine informs all Europe that the United States must
have supreme control over the ship canal across the Isthmus.
Justifies this by the unjust example of England in respect to the
short route to India. Wherever England marches, Mr. Elaine is
quite ready to follow. In more things, too, than in this Ship Canal.
He is gone, to be sure, from the head of affairs, but his spirit
remains in Washington. Hurra ! for the " foreign entanglements "
that George Washington warned us against.
THE QUESTION OP INTEREST.
It is now an accepted doctrine by nearly if not all Reformers that
to take interest or usance for the use of lent money is both unnatural
and immoral, and is, besides, — next to shutting up the Creator's
Gifts from the Creator's Children — the most deadly means of enslav-
ing men and nations. In the present mad epidemic of selfishness
that reigns over the world, this doctrine seems to be incontrovert-
ible. But whether the evil lies in the mere taking of interest on
money, or the use that is made of it when taken, may well be in-
quired into.
To take it and build it up in an ever-increasing pile is an outrage
upon common sense — a monument of the meanest insanity that can
afflict the human mind. At every quarter-day the monument throws
* In the debate on Victoria's mackerel, Blaine declared it would be more
honorable to give the millions to somebody who didn't pretend to have
giren us any value for them — and next day he voted to give "Vic" the
millions ! And such are the men— is there one of them a whit better?— to
whom the interests and the honor of this Republic are entrusted?
OB, THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 217
but a shower of bricks at his feet. The man has no use for them
only the work of building them on the top of the pile, where they
will add to the shower to come down on the next quarter-day. In
looking up at the growing pile the eye takes a moral squint and
hardly can see anything else. Used for such a purpose, the taking
of interest is an evil second only to monopoly of the land.
But taken by a large-hearted, benevolent man, it may be turned
to a positive good, instead of an evil. It may be likened to the
purifying law that, raising vapor from the stagnant marsh, rains it
down again in fructifying showers over adjoining land. Here is a
"smart fellow.'* By his work he can gain $1,000 a year. By
employing himself, and using others as he now is used, he can realize
$5,000 in the year. To enable him to do so, I lend him $10,000, and
I say to him, "Keep to yourself all you can make, and when yoU
are done return me the $10,000,"
Or, I say to him, "It is my wish to help others along, as I have
helped you. Therefore, I condition that you shall pay me interest
at seven per cent, that I may continue my help to others in their
need. In the one case that "smart fellow " keeps, like the stagnant
marsh, the whole gain buried in his own selfishness. In the other
case, a part of the interest would exhale up and condense into
reviving showers so far as its volume would extend. This symbol-
izes exactly what wise, unselfish men would do — what the three
principal characters presented in this book did do, each through an
administration of thirty or forty years. Peter Cooper did a special
hedged-up measure of good by his accumulations — gleaned, it may
be, from under-wages and over-profits—things surely more repre-
hensible than taking interest.
SKETCH OP SIR GrAVAN DUFFY.
Not an individual man of the Young Irelanders dreamt of
anything but a stupid, sordid softening of the land yoke on the
218 THE OBD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY,
neck of Ireland.* And just as "Sir Gavan" proclaimed nis own
disgrace, when he sought the royal tail and pinned it to nis coat
skirt ; so now he exhibits his slavish soul in a full acceptance of She
land-thieves as embodied in the Sham of Gladstone. If they will
only make their thieving a little less —their right to steal, so far as
Sir Gavan has power, he will by no means suffer any man to
question. And so he comes out and asks, What was the Young
Irelanders' complaint against the land system? And he replies :-—
" Because it kept the tenant in perpetual poverty — left him open to
eviction — coerced his vote on election day — sent his children to a forbidden
school — made him pull off his caubeen in the presence of his master — sent
in his duty fowls (and he might have added duty work)— gave his improve-
ments to his lord — brought the Crowbar Brigade in at the tail of the famine
— sent judges in gowns, and soldiers in jackets, to quiet resistance — forbade
him by law to be prosperous and contented."
These natural outbranches of the great Upas Tree were all that
annoyed Sir Gavan. It was exercise, at /east, and amusement to
swing the literary bill-hook at them. But the tree itself ! No !
Sir Gavan was too fast a brother of the land-thieves to permit an
axe in your hand or a stroke at the root of it.
To this rarely distinct specimen of the ' ' decorated " sham I
should not give the slightest attention, save to help on the poetic
justice that he invites now at the nearing close of his career. Lest
men might have forgotten him and that career — his desertion of
Ireland in her darkest hour (in the face of the Great Famine) — his
blaze of glory at the antipodes, as "Her Majesty's Minister'' — his
past submission to, and his present endorsement of, the GKEAT LAND
LIE — even the wagging tail to his name, carried about with him — all
these might have sank quietly into oblivion if he had only kept
quiet — kept himself away from the public gaze. But the man had so
basked in prosperity, power, and "royal distinctions" that he did not
*They proposed, John Mitchel assenting, that out of six stacks in the
"Haggard," one should go to county cess, three to the laborer, and the
remaining two to the land-thief.
\NjtsTCAT£ KOAD.
<2A&0cto^m<^
I""";
^e^^v £ /
**<V X*
s//>m.
s
OB, THE SPIBIT OP CHIVALRY IN MODERN DAYS. 219
know himself. And so he comes forward and offers his political
carcass to a public, dissection that will be a substantial gain to
political science.
And yet I cheerfully admit that he was an able sham. He invented
that scathing rebuff, " 'Vested rights' ! — vested balderdash !"
At page 18 of the Irish section I took occasion to refer to just
such men.
At page 167 I threw a brief criticism at Mr. Cowen, M. P. for
Newcastle-upon-Tyne — pouring forth his just indignation on Captain
Gladstone of the national banditti, and on Forster (usually called
Buckshot), his second in command.
In that criticism I did, in one sense, less than justice to Mr.
Cowen. His scathing philippic was leveled, I think, wholly at
those odious surface quacks — never deepening into the Great Primal
Wrong of the Human Family. That murderous Wrong has so long
held possession of my own mind — of my very being — that I over-
looked the fact that it is only just beginning to enter into the mind
of the public — that it took two years of "hesitation" even of Par-
nell before he accepted it. Mr. Cowen acted bravely, in all things, up
to the light that had reached him. It was the spirit of an independent
Englishman that carrried him away, with Disraeli, from his political
associates, in pursuit of what he deemed (oh ! how mistakenly !) the
greatness of England. It was the same manly spirit that ranged
him on the side of oppressed Ireland, and presented him a foe to
Gladstone, at least as (and in one sense a great deal more) formid-
able than any of her own sons. May the All- Wise inspire him to
become the Great Apostle of England — to rouse her robbed and
murdered ones to a sense of their status on this earth. House them
to a sense of their own manhood, rights, dignity. Surely there is
no man in England so worthy to be chosen FROM ABOVE to this
high mission — this highest, greatest, holiest mission that ever was
confided to man.
I communicated with Mr. Cowen very recently on this momentous
subject, and sent him an outline of this book. I am encouraged
by his reply, a fac simile of which is here presented. If Mr. Cowen
takes up this work — this mission — all the Proletarians of England,
in field and in factory, will rally round his flag and make it a wind-
ing-sheet for Landthiefism.
220 THE ODD BOOK OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY J
EBBATA -In times not long ago "Errata " was a standing page. I must
revive it. At page 12 an r is wanted ; page 20 wants^a y In and a d out, and
ry instead of yr ; 21 wants a the in ; at 22 i for a ; at 45 / inverted and an e
too much ; at 46 a for e ; at 47 e for a ; at 49 ao for oa ; at 53 an our too much ;
at 57 hg for gh ; at 68 a t too much ; at 69 I for i ; at 74 a t too much ; at 83 s
too much ; at 94 the too much ; at 95 a for e ; at 98 o for a ; at 105 w and e
inverted ; at 107 p for n ; 111 wants an h in and a T out, and to instead of
oi ; at 116 t in and Me out, and o for i ; at 123 den of omitted ; at 125 not
omitted, and i for p ; at 120 o for a ; at 133 d wanted ; at 140 an in too
much, and a for p r at 146 drive ought to be driven ; at 157 the too much ; at
161 h wanted ; 164 wants an h in and a t and a d out ; at 170 a d wanted ;
at 171 gi for ig; at 174 the out and re for er\ at 175 c for e\ at 179 y too
much ; at 180 n for d ; at 183 two errors of type, and encouragement mis-
spelled ; at 184 wive ought to be wife, same page wants a the out and a c in ;
at 185 I wanted ; at 192 " 1839 " instead of " 1838 " ; at 196 a d too much ; at
197 officers imperfect ; at 203 n inverted ; at 206 6 too much. This does not
refer to the American section,
The "Errata " is a relic — a curiosity — now nearly obsolete. That I revive
it adds a little to the " oddness " of THU ODD BOOK.
CONCLUSION.
If this book has shown tltat MAN'S DISINHERITANCE is the
great primitive curse of the earth — many other men and
many other books have also shown it.
If it has presented the ruin so often worked by the attempt
to make Metal a currency, or the "basis" of a currency —
other and abler hands have done the same thing.
If it has tried to prove that an unbounded power to tax is
a direct signal to the most active rogues of a nation to rush
in and rule it — other men, and even States, have illustrated
the same principle.
But if this book has shown that, freed from such governing
rogues, an INDIGENOUS CIVILIZATION would spring up and
nourish in the United States — better, purer, higher than
ever yet appeared in the world — then has this book given
to a great, Vital Truth its first public expression,
irir fa0k of
APPENDIX.
As a pilot balloon to this book I published "A War of Classes:
How to Avert It." It contained "The Deserted Village," and mot-
toes and illustrations the best I could command. I purpose to
re-print it singly, with observations and a sketch of the author and
his surroundings. It ought to be in the hands of every man and
woman and boy and girl — not only as a patriotic inspiration, but
as an easy stepping-stone from the ordinary songs and rhymes up
to a taste for and appreciation of classic poetry. Bound up with
"Our Natural Eights" (as contained in this volume), it will make
a most judicious present — especially from one young person to
another young person, but by no means excluding the old.
It has been said of
" A pleasant city —
Who has not seen it will be much to pity."
"Much to pity," indeed! There are thousands of "pleasant
cities" in the world, but there is only one " Deserted Village" — and
the man or the woman or the boy -or the girl who has not seen it is
indeed "much to pity." To lose its exalting and refining influence
— to never have dwelt over its incomparable pictures of rural life —
to never have seen the Desolator, wallowing in sloth, luxury and
crime, as Goldsmith unveils him — it is no figure of speech to say,
that man is indeed "much to pity."
The scenes presented in this immortal work are at once so
beautiful and so sorrowful that it was essayed to break their force
THE DESERTED VILLAGE.
by denying their accuracy. Goldsmith refers to this circumstance
in his dedication to Joshua Reynolds, the celebrated painter, thus :
" Several of our best and wisest friends concur in the opinion that the
depopulation it deplores is nowhere to be seen, and the disorders it laments
are only to be found in the poet's imagination. To this I can scarce make
any other answer than that I sincerely believe in what I have written ; that
I have taken all possible pains, in my country excursions for three, four
or five years past, to be certain of what I allege, and that all my views and
inquiries have led me to believe those miseries real which I her^ attempt
to display."
In dedicating his other remarkable poem, " The Traveler," to his
brother Henry, he greets him as "a man who, despising Fame and
Fortune, has retired to Happiness and Obscurity on forty pounds a
year." And in "The Traveler ". itself he thus appeals to that
brother :
" Have we not seen, at pleasure's lordly call,
The smiling, long-frequented village fall?
Beheld the duteous son, the sire decayed,
The modest matron and the blushing maid
Forced from their homes? — a melancholy train,
To traverse scenes beyond the western main."
"The Deserted Village" forms an easy and beautiful stepping-
stone from a crude taste for rude rhyming — street ballads, etc., —
up to a true taste, and appreciation of the classical. In this
respect, I can convey no idea of its usefulness to the young, and
even to the older who aspire to a correct literary taste.
Romantic skirmishing against Land Robbery has, through the
past centuries, woke many a moonlight echo in Ireland. Menta1
skirmishers have reconnoitered it, especially in the last fifty years.
And now when nations are confronting it — now when its patched
mantle (patched over with "orders" of "noble" rogues and "honor-
able" rascals) is being torn from its back — let us press in Oliver
Goldsmith to help us. He is the first, and in one point of view the
,greatest, Reformer of us all. The man who helps to circulate "The
Deserted Village " has not lived in vain.
I present these brief specimens ;
I)1GSEBTED VILLAGE.
" Oh, Luxury ! thou curs'd by Heaven's decree,
How ill-exchang'd are things like these for thee\
How do thy potions, with insidious joy,
Diffuse their pleasures only to destroy !
Kingdoms by thee, to sickly greatness grown,
Boast of a florid vigor not their own ;
At every draught large and more large they grow,
A bloated mass of rank unwieldy woe ;
Till sapp'd their strength, and every part unsound,
Down, down they sink, and spread a ruin round."
And this grand Invocation to Poetry :
"And thou, sweet Poetry I thou lovliest maid,
Still first to fly where sensual joys invade ;
Unfit, in these degenerate time* of shame,
To catch the heart, or strike for honest fame ;
Dear charming mymph, neglected and decried,
My shame in crowds, my solitary pride ;
Thou source of all my bliss, and all my woe,
Thou found'st me poor at first, and keep'st me so ;
Thou guide by which the nobler arts excel.
Thou nurse of every virtue, fare thee well ;
Farewell ; and oh ! where'er thy voice be tried,
On Torno's cliffs, or Pambamarca's side ;
Whether where equinoctial fervors glow,
Or winter wraps the polar world in snow ;
Still let thy voice, prevailing over Time,
Redress the rigors of the inclement clime ;
Aid slighted Truth with thy persuasive strain,
Teach erring man to spurn the rage for gain ;
Teach him that states of native strength possest,
Though very poor, may still be very blest ;
That trade's proud empire hastes to swift decay,
As ocean sweeps the labor'd mole away ;
While self-dependent power can time defy,
As rocks resist the billows and the sky."
I give the above though it is least easiest to be understood in the
whole poem. All before it flows in a clear ripple, like the fol-
lowing :
" Sweet Auburn ! lovliest village of the plain,
Where health and plenty cheered the lab'ring swain ;
Where smiling Spring its earliest visit paid,
And parting Summer's ling'ring bloom delayed."
THE SONGS OF THE UNITED IKISHMEtf.
THEY were originally, about 1794, gathered together and printed
in a small book entitled " Paddy's Kesource." At that period
the songs of a nation were considered a very formidable power.
Indeed one authority went so far as to exclaim : " Give me the
making of the songs of a nation and I will give you the making
of its laws." "Without claiming such a power for songs at the
present day, it is certain that they exert great influence, espe-
cially over young and enthusiastic minds. Enthusiasm is the
one impetuous foe that tyranny most dreads, and Liberty,
when the conflict comes, can most surely rely upon. The songs
here presented come down to us a sacred memory ! In another
part of this hand-book some light, heretofore suppressed, is
thrown on a most important point of the history of that day.
There it will be seen that what the bravery of our fathers won
at the last decisive conflict their inadvertent confidence lost.
Meanwhile let me ask with an inspired poet of our own day : —
M Who fears to talk of Ninety-eight?
Who blushes at the name ?
When cowards mock the patriot's fate
Who hangs his head for shame?
He's all a knave or half a slave
That slights his country thus;
But a true man. like you man.
Will fill your glass with us."
The close affinity between the French and the Irish peoples has
never been made so signally apparent as it is in these songs. It
is noticeable, too, that in them a shade of foreboding is often
manifest — a foreboding of what was to come ? Some of the songs
are of high poetic merit. In all sound judgment, aspirations
the most exalted, and devotion to principle the most intense.
Here and there — indeed frequently — there is a dash of humor
and sarcasm almost equal to some of the prose passages in
" Billy Bluff." At any rate, I am proud that a combination of
circumstances has enabled me to preserve this precious remem-
brance of the men of " Ninety-eight ! " I hope it and the in-
imitable satire of Billy Bluff will be taken home and cherished
by Irishmen, and the sons and grandsons of Irishmen, as I have
cherished and x reserved them for the last fifty years.
As the History of Ireland at this period was closely connected
with the American Eevolution, those relics will be interesting to
the American citizen of the present day. As a rare literary cu-
riosity they will arrest the attention of the man of letters every-
where and in all time.
THOMAS AINGE DEVYB
-SPECIMENS OF "SONGS OF THE UNITED IRISHMEN."
THE BUSHLIGHT.
In the gay domains of France, where the graces skip and trip, sir,
A famous light arose, which they called a will-o'-the-wisp, sir,
This light it shone as bright and clear as Moses' famous bush-light,
But the Emperor of Germany swore 'twas but a rushlight.
And he puffed at the rushlight, he pulled at the rushlight,
But all that he could do, he could not puff out the rushlight.
The Don he curled his whiskers, and the little King of Naples, sir,
Likewise the King of Turin, and they did what they were able, sir,
With a host of foes from Tuscany, determined to crush light —
Though all Italy was squalling, they could not put out the rushlight
The " Tigress of the North," so famed for spoil and plunder, sir,
Whose eyes can send forth lightning, with a voice as loud as thunder,
sir,
With her petticoats raised such a wind as she surely thought would
crush light —
But it only served to fan the flame that issued from the rushlight.
Her crafty Prussian neighbor, rejoiced at this resistance,
Affected still to lend his aid, but kept aloof his distance ;
For though he screwed the bayonet on, yet he resolved to push light,
And puny was the blast he blew at putting out the rushlight.
Poor purblind, cuckold, Johnny Bull, begins to fear at home, sir,
That the people will lead him a dance, 'cause under him they groan,
sir,
But Freedom's sons now form the line, tyrants tremble at the sight,
The rush is dipped, the flame is caught ; see ! 'tis spreading glorious
light.
Huzza for the rushlight ! Huzza for the rushlight !
Johnny Bull, your wig's on fire, blazing with the rushlight
CHTJBCH AND STATE, OB THE BECTOB'S GBEED.
TUNE— "Slack Joe."
A Bector I am, do you mind what I say ?
In the church every Sunday I preach and I pray,
With my black coat, and cravat so white.
Ye men of my parish, I pray you take heed,
Till I give you a sketch of my time-serving creed;
My creed it is— cash, and my stipend salvation,
For which I'd destroy all the swine in the nation,
With my black coat, etc.
I believe in my church, I believe hi my manse,
I believe that religion is all a romance;
With my black coat, eta.
I believe that the only two comforts of life
Are counting my stipend and kissing my wife;
I believe that the people were born to be slaves,
To be pilfer'd and plunder'd by us artful knaves,
With our black coats, eta
I believe that my head is the store-house of senses
From which the pure gospel I freely dispense,
With my black coat, eta.
As it was forbid by an ancient divine,
To throw precious pearls to ignorant swine;
Complying with this, my ambition should be
To keep them still bond slaves, ourselves being free
With our black coats, etc.
I believe that my brethren all think me sincere,
For at church evey Sunday I read a long prayer,
In my black coat, etc.
And if they want grunting, I'll make the house rinj?,
For at grunting they know me to be just the thing,
I'll sigh and I'll groan, turn my eyes up to Heaven,
For no other cause than the tithe that is given—
To buy black coats, etc.
And now, my dear friends, for the sake of connexion,
I'll end my discourse with a word of reflexion;
In my black coat, etc.
To believe as the great folks, for better for worse^
Is the only sure method of filling the purse ;
Which method I'll follow, in spite of detraction;
I'm sure of my pay while the court has- protection
From the black coats, eta.
BONGS OB THX
Tm resolved my opinion shall be the same still
With the court, whilst in pow'r, let them be what they wilL
With my black coat, etc.
Should they become Jews, I would join them in that,
My faith in religion, I'd throw to the cat ;
For my creed it is cash, and my stipend salvation,
For which I'd destroy all the swine in the nation,
With my black coat, etc.
THE EIGHTS OF MAN.
Trom— " God Save the King."
God save the rights of manl
Give him a heart to scan
Blessings so dear !
Let them be spread around.
Wherever man is found,
And with the welcome sound
Bavish his ear !
See from the universe,
Darkness and clouds disperse;
Mankind, awake!
Reason and truth appear,
Freedom advances near,
Monarchs with terror hear —
See how they quake I
Long have we felt the stroke !
Long have we borne the yoke,
Sluggish and tamo;
But a new era shines,
Enlight'ning all darkon'd mind»|
Spreading to distant climes,
Liberty's flame !
Let us with France agree,
And bid the world be free, -
Leading the way.
Should tyrants all conspire,
Fearless of sword and lire.
Freedom shall ne'er retire,
Freedom shall sway !
Godlike and great the strife,
Life will indeed be life,
When we prevail;
Death in so just cause,
Crowns us with loud applause^
And from tyrannic laws,
Bids us all hail!
O'er the tyrannic pow'ro,
Big indignation lowr's,
Ready to fall!
Let the rude savage host,
In their long numbers boast,
Freedom's our mighty trust,
Spite of them all.
Fame ! let thy trumpet sound.
Tell to the world around,
Frenchman are free.
Tell ribbons, crowns, and stare,
Kings, traitors, troops and \var%
Plans, councils, plots and jar*,
We will be free.
God saye the rights of man
Give him a heart to scan
Blessings so dear;
Let them be spread around,
Wherever man is found ;
And with the welcome sound
Kavish his ear !
THE TEEE OF LIBEBTY.
TUNE— " Roalin Castle"
The great reformation approaching, we hail !
'Gainst statesmen and knaves, truth and reason prevail
With rapture the heroes of liberty see,
Preparing the soil of the globe for the trer\
Still hoping that freedom triumphant will sway,
Whilst the voice of the people shall hail the new day,
And end the dark councils of traitors combin'd
A downfall of tyrants, and peace to mankind !
Ye Irish, for courage in battle renown'd
For freedom and riches— alas, empty sound !
Triumphant we came from the field and the main,
To be conquer'd and plunder'd by statesman again
Away with the splendor and pomp of a court;
Our toil shall no longer the baubles support;
No longer the slaves of a statesman or king,
Inspired by the muses of Freedom we sing.
Te trees of corruption in courts ye abound.
OF THB
The fruits ye produce are a curse to the ground;
In the soil where ye flourish no other can grow I
But see how the axe at your root aims the blow;
Ever dear be the day, ever sacred the deed,
Ever dear be the day on which millions were free! —
Yes, dear be the day which restor'd reason's sway,
And fill'd royal robbers with rage and dismay.
Still be firm, 0 Hibernians— still nobly disdain,
And always the rights of your country maintain,
Till, with souls of aversion, mankind shall arise,
Burst the bands of oppression, and please the Allwise.
May Heaven guard the people and their rights that are dea^
May they crush all their foetnen where e'er they appear i
And end the dark councils of traitors combined,
A downfall to tyrants and peace to mankind.
THE JOVIAL FEIENDS.
TUNE—" When bidden to the Wake or Fair.n
My jovial friends with social glee,
The flowing can we'll quickly pass;
Each breast will warm to liberty,
While whiskey crowns each sparkling glaas»
A bumper filled, the toast shall be,
Give us death or liberty !
While Gallia's sons with martial fire,
And warm with patriot ardor glow ;
While they to warlike deeds aspire,
And panting long to meet the foe.
To Gallic arms by land and sea,
We'll drink success with three times thim,
May French exertions never cease
Till Europe shall reformed be,
And union, liberty and peace,
Succeed oppression's fell decree.
Then every freeman's toast will be
Union, peace and liberty.
THE STAE OF LIBEETY.
TUNE-" General Wolf."
O'er the vlne-coyer'd hills and gay regions of France,
See the day-star of liberty rise !
Through the clouds of detraction, unwearied advance,
And hold its new course through the skies*
tttflTED IBISHMEfc.
An effulgence so mild, with a lustre so bright, •
All Europe with wonder surveys ;
And from deserts of darkness, and dungeons of night,
Contends for a share of the blaze.
Let Burke like a bat, from his splendor retire,
A lustre too strong for his eyes,
Let pedants and fools his effusions admire,
Entrapped in his cobwebs, like flies ;
Shall frenzy and sophistry hope to prevail *
Where reason opposes her weight ?
When the welfare of millions is hung in the scale,
And the balance yet trembles with fate ?
Ah ! who 'midst the horrors of night would abide,
That can taste ctie pure breezes of morn ?
Or who that has drank of the crystuline tide,
To the feculent flood would return?
When the bosom of beauty the throbbing heart meets,
Ah ! who can the transport decline ?
Or who that has tasted of liberty's sweets,
The prize but with life would resign ?
But 'tis over— high Heav'n the decision approves—
Oppression has struggled in vain ;
To the hell she has formed Superstition removes ;
And Tyranny bites his own chain.
In the records of time a new era unfolds,—
All nature exults in its birth—
His creation, benign, the Creator beholds,
And gives a new charter to earth.
O catch its high import, ye winds as ye blow !
O bear it ye waves as ye roll !
From ^regions that feel the sun's vertical glow,
To the farthest extremes of the pole.
Equal rights, equal laws, to the nations around,
Peace and friendship its precepts impart ?
And wherever the footsteps of man shall be found,
May he bind the decree on his heart.
At page 101 Irish Section is an account of how I procured and
preserved that imcoinparable satire, "Bluff and Firebrand." I here-
with subjoin specimens of it. I printed 2,000 copies of it, and the
same number of the "Songs of the United Irishmen." They are all
gone. But I have the plates, and can print more if required. Every
Means should now be pressed into the service.
BILLY BLUFF AND SQUIRE FIREBRAND.
"O. your honor, I did expect that they would stop at the sign where the
United Irishmen meet; the sign that your honor hates so much."
" What, the sign of Adam and Eve ? " •' The very same^- the father and
mother of us all." " I always thought it an impudent, immodest, rebel-
lious sign. Can there be greater impudence than to suppose or say that
we are all from one stock— gentry and commonality, lords and beggars,
from the same first parent? ? " *' No, no, Billy, the thing is impossible in
the presence of God." " So it surely is, your honor." '* And then, what
an immodest sight; both as naked as the hour they were born, and
everybody peeping at them from behind and before. But the worst of it
all is, that it is the sign of liberty and equality. They had liberty, for
they walked about without anything to control them but the walls of a
big garden, nearly half the size of all Europe. They had equality, that's
certain ; and every rascal claims relationship and equality with his bet-
ters on that account ever since. It is for these reasons that the United
Irishmen meet in that ' receptacle ' but I'll soon down with it; I'll
soon banish Adam and Eve, and their damn'd liberty and barefaced
equality."
" How will your honor do it ? " " How will I do it ! Why, I'll write to
my lord, who will write to the general, the general will order the colonel,
the colonel will order the lieutenant-colonel, the lieutenant-colonel will
order the captain, the captain will order the lieutenant, the lieutenant
will order the ensign, the ensign will order the sergeant, and the ser-
geant will order the soldiers to cut it down with their swords; and there
will be an end to Adam and Eve." " O, your honor, that will be fine :
it just puts me in mind of the story of the staff, and the dog, and the kid,
and the bush of blackberries." " 1 don't know what the devil it puts you
mind of, but it puts me in mind of my duty. Well, go on about the plot."
•' Your honor, 1 have told you all I saw, but what I heard I cannot tell,
for they spoke so low I could not hear them, only some dropping words."
" Then where the d 1 is the plot ? " " Your honor knows that the plot
must have been very deep, when they durst not speak out, when they
both rode on one horse, and when they went into that wicked place."
" Well, what were the dropping words you heard ? ;' " ' Ireland,' for one;
alter a little, * Union,' then ' Independence ; ' after that * Slavery ; ' then
again ' Union.' After that I could not hear a word for above a mile. At
length, I heard ' Liberty yet,' then I heard only three words—' Caution.
Obedience, Death.' " '• It is very bad, Billy, d d bad, and d d
deeptobesur6; but who can make a plot out of it? His Majesty's
Attorney-General could manage such a matter, to be sure, but how could
we fill up the intermediate parts ? " " E'dad, as I am an honest man, if
your honor makes up the middle, I'll swear to the whole." " That will
do, Billy, that will do completely; I'll have that part settled. In the
meantime, go to the kitchen and get some broth. There's Mr. Noddle-
drum arrived. Go to the kitchen, Billy, arid make yourself comfort-
able." " God bless your honor."
" Mr. Nodd.'edrum, I am very happy to see you."
" Neighbor Firebrand, your^ei \ ant, I am equally grlad to seo you, I do
assure you."
FIRE.— Please to take a chair.
NOD.— Well, Mr. Firebrand, anything particular in the packets this
morning ?
FIRE.— No, nothing to call particular ; some details about the Arch-
duke changing his position, which shows his prudence and great general-
ship.
NOD.— Any thing from Italy ?
FIBB.— No, very little. It appears Bonaparte's army is almost ruined,
notwithstanding the trifling advantages lately gained over General
Wurmser. Two hundred thousand men will certainly arrive from Hun-
gary in the course of a fortnight, to drive the French entirely out of
Italy.
NOD. -That would be good news, Mr. Firebrand.
BILLY BLUTF AND SQUIKB FIREBBAND.
not appear, I think, that the junction of the two fleets
had any other object than to exercise their men; and it is generally be-
lieved that the equinoxial tempests, which are excessively severe in the
Bay of Biscay, will drive them, every ship, to the bottom; indeed there
<3an be little doubt of it.
NOD.— Why. 'tis true, such an event is not impossible ; but I never
build too much on contingency. What wiU be, will be, Mr. Firebrand ;
that, I believe, may be admitted as an undoubted truth. Anything from
fche West- Indies ?
FIRE.— No, not a syllable. Yes, there is some mention of the yellow
fever, but nothing very important. Government can easily supply the
place of any men carried off by that pestilence ; we have men and ships
plenty. What think you of our times at home, Mr. Noddledrum ?
NOD. — That's a hard question, I acknowledge. I have often heard it
said that ' time is wise,' out whether past, present, or future, d'ye see, I
do not know; but my Lord Mquntinumble is in a devil's pother about
the times ; I had a letter from him yesterday ; he is most certainly very
much frightened. Here is a hand bill which is privately circulated
everywhere, which he enclosed me; he says it ought to fill every man
in the country with dread and fear:
HAND BILL.
The last speech, confession, and dying words of the Times, which was executed on
Alarm Hill, on Thursday, the 7th instant, tor the wilful and bloody murder of Tyranny,
Superstition, and Hypocrisy— Whereas, I was born of a wise, industrious, and provident
parent, who supplied me with all knowledge, experience, and virtue, suited to my station.
Having occasion to 300 the perfidy of courts, the arrogance of princes, the duplicity of
statesmen, th3 bigotry of fools, the roguery of knaves, the struggles of despotism, and
the triumph of freedom, I was led into daily temptation. I was, at one and the same time,
blamed ana blaming, exposing and exposed; in me did wickedness thrive; in me was
every villainy attempted, in me was the sword of war continued unsheathed, and in me
has the liberty of opinion bceu stifled with the penalty of the forfeiture of life. For these
atrocities I have been condemned to death, and die an unheeded and unregretteci monitor
of the works of God. THE TIMES.
FIBB.— A very insinuating hand bill, Mr. Noddledrum. I don't at all
wonder, upon my s — 1, that my lord Mountmumbie should be sur-
prised and alarmed and petrified at such unaccountable insinuations.
No man can be too particular in exposing circumstances.
NOD.— Well, but neighbor Firebrand, the great question is, whether the
times brought on the circumstances, or the circumstances the times ?
There's the point, Mr. Firebrand— there's the di faculty; show me the
man who can clearly draw the distinction.
FIBB.— Why. Mr. Noddledrum, there is something puzzling in the
questipn, or riddle, or whatever it is. But I'll tell you what— there is
one thing clear. That all things are very dark at present.
NOD.— All things are dark, if silence and quietness are darkness. But
there is one comtort— little said is soon mended.
FIRE.— Silence ! by G— , Mr. Noddledrum, if the present silence goes
on it will turn the world not only dumb but deaf. But I have hit upon
some real plans that I hope you will approve of; all men should set tneir
heads to work at the present time. A man is no man who will not do
something. The last time I planned the county road over the big hill, to
accommodate my lord's quarry, you agreed, and we carried it; now
give me your assistance, and I am sure we'll do. My first plan is to
swear the county.
NOD. — To swear the county !
FIRE. — Yes, to swear the county ; not a comity meeting, but a county
ewearing.
NOD.— Well, and what then ?
FIKE.— O, my dear sir, the happiest consequences, the very happiest
9ousequeuces must ensue. Loyalty will be found out; silence will be
BILLY BLUFF AND SQTHRE FIREBRAND.
obliged to speak out; my lord will know the chaff from the wheat; all
things will then be known that ought to bo known ; all things will then
be seen that ought to be seen, and all will be convinced, and satisfied,
and happy.
NOD.— Why, Mr. Firebrand, we may try, I say we may try. But there
Is one thing m my mind which weighs with mo about this forced swear-
ing—
•* A man convinced ag.'iinst his will
Is of the same opinion still."
FIRE.— No matter about that; my idea Is new, and large, and grand.
NOD.— I'll be glad to hear it.
FIBE. — Why, it is this : I will get a bible on a new plan ; one that will
produce awe, and terror, and veneration, and loyalty, and piety, and
love, and allegiance. For, do you see, Mr. Noddledrum, a fellow now-a-
days thinks no more of switching the primer, as as he calls it, on a little
common, dirty, custom-house, thumb-bible, than he would think of
swallowing a glass of whiskey. Now I will get Lord Mountmumble to
lay my plan before government. The bible must be the size of a large
chest of drawers, made of wood, painted, gilt, lettered, and bound like the
outside of a book, and just so large that when turned edge-wise it may be
brought in at the door of a church, meeting-house, or chapel. Instead
of being called the Holy Bible, it shall be called the Koyal Bible, and
there shall be on the back, these words, in great gold letters, M AX-
EM1CO ROYALICO BJBLlCO. Now, my dear Noddledrum, is it not
as clear as noon-day that when the church is full, or when the chapel is
full, or when the meeting-house is full, and the royal bible in the middle,
every man will swear at the word of command ? My lord, or the agent,
or the clergyman, gets up, and says with a loud voice: —
" SWEAR AM,! SWEAR ALII! HWEAR ALL!"
NOD.— And what will they swear ?
FIRE.— First, the oath of allegiance, which will be printed on one side
of the bible, and by the way ot explaining the whole meaning of it, there
will be the following addition printed likewise:
" And furthermore, I do so'crnnly swoar that, the king being a constituent part ot the
constitution, the constitution is therefore perfect, and entitled to all men's veneration and
obedience.
" And furthermore, I do solemnly swear that the House of Commons, being a branch of
the constitution, is a house of wisdom, a house of purity, a house of virtue, and the real,
true, faithtul representative of the people.
" Furthermore, I do solemnly swear that the Borrougha, being a part of our constitution,
are the great source of our liberties, insomuch as they are never bought or sold ; that the
men who represent them are freely chosen, and never receive the wages of corruption.
" And furthermore, I do solemnly swear that the House of Lords, being a branch or the
constitution, is endowed with all knowledge, and goodness, and patriotism, to the end of
the world and lorever.
" And furthermore, I do solemnly swear that the Church as by law established, being a
branch of the constitution, insomuch as she is the lawful spouse ot the State, is a pure, vir-
tuous, royal and divine Church, the supporter of kings, the receiver of tithes, the oncour-
*ger of agriculture, the promoter of peace, and the saviour ot men's souls.
" And furthermore, I do solemnly swear that whatever is told me by my landlord is
right, whether true or false; that no man can have'virtue or common sense who is not rich
in land; that the more money Is given to courtiers, the happier will the people be, and that
a reform in parliament would be the ruin of the country.
•' And all this I swear, without hesitation or reservation, on the great new royal bible,
named, called, aud denominated according to act of parliament
XAXEMICO ROYALICO BIBHCO."
There is an explanation for you, Mr. Noddledrum ; there's an oath that
may be called ai> oath, and goes '- +-he root narrow, and meaning of the
Dir.LY BLUyiT AND SQUIRE S1REBBAND.
allegiance oath. It cost my lord Mountmumble, councillor Elthorside,
and myself, three days and nights to bring it to the perfection you see.
NOD.— It is, no doubt, very comprehensive and very significant; but
suppose the people refuse to take it ?
FIBE.— That's impossible. The size of the book will frighten them;
the splendor of it will dazale them; the novelty of it will captivate
them, the loyalty of it will charm them. The idea of it is so big, it
will drive all other ideas out of our heads, and they will swear instantly,
without dread or fear. Besides, Mr. Noddledrum, there is a speech to be
delivered on such occasions, which speech was made at th3 same time
with the oath; it will be given gratis with the book, and will run thus:
" All pood people, take re notice, that the times in which you live are times ol wonder
and times of peril; observe that your forefathers lived before you, and that your children
will live alter you, and that, therefore, ye all live in the middle ol time, which is most im-
portant to yon, and of which you should take heed. To assist and support you in your pres-
ent alarming state of ignorance and inattention, the present wise and good administra-
tion, in whom you live, move, and have your being, hath had commiseration on your dan-
ger »nd distress, and forthwith hath sent this royal hible for your relief and instruction.
This noble and disinterested clemency extends to the poor as well as the rich, showing
and demonstrating unto you the impartiality of onr laws and wisdom of our rulers. Hith-
erto you have been mocked with trifling, insignificant and petty bibles, fit only for common
oaths between subject and subject; but very unworthy and unflt for securing the subject's
loyalty to his king. Whence it folio ws that all oaths and obligations heretofore taken or
entered into by you, either voluntary or involuntary, shall be swallowed up, lost, and anni-
hilated in the solemnity, magnitude, and importance of the present sacred oath of allegi-
ance, and which will fill you with wisdom, with piety and patriotism, as shall more fully
appear by the said oath and its explanation, as printed ou the left side of MAXEMICO ROY-
ALICO BIBLICO»
There's a speech for you—there's eloquence and conviction, persuasion,
all together. Could Cicero have equalled that ? Could Charles Fox or
Arthur O'Connor match it ? No, faith, it would be far from their hand.
That puts an end to all disputes, all doubts, all fears at once.
NOD. — But pray, neighbor Firebrand, would not an oath taken on this
huge wooden bible, which puts me in mind of the monstrous wooden
horse that took Troy, be a hollow, empty, good-for-nothing wooden
oath.
FIBE.— By no means ; for, to make all things sure and certain, I will
have enclosed in each a new, large guinea bible.
NOD.— And would not this guinea bible do without a large case ?
FIKE. — In ordinary times it might ; but these are extraordinary times.
and require extraordinary measures; besides I will candidly confess I
have another view in this scheme.
NOD.— What is that ?
FIBE. — Why, the French may come, wars may happen, blood may be
spilled, throats may be cut ; should not every man have a hiding place
in the hour of danger, who wishes well to his own safety V
NOD.— What then ?
FIRE. — Why, 1 have contrived a trap door in the side of the bible.
When the day comes that drums beat, trumpets sound, and cannons
roar, by H s, let them fight that will fight, I'll creep in and lie down
with Moses and the prophets. What think yoii of that ?
NOD. — I must confess there is a deal of contrivance in all that; but as
to the wisdom or necessity of it, I will not take upon me to say. But
pray Mr. Firebrand, what will be on the right side of the royal bible ?
FIBE.— The questions, Mr. Noddledrum, the questions.
NOD.— What questions ?
FPRE. — Every man will be questioned on his oath. Here are the ques-
tions prepared and ready, which will be all printed on the right side of
the big bible.
QUESTION 1st. What is your name ?
BILLY BLUFF AND SQUIRE FIREBRAND.
2d. Do you know any secret of which everybody else knows ?
3d. Did you ever meet a large body of men where nobody saw you ?
4th. Did you ever take an oath not to tell any body that you did take
5th. Did you ever talk treason with any person in private, where there
was no person to hear you ?
6th. How many United Irishmen are yet to join the Union as they
7th. How long will it be till the whole nation becomes United ?
8th. Is not the silence that prevails in the country a proof of uproar
and rebellion ?
9th. Ought not every man who complains of the king's ministers, and
who asks a reform, be hanged ?
10th. If the United Irishmen in the different jails of the kingdom are
put to death, will not all their brethren who are not in jail DOW their
heads to the ground, lick the dust, and pray for their persecutors till the
end of the world ?
These are the ten primitive questions, which are to be printed in room
of the ten commandments. Many smaller questions will no doubt arise
as the examination goes on.
NOD. — Now, neighbor Firebrand, I am at a loss to know where all this
will end. This is driving very fast; and drovers will tell you that,
when cattle are driven too fast, they will either give up, run off the road,
or turn upon their drivers. For my part, it has always been a maxim
with me that easy and fair goes far in the day. . I have, to be sure,
joined in getting the two young men imprisoned for shooting the wood-
cock ; in putting farmer M in the stocks for striking my lord's
spaniel that worried his lamb ; I assisted you in levying the double fine
off the old Quaker for not paying his tithes ; I gave my consent to have
the muskets taken out of the two popr men's houses, because they were
not qualified to keep them ; and I joined in promoting the loyal depre-
dations of the Orangemen. God forgive me. No surer proverb hi my
mind than " It is a long lane that has no end."
FIRE.— Aye, Mr. Noddledrum, has it come to that V Foregad, I feared
as much. I thought I saw you wavering for some time past. A melan-
choly affair. Wifl you be so good as to oblige me with your reason for
this change ?
NOD. — I can't tell how it happened, but things came strangely about.
Last Wednesday three weeks upwards of three hundred reapers came
to cut down my pats. I thanked them, told them my oats were all cut
but one field, which was not ripe. I offered them drink, which they re-
fused ; I forced thirty-seven of my own tenants, who were among them,
to stay and dine with me. I asked them what all this was for ; and I
understood that it all proceeded from my having turned off the two spies
you hired for me, and from my giving orders that Barmy Foam, the
guager, should bring me no more stories about his neighbors.
FIBE.— So then the two spies are discharged without having sworn
away a single life !
NOD.— They certainly are.
FIBE. — Good God ! and Barmy Foam, my lord Mountmumble's old
footman, is gone, too !
NOD.— He is no longer to bring news to me.
FIBE. — So much the more pity ; by my s — 1, the fellow could squeeze
loyalty out of the dregs of a beer barrel, and smoke treason in a roll of
tobacco.
NOD. — No matter, I wash my hands clean of them all.
FIBE. — Then you may say that you wash your hands clean of all
information respecting the country. Give up spies and informers, and
you give up the king and constitution ; J see nothing else. There's
Bluff; now you have no conception what news I get from him. Early
and late he's on the watch, nothing escapes him, and he's ready at any
moment to swear any thin? that would serve the cause. Thero'a
BILLY BLUWT AND BQTJXRE ETEEBRAJTIX
nothing wanting: now, to have things on a proper footing, but to htff*
jury by trial, instead of trial by jury.
NOD. — How do you mean ?
FIRE.— Why, instead of having a parcel of silly, senseless, conci'
entious blockheads chosen in every county. I would recommend to have
a true, staunch, tried jury to travel the circuit: a jury that would not
flinch ; a jury that would stick to their orders. In short, I would have
them every man sworn to find such verdicts as the crown lawyers
desired. Then let me see the man who dare say or think that adminis-
tration ever did wrong, or ever will do wrong; that a reform was
wanting, that public virtue was wanting, or that anything was
wanting but halters and gibbets. E'gad, I would make short work of
it. So you see, Mr. Noddledrum, you and I have got different views of
things now.
NOD.— So it appears.
FIEE.— Well, but how did you and your tenants part ? I suppose you
made them all drunk.
NOD.— Hearty: just hearty. They sung songs, drank toasts, and
made merry. My heart, do you see, warmed to the boys, and I joined
them in everything. They sung a favorite song, "Erin go bragh,"and
when they came to a verse that says :
• Let's love one another, and never more part O ! '
Standing up. we were grasped in each others hands around the table;
my heart melted within me ; the tear stood in my eye ; the rogues took
me in the moment of my weakness, seized their glasses, and in a bum-
per drank— Union to Irishmen ! I swallowed it at one mouthful. It
was no sooner down than a new and inexpressible sensation ran
through all my frame; my head was filled with ecstacy and my heart
with joy. I thought I was enchanted. Another song and another bum-
per crowned my delight. The boys got up, departed with three huz-
zas. I went to my bed-chamber, ordered the bed to be brought from be-
hind the wall where you said I could sleep in safety, and, instead of
undressing in the dark, as you do, I ordered two candles to be placed on
the table. I threw my pistols into the fire, and my blunderbuss out at
the window; I gave my fusee to the gardener ? and bid him shoot mag-
Fies; I ordered the groom to take the two pitchforks into the stable:
gave the pole and bayonet to the butler, to stab rats in the cellar; and
I ordered Jean Jelly, the housekeeper, to take my broad sword and de-
fend herself against Hosier's ghost, which, she says, haunts her every
night in her sleep. I tumbled into bed and slept for ten hours, the only
sound sleep I got these fourteen months. I would not give what happi-
ness I have enjoyed since for Lord Mountmumble's estate. An honest
man need not be afraid ; and I remember a text that my grandfather
used U> preach on four times in the year :
' The wicked fleeth when no man pursueth.'
For my part, I will take the chance with my country, and live and die
in peace ; so, Mr. Firebrand good morning to you.
FIEE.— Sir, your servant— —The man is mad out of his senses
—The old scoundrel 1 his damn'd proverbs have turned his head—
Drank Union to Irishmen! He'll take chance with his country!
He'll die in peace !— H— 1 and d tion !
(Enter Billy Bluff in great haste.)
"Tour honor, your honor! — news, news — horrid nows!' "What
news?" "The vessel's lost!" •' What vessel?" " The vessel that was
bringing over the bloodhounds from the West Indies to hunt the United
Irishmen 1 She's taken by the French." " The devil take her and them
both." "Here's a horrid song." 'What about?" "About Lord Mal-
mesbury, and the peace, and a journey to Paris 1 How he and a hair-
dresser fought a duel ; and how a republican coachman told him," <fcc., &c.
WfcONGS OP THE AMERICAN PEOPLE.
1 now proceed to the most important object of the Appendix. And
remember — always keep distinctly in mind — that the unparalleled
crimes that it discloses are no reproach to [Republican government
per se, in its pure and unimpeachable character. As had been abund-
antly shown in this book, all that was unprincipled in the country
were drawn in, attracted, invited to the government of the Kepublic ;
that those formed an aggregation of impurity, with which pure men
could not and would not come in contact ; that they committed such
almost incredible crimes as have grown familiar to us ; that they
Judicially Murdered poor men, under circumstances the most foul and
revolting ; that of the — but why enumerate? All I need say is : Keep
distinctly in mind that all atrocities acted or screened in this nation
do not disgrace, or disparage, or even approach The Kepublic in its
abstract nature. It will yet be vindicated as the appointed Institu-
tion—appointed from On High— under which alone men can be justly
and legitimately governed.
HANGING INNOCENT MEN IN PENNSYLVANIA.
I have a paper prepared on the facts which led to the execution
of ten men in the coal regions in June 1877. The published evidence
did not justify their execution. I wrote to many of the officials on
this subject, several times to the Governor. Not a word of answer
from any of them. One of those letters I here present :
37 BECOME ST., GREENPOINT, N. Y., June 18, 1877.
Governor Hartranft:
SIR — At the time I took the liberty of addressing you this morning I had
not seen the paper (Irish World) to which I now take the liberty of soliciting
your attention. I am a contributor to that paper, and in looking over it, I
cannot help seeing that if the statements made, and which I mark for your
perusal, aro true, then are murders about to be committed in Pennsylvania.
If a hair of those men's heads falls to the ground on such evidence as has
been brought against them, then will it be murder, and every man assisting
in it will be before God and man a MURDERER !
I only say this if the statements relating to the evidence referred to be
true. If they be not true, the fact ought to be made officially known.
It will be a dangerous thing indeed, if the impression is confirmed in the
minds of the multitude, that poor men can be hanged to death for what would
not cause the detention of a rich man for a day or an hour. I know nothing
of those condemned men ; I arn neither of their church nor of their " order."
But I am coming to the conclusion that a WAR OF CLASSES is approaching.
The learned, the well-to-do, and the snobs who affect "respectability," on
the one side ; the toiling, trodden- down, tortured multitudes on the other.
If this War comes, it will bo an end of tho Republic. The "Respectables "
will certainly have the best of it at first. But the beginning of the strife is
not at all likely to be the end. If there was any evidence against those con-
demned men but the evidence of informers, swearing to save their own lives,
let us know it. Do not give countenance to the opinion that what would not
ruffle a rich man's shirt collar will hang a poor man to death.
THOMAS AINGE DEVYR.
WEONGS OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE.
MOEB ABOUT THE PENNSVANIA JUDICIAL MUB-
DERS.
In addition to the judicial murders recorded in a previous page
comes a letter from Harrisburg to the New York papers, from
which I take the following : " John W. Ryan, Esq., defended the
six men who were excuted [murdered] on the 21st of June last
Thomas P. Fisher is to be hanged on the 28th of February, un-
less commutation is granted by the « Court of Pardons.' Mr.
Ryan [in his application to this court], declares that the convic-
tion of Fishar was due ENTIRELY to the testimony of two
men whose souls were stained with robbery and murder, and
who, as a reward for their statements, were GIVEN their lib-
erty." The letter then states that of the six men [maliciously
called Molly Maguires] hanged in Pottsville, one " Duffy was
convicted almost entirely on the evidence of Kerrigan, a NO-
TORIOUS murderer, who turned State's evidence to save his
OWN neck from the gallows." How providentially the truth
bursts out through even this hostile correspondent of the infa-
mous Herald. It was not " almost entirely," but wholly and en-
tirely, on the evidence of this " notorious murderer, Kerrigan, to
save his own neck." And it was not Duffy alone that was judi-
cially murdered on the unsupported evidence of this murderer
swearing to save his own life. The whole six men — all of them
— were murdered by the Courts, and Juries, and Governor, of
Pennsylvania, on the single unsupported evidence of this " no-
torious murderer swearing to save his own neck from the gal-
lows."
And how stand the men who brought about this great
judicial murder ? Does not every man assisting in any way at
the judicial murder of those innocent men stand ipso facto a
murderer? And do they not deserve — every one of them de-
serve—the penalty of death ? Stand to your arms, men ! Take
possession through the ballot-box of the once pure and stainless
State of Pennsylvania. Rescue it from such murderers. Re-
construct its corrupt Legislature into purity. Clear out its cor-
rupt courts ! Set up law where murder now reigns. It is your
bounden, sacred, holy duty to impeach and put on their trial for
their lives every ruffian who had a hand in this judicial murder
of those most innocent men. Murdered I do not say because
WRONGS OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE*
they were poor. Murdered I do not say because they were in-
telligent men, and would make a signal example to deter the
multitudes from questioning the starvation wages of the coal
monsters. I do not say that those were the causes ; let every
man judge for himself whether they were or not. All I do say
is that those men were murdered, most foully, most barbarous-
ly, and the guilt of murder lies upon the soul of every man
who in any manner assisted in the perpetration of this unex-
ampled and horrible crime.
THE WAR OF CLASSES.
I intended not to publish anything more on the crimes of
Pennsylvania, but I see its governor is straining all law and
usage to get more hanging done.
Ten men in one day ! Ten innocent men were murdered in
Pennsylvania on the gallows. Choked to death on the perju-
ries of which I here present au outline. Yost, a policeman, was
killed. He had clubbed and locked up Kerrigan, who is describ-
ed by the papers as " never having done an honest day's work in
his life.*' This Kerrigan vows to be revenged on Yost, and shortly
after Yost is killed. Kerrigan is arrested. And on condition
that his own life shall be spared, he, to oblige the Pennsylvania
athorities and save his own accursed life, agrees to swear to this
story. Mark it well.
That he went to James Boarty, a " Body Master," and to Hugh
McQeehan, an ex- Supervisor, and persuaded them to employ
Duffy, Carroll, Munley and Boylo to kill Yost ; for no other
reason, even pretended, than to oblige this idle, drunken scoun-
drel Kerrigan, of whom his own wife on the witness stand
answered thus under the solemnity of her oath :
" "When did you stop writing to your husband ? " " When he committed
the crime," she answered. " Crime, what crima ? " " Ever since he tried to
put his guilt on innocent men." In her opinion it was worse to be an in-
former than a murderer, and he was both.
On this impossible lie. sworn to by the villain to save his own
neck, the Judicial murderers, Courts and Governor of Pennsyl-
vania hung to death in one day six men in Pottsville. And four
men in Mauch Chunk, on precisely a similar oath of a confessed
.murderer (Mulhern) swearing to save his own accursed life.
WBONGS OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE.
Poor Carroll, on tbue night before his Judicial murder, sets*
a card to his lawyer in which is the following :
" Now. gentlemen, I do here confess to be innocent of the crime that I
am charged with. I never wished for the murder of Yost or any other
person: or I never heard any one say they wanted murder committed,
only Kerrigan, and heard him often say that he would shoot Yost the first
chance he got."
What incited the Courts and Governor of Pennsylvania to
commit this unheard of crime? There must have been some
motive. The coal miners had been starved down by repeated
screws on their scanty wages, till they struck work, and it was
thought good for the Coal'Robbers (for they are not owners) to
make examples that would strike terror, and make the workers
work and starve quietly. At first I could not believe it possible
that those Courts and Governor would dare to murder those
men on the unsupported and impossible Lie sworn to by Kerri-
gan. I wrote, therefore, to the Governor (see ante) and other
officials, and to local newspapers, asking for other proof if it had
been given on the trials. I told the Governor that I would pub-
lish this horrible crime, not only before America, but in my
forthcoming book ("The Odd Book of the Nineteenth Cen-
tury"), before England and Europe. But they had no other
proof and could send me none.
There must have been a motive to this great crime, and the
primary motive is easily traceable to the robber Corporations
that do not own the coal mines. They it was who employed the
villain Pinkerton to send his spy McParlan to live among the
coal miners and find out their secrets to work their destruction,
The men had no secrets, and at the end of three years he was
discovered by them, and they did not touch a hair in his head.
And now the reporter describes the agony of the friends of
the six innocent men murdered in Pottsville :
" Mrs. Carroll is frantic, imploring even the bystanders to save her hus-
band. Poor Roarty strove to comfort his wife, telling her it would ' be all
right ' at a higher tribunal. At Mauch Chunk. Jack Donohue's wife and
eight children came to take leave of him ; he patted her on the back and
strove to comfort her ana them in their frantic grief, Campbell's wife
and brothers and sisters came. He 'received them stoically,' but Mrs.
Campbell made the moct frantic threats of vengeance against those who
are ' murdering her husband.' "
" Murdering her husband ! " Well indeed might she thus give
vent to her great agony. And remember, workers, not only of
WRONGS OF THE AMEKICAN PEOPLE.
Pennsylvania, but of everywhere throughout the Kepublic, that
those innocent men were murdered by the Politicians I There
was not, perhaps in the whole accursed crowd of officials that
compassed their deaths, a single man who had not come to his
office by his connection with the politics of either one or the
other of the corrupt Parties. In this WAK OF CLASSES both
these corrupt parties are equally pitted against the men whom
they have DISINHEKITED of their land, and would reduce to
helpless, hopeless slavery.
Look at this beastly picture :
" A nutner of young ladies came from Slatington and Hazleton, accom-
panied by several Presbyterian clergymen, to examine the gallows, and ' a
monster of questionable taste.' says the the reporter, was standing under
the trap explaining those CLASS reverends and class ladies how it would
fall."
Then is lightly presented this other picture by the reporter :
"A band of ' wild spirits ' broke into the house of Mrs. O'Donnell and
shot her and one of her sons to death with eighteen bullets because they
suspected her sons to be murderers of Jones. The father and a son es-
caped."
" Because they suspected her sons " they shot the mother and
son to death ! And was there any trial of these midnight assas-
sins ? Go and ask the ruling assassins af Pennsylvania.
Let us now approach that appalling scene — the judicial mur-
der in Pottsville. In the tender brightness of that young sum-
mer day, in a world clothed with verdure, and flowers, and
fruit by the love of its Creator, this horrible scene is presented,
even by the hostile mercenary reporter of a hostile, mercenary,
accursed press :
" MeGeehan and Boyle came forth with steady steps. The ropes are at
the extreme end of the scaffold, and they were compelled to walk clear
across the dread vehicle of death. Boldly they went forward, however,
and each took his place. MeGeehan was very neatly dressed in a
blue suit, fitted in a way to exhibit the symmetry of his frame.
Boyle also wore a Sunday suit. MeGeehan toyed with the noose that was
soon to strangle him. and Boyle stood as cooly as if he was only standing
on the hustings, at a political meeting. MeGeehan was the first to speak,
and hi only said that he had nothing to say, but asked forgive-
ness of all the world for any evil he might have done. Boyle, said ' we
have nothing to say. gentlemen,' in a tone entirely free from emotion,
' whether we are guilty or not guilty. I have done everything I could to
save my soul.' (Mark, it is the slave of a corrupt Class press that reports
this.) Boyle died easily, his death being as nearly instantaneous as
death on the sallows can be instantaneous. MeGeehan was not so fortu-
WKONGS OF THE AMERTCL1N PEOPLE,
aate. IKs sufferings were intense and long continued. His strong frame
Quivered with the death struggle long after Boyle's spirit had passed
away. In flvo minutes from the time the drop fell the physicians began
to feel their pulses, and after twenty minutes the bodies were cut down."
To realize what this innocent man, McGeehan, suffered, let us
commence at one, and distinctly count one, two, three, etc., up
to 60. Choking:, straining after the film of air that makes il;s way
through the compressed windpipe, this tortured man had to
wait till the sixty was reached. Then he had to wait again,
choking all the time till sixty more counts slowly on, and again,
and again, and yet again five times, ten times again, before this
damnable tribunal of Politicians permits him to die. The man
who sees this, and ever throws a vote that will endorse those
murdering Politicians, let him not dare to call himself a man
any longer, let him take his proper place among the army of
crouching, stupid, obedient slaves. This hired CLASS reporter
continues :
Carroll and Boarty come next.
" Carroll stood facing the rope with his back to to the beam, and during
the service the priest stood before him obstructing the view. He wan
calm and unmoved. Eoarty was excessively nervous."
He spoke, and these were his words:
" Well, gentlemen, I want to talk a few words, and only a few words. I
stand here to-day before the public, and I must say the truth for them.
Thomas Duffy is blamed for giving me $10 for the shooting of a man I
never saw. Benjamin F. Yost, of Tamaq.ua. Thomas Duffy I am going to
meet, and my Lord. I never saw Duffy but three times in my life before I
saw him in Pottsville jail. What I can say for him is this, that I never
agreed in Tamaqua about Yost or about $10. or anything concerning the
thing at all. And another thing I must say for Hugh McGeehan and
James Boyle, that I never asked them to go over and shoot Benjamin Yost
or any other mau, and, if they come after me let them say so. I ask for-
giveness of the world and everybody, and I hope they will forgive me. I
hope the Lord will forgive me. That's all I have to say."
CARROLL'S LAST WORDS.
Carroll then stepped to the front of the platform and eaid:— "I have not
much to say, except that I die innocent." Here Eoarty said:— " Excuse
me. gentlemen, I forgot to say that I die innocent."
And so they both die and after twenty minutes their bodies are cut down.
There had been a rumor that Duffy would be reprieved if all the dying
men would plead his innocence. Boarty did most distinctly. The others
probably never thought of him or knew that anything might avail him.
Arid so Duffy and Munley die also for the Kerrigan murder of Yost.
With reference to the murdered men—Judicially murdered
at Mauch Chunk— here's the sort of perjury on which that ac-
cursed Court and jury hanged four innocent men on the same
WRONGS OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE.
day. Mulhern ("the squeeler") swore that one hundred men
were assembled, and that fifty of them paid down each a
dollar to pay for the murder. Then it was stated that four
(above named) were selected to go twenty or thirty miles to
kill Powell; and that these had to get some men in Powell'*
neighborhood to point him out, thus implicating more than
one hundred men in the murder; and that the whole cause
of it, as stated by the " dug up " witness, Mulhern, was that
Powell would not promote a man from the level of a LABORER
up to the dignity of a MINER — from seventy-five cents a day
up to ten shillings! I state here simply what came out as
evidence on the trials. And upon this obvious perjury of a
man "swearing to save his own neck," this Mauch Chunk Court
and Jury send four innocent men to be choked to death.
And the political press of both the great thief parties actual] v
howled with joy.
CONTINUED ATROCITIES IN PENNSYLVANIA.
" With not a friend to animate, and tell
To others' ears that death became him well ;
Around him foes'to forge the ready lie,
And blot life's latest scene with calumny."
I did not dwell upon the most foul Judicial Murders com-
mitted upon Hester, McHugh and Tully, because it was simply
a repetition of the crime committed on the ten victims last
Summer, substituting for the murderer Kennedy, as perjured
witness, that other murderer "Kelly the bum."
But when I saw a confession imputed to Tully, I remem-
bered the above lines, and determined to make sharp inquiry
in relation to this paraded "confession."
The night before the execution a Herald reporter writes :
" Mr. Elwell has been trying to get Tully to confess, but so far
has failed." Next day, and after the execution, the same re-
porter says, Tully did put a confession in Mr. Elwell's hands
and "there is no reasonable doubt but it is genuine." This
WfiONGS OF THE AMERICAN PBOPLJ5.
remark raised In my mind a most reasonable doubt. So I wroter
to Mr. Elwell who promptly and politely thus replied :-~
Patrick Tally did place in my hands a confession for publication after
hla death. The New York Herald contains a correct copy. The statement
was read to Father Koch, of Shamokin, in Tally's presence, about an hour
before the execution, so the priest can affirm its genuineness. Hester and
McHugh both admitted their guilt the night before th«. execution, after
being informed that Tully had confessed. GEO. E. ELWELL.
Now as the Herald reporter had sent on the intelligence the
night before that Mr. Elwell had not succeeded in getting a con-
fession, it narrows very closely the question of veracity between
them.
Besides, this phrase "did place in my hands" would be the
better of a little explanation. Did Tully write it, and have it
ready to " place " in Mr. ElwelFs hands ? Or did counsel himself
write it ? When was the writing done ? By whom ? Who was
present at this writing ? Perhaps those things might admit of
explanation, and perhaps they might not At any rate, when
Mr. Elwell proceeds to state, vaguely enough, that " Hester and
McHugh both admitted their guilt," and refered me to Father
Koch, I determined to refer rather to Fathers McGovern and
Schtutzer for such information as they might be warranted in
affording. I wrote, also, to Mr. Elwell, Informing him that I had
done so, and suggesting that he might hold conference with
those gentlemen, and among them throw whatever additional
light they could on the subject. To those last appeals I re-
ceived no answer.
Anxious to find out the truth, if possible, I wrote to Mr. Wol-
verton (of the victim's counsel), who politely responds thus : —
The only confession that I know of to be a confession of Tully, that I
know to be genuine, is the one made to George E. Elwell, Esq.. one of his
counsel, a copy of which I enclose. There appears by the papers to have
been another statement signed by him. purporting to be made to Benja-
min Franklin and Thomas Alderson. a copy of which I enclose. The first
was published in the paper printed by George E. Elwell, who was one of
the counsel for Hester, and I have no doubt that it is correct. Where
there is stars it omits the names of parties mentioned in the original.
This answer has been delayed because of your letter having boen direct-
ed to Bloomsbwrg instead of Sunbury. Pennsylvania.
VeryresnectfuHr. 8. P. TOLTOBXON.
The above, it will be perceived, is a very loose way of dealing
WRONGS OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLR.
with " facts " that are doubted. " That I know to be genuine,"'
says Mr. Wolverton. But he does not tell us how he knows
it to be genuine.
In short, Mr. Wolverton adds nothing to our knowledge, save
the fact that there was another so-called " confession " of Tully,
made to a couple of Iron policemen. In it I find the fol-
lowing : —
Question. Did Kelly tell the truth about the circumstances of the Rea
murder ?
Answer. He swore to some lies, but most he said was true. Neither Hes-
ter nor McHugh told me to do the deed. What I done was done of my own
accord. But Hester was Bodymaster. and McHugh was County Delegate,
and if they had said the thing shouldn't be done, they could have stopped
it. It wasn't so much the Order (referring to the Ancient Order of Hiber-
nians) as it was whiskey that led me into it. If I had followed my early
teachings I never would have got into this trouble.
Here are two facts worthy of especial note. One that Hester
and McHugh were men of note and influence, "Bodymaster"
and " County Delegate." If sacrifice must be made to the Mo-
loch of the coal mine, this was just the kind of men to sacrifice 1
The other fact goes strongly to prove what I never doubted,
namely : — That there never was a Molly Maguire organization
in Pennsylvania. It was on the "Ancient Order of Hibernians "
that the nickname was fixed. Little did the agrarian regulators
of the county Cavan know the murders that would be commit-
ted under the name they assumed. The purpose of that organ-
ization was made no secret, published in all the newpapers of
the day (1843). I have the original mislaid among my papers, but
have its substance preserved in my memory. It runs thus :—
The crualt/es of landlords have called you together to provide for the
common defence.
Ejectments must bo resisted and punished till two years' rent is due.
Good landlords must be assisted to get their rents, and treated with
kindness.
Bad landlords and agents must be severely dealt with for their crimes—
punished— abducted, but in no ca«e must fatal violence be resorted to. It
would be cruel, and it would rouse public feeling against us. Signed,
MOLLY MAGUIBE.
I now turn the whole " confessions " over to the consideration
of those who believe in them, frankly admitting that I cannot
believe either in Tully's imputed " confession," or the other vic-
tims' " admission " of ffuilt. I believe, on the contrary, that not
WRONGS OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE.
a mail engaged in those judicial murders but will be put on.
trial for their lives, if God inspires the honest workingmen of
the nation to hurl out (as I trust they will at the next election)
the corrupt politicians now in power, and so purify the legisla-
ture and the courts, that justice may be lawfully done on those
judicial assassins.
THE BKUTAL PRESS.
I present here a few specimens of the most gentle objurgations
of the atrocious press. This, the New York Times, which claims
to be the most decent of its class :-—
MOLLIE MAGUIRES HANGED.
" BLOOMSBURG, March 21.— Three Mollie Maguires were hanged at this
place to-day— Patrick Hester. Peter MoHugh and Patrick Tully— all Irish
Catholics, all middle aged men. and all richly deserving of the haltera
that encircled their necks this morning.
"This gallows strangled several Mollie Maguires. It is to go back to
Mauch Chunk to hang Thomas Fisher on Thursday. It goes galloping-
about the oountry dropping off Mollies wherever it strikes.
*' Tkey looked fit subjects for the gallows. Every one of them was a brutal
and dangerous looking man. Hester, very large and powerful, was more
refined in feature than either of the others, but he looked like a man to
be avoided on a dark night. Not one of their necks was instantly brokenr
hut all died by strangulation, at very nearly the same time, in from 11 to
12 minutes."
Bead in a previous page the analysis of time and pain en-
dured in hanging, and reflect upon the continued suffering of
those dying men. Let us turn away from those horrible judi-
cial crimes !
May the Supreme Power that called this Kepublic into exist-
ence, inspire its honest, oppressed citizens to arouse and re-
sume possession and direction of the Republic. Preserve for
themselves and their imploring posterity the rights and the
dignity that belong to them — which they have not now — which
have been feloniously stolen from them by Class and Politicians
the most false, criminal and execrable that ever afflicted any
nation of God's Earth, or any part of God's Family.
WRONGS OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE.
MOKE ABOUT THE GKEAT COAL THIEVES.
The secret falsehood and villainy of those coal mine plunderers
are just what the people deserve who permit them to seize upon
those mines, in open violation of all the rights of the existing
generation and of the generations yet to come. Those thievec
went prospecting, and where the coal was found, they bought
from the farmer the surface fields, and then seised for nothing
upon the mines beneath — a " royalty " that belongs to the State.
By this means they tell you that the mines were created only for
them, and that their keen, villainous heirs shall sell to your blunt,
blockheaded heirs this coal supply forever. Well ! You accept
this Lie, and then the thief of the coal mine is complete " master
both of the situation" and your purse. The combined coal
thieves can take from you just as much money as they please.
They let British capitalists " go snacks " with them. They want
big dividends, and the miner, honestly worth three dollars a
day, is starved on eighty cents. Then they employ a full
force, produce an immense quantity, and then-— what then?
Why, then they reduce wages to a starvation figure that
is sure to produce a strike. When that comes, they cry
"scarcity," and put up the price of coal, falsely shout-
Ing that "there can be no more mined." By this villainy
they can add from 50 cents to a dollar, or more, a ton to
the price. In war time they added $5 or $6. Meanwhile
the miners and their poor families are starved into submission,
and by the time the intriguing scoundrels want them again, they
are begging to work at any price those scoundrels may offer.
By this means, and hanging as many as they choose by ready
perjuries, they strike terror, and keep the wretched miners in a
subjection that will bring God's vengeance on them and on the
Republic, too, for permitting such enormous crimes. Much of
this doomed region is infested with kindred rattle snakes, and a
Polander, who, with his family, was nearly starved to death in
it, informs me that from ten to twenty growing children die an-
nually of their bite. Of the number of men killed in the mines
Annually no account is made.
A little care and a little outlay would lessen this, but why
WRONGS OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE.
should the coal kings take any care ? Why lay out any money ?
No matter how many are killed, they are called to no account
Living men are ready to take the places of the dead, and in turn
risk their lives to gain the same starvation. A young man
named Adams, sometime resident among the miners, gives me
this account, and adds — " Though rugged with toil and rough in
aspect, I found those men of kindly hearts to the stranger, and
though presenting a strange sight, going with lamps on their
heads, there seem to be no men more devoted to their fam-
ilies, starving themselves to divide with them the morsel of
bread which they earn under the blasting breath of Gowen."
Him of the$20,000 a year.
An epidemic of blood took possession of heathen Eome at the
close of the Republic. Tens of thousands would gather to see
gladiators slay each other in the Arena. Those gladiators were
slaves, and when one would sink wounded, his victor would
put his foot on the prostrate neck, and point the sword at his
heart waiting for a signal from the benches whether he should
kill. This signal was made by a peculiar motion of the thumbs,
and the very women looking on would give the signal as often
to murder as to spare.
Wronged, disinherited, enslaved men of America ! It is hard
for you to realize the murderous instincts which the accursed
xace of enslavers have shown in all countries and in all times,
and never more wickedly than they are now shown in the dis-
lionored, guilty State of Pennsylvania. That guilt, and that
dishonor, equally divided between the two atrocious political
parties.
Now, men, if you show the submission to those thief parties
that you have shown up to this time ; if you continue to look on
with a stupid stare, whilst they to continue pick out from among
you just whoever they please, pass them through the hands of
Kennedy and " Kelly the bum," and into the hands of the hang-
man—if you do this, it will be bad for you, and it will be far
worse for the Judicial murderers. The more the pressure, the
more loud and destroying will the explosion be. Act wisely,
then, circulatethe truth by every means in your power. I will, if
you desire it, detach this section, " Wrongs of the American
People," from my book, and furnish it at a nominal price for dis-
WRONGS OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE.
tribution. In the Irish World from week to week you will have
a watchful friend and a wise adviser. But here, and now, let me
summarize down my advice to you.
You are equal citizens. Be armed ! That single fact may
prevent a conflict now heavily impending. Spread the truth,
disable the accursed, mercenary, venomous newspapers. Pre-
pare resolutely for the next election, mark every man with
your contempt as a born slave, or a born office beggar,
who will cast a vote for either of the criminal parties. In
every school district meet together once a week rn the school
house. If those who have authority refuse its use, write
them down as public enemies, and meet even at the scanty
houseroom of each other. Prepare beforehand, and proclaim
a GENERAL STKIKE from work on the week ending elec-
tion day. Keenly watch the count of votes, for the scound-
rels now in power know how to cheat. Hope for the best, but
be "PREPARED FOR THE WORST!" You have Constitu-
tional guards around you, but those will be required to be vig-
orously guarded. The inhuman and unjust men now riding
over you will make desperate efforts to keep their seats. They
will stop at neither fraud nor force. If serious trouble threat-
ens them, they can by one dash of their pens — for you know
they have all power— destroy the Constitution by simply pro-
claiming Martial Law. If that is done, and the moment it is
done, accept the gage of battle, march into the arsenals, capture
the gun rooms of the militia, relieve governors, and authorities
of every kind of their onerous duties. Especially capture the
ruffian newspaper offices, and make their types tell truth for
once in their lives. Take possession, and let not a lie flash over
the telegraph. It is probable that in doing all this you may not
have to spill one drop of blood. Acting as men of intelligence
and resolve you will not be likely to have much trouble. Your
enemies are thieves, not an honest man among t^esa, and
thieves, whea justice overtakes them, are mostly found to be
cowards.
By acting like citizens, determined not to be either dragooned
or cheated out of your rights, the whole dispute will be peace-
fully settled. Your inheritance, stolen and given to the rail-
roads, will be restored to you. The mines of gold, silver, copper,
iron, coal, everything in the shape of minerals, will be wrested
out of the wicked clutch of the Great Fiend Monopoly, and hon-
estly handed down to that posterity which truly owns them.
Ail this, citizens, is not a Declaration of War. It is simply a
preparation for war. And that has ever been one of the grand-
est essentials towards " preserving the peace."
.THOMAS AINGE DEYYB.
GBEENPOINT, April, 1878.
WBONGS OF THE AMEBIOAN PEOPLE.
THAT NAVY TOO.
Thii^y-flve years ago, Henshaw of Boston, then its Secretary,
redv oed the laborers in the navy yards to a dollar a day, retain-
ing at the same time his own $6,000 a year. Working citizens,
"fou are not only robbed and degraded, but you are shamefully
'!m.alted by your government of thieves, for where is there an
honest man among them ? Don't you see what the twenty mil-
lions, all told, which this abomination costs you yearly ; don't
you see what it would do for your boys and girls in education
and a start in life ? Oh ! brothers, awaken from your sickly and
degrading dream. If you have no pity for the rude, ill clad,
ill cared for, ill taught, *nd for that reason ill mannered boys you
see together on the sidewalk. Warming their inanity and ignor-
ance into life, instead of being in the way of education to be-
come wise, useful and dignified men. li you have no pity for
the poor shop girls, shut in from the fields and the fresh air,
working their fingers to the bone, for a mere pittance to sus-
tain them alive, have pity at least on your own little ones. Do
not give up their Inheritance, their dignity, their future happi-
ness, at the bidding of party rogues and criminal newspapers,
steeped to the very lips in corruption.
Unlike the atrocious monarchies of Europe, everything can be
settled rationally and quietly in this country. That is, if you
stand on your guard, and let the traitors who would enslave
you see and know that you are men of sense and resolution.
No matter how bad a power may be, it will make desperate ef-
fort to keep its place. You have the full right of speech. Speak
out the truth fearlessly. You have the full right to arm. Use
it. You have the full right to vjte. Guard it from being
44 counted out." You have, in short, the right to live and act
resolutely and peaceably under the Constitution.
But mark ! If driven out, as tne corrupt usurpers are I trust
sure to be, they can in their desperation forge an excuse and
proclaim Martial Law. It is to be hoped that they will not at-
tempt this. But if they do. it is the gage of battle. Accept it.
If they attempt to seize your leaders at the same moment, it
will be necessary for you to seize theirs. If it is war on the one
side, it must instantly be war on the other. Not otherwise.
Keep the law, the order and the justice on your side. But trust
nothing to the forbearance of those bad men. Fraternize peace-
fully with the militia. Show them that you ask nothing but
what is right— what is their interest as well as your own. That,
and keep your leaders to strict account. Do these things, and
'the liepublic is saved.
PUBLIC MARAUDERS, rushing from all points of the compass.
corrupted the polls, and usurped the government— usurped it to the exclu-
sion of the virtuous men whom GOD and Nature designed should govern
the Republic.
If this were so, what could possibly follow but what we see and what we
suffer ? The robberies that have rushed through Congress since the days of
President JACKSON are all traceable to this source. The floods of corruption
which swept through the New York legislatures would never have shown
themselves only for this unfortunate omission— this fatal mistake— af mis-
take that can and must be rectified. Impious men may seize the name of
the Christian religion, may put a royal crown upon its head, deface it with
bishops at twenty thousand pounds a year, and conceal its nuro. lowly
simplicity with all external abominations. Does that affect the holiness,
the lowliness, the purity of the Christian religion ? Such a question needs
no reply.
And such is exactly the state of this Republic in the hands of men who
have been seduced Into wickedness by the immense temptation thus laid
out before them. -A temptation that laid the whole wealth of the nation as
plunder at their feet.
Now let us examine how it would have been, and, we trust, quickly will
be, with lines like the following fastened and immovable in the Constitu-
tions. Thus:
" The power to tax shall be strictly defined and limited. Present valuations
shall stand.and no more than 50 cents per $100 shall be levied thereon for
all purposes— city, state, and county. No new assessments except for new
improvements. A graduated tax— sacred to the purposes of education-
shall be levied on large fortunes of $100,000 and upward1.
"The national government shall be put upon a similar allowance— say
W cents per capita. No standing army ; no sailing-about navy; no publio
debt; no monopoly of mines or lands shall be granted." And now a
word or two in vindication of these regulations:
First— The 50 cent regime will keep greedy men from seeking publio
office. A man who is not heartily willing to serve the Republic for a decent
living 'say $2,000 a year, and no man leas than $1,000). is not worthy to
serve it at all. Neither would such a man be likely to serve it efficiently.
It might, indeed, be affirmed that the higher the pay the more negligently
will the service be performed.
Second— The " no public debt" clause: It is absolutely necessary to shut
out the eating leech of Usury that is depleting and poisoning all the
nations— the United States worst of all.
Third— Under a just and peaceful government there would be no incen-
tive to war— there could be no war save one of aggression upon us from
without, which our entire manhood would rise up to repel. And whilst
that manhood protected the wealth of the country that wealth must
equitably pay its expenses. No standing army— no oppressed " strikers "
to shoot down !
Fourth— Under this virtuous arrangement the National Government
would have very little to do. No " foreign entanglements." No navy sail-
ing about, liable by its indiscretions to drag us into foreign complications.
The police of the soas left to the peddling nations which have no lands for
their peoples, or which shut the peoples out from the lands. Let them
have the " carrying: trade " by sea. The worst fate yon could Inflict ur>on
the youth of America would be the forecastle of the ship and the New
York dance house. •
To build and equip one "Ironclad" and keep her in service lor a year
would endow fifty agricultural and scientific schools, each on a thousand-
acre farm. And which would be best— the Schools or the Ironclad ?
The great historical fact now stands forth that this Republic has.
through this one fundamental mistake, (the boundless power to tax left
In the hands of the politicians.) been a murdering during many years. If
it had not unparalleled vitality it would have been stone dead long before
now. Let us join together and save it.
Under this new and purifying arrangement Republican Institutions will
get fair play. When there will be no spoils there will be no plunderers.
Patriotic men will naturally take control, and good laws in all things will
naturally supersede the evils we now endure. Intelligence and efficiency
in every department of the Republic will move steadily on. confined to
their path, just as the street railcar is confined to its iron track. The Re-
vised Constitution A\ill be the confining rail, beyond or out of which the
business of the public can by no means be driven. Efficiency and hon-
esty will prevail in every department as naturally as ever cause produced
its effect. Its sunshine will throw light into the hearts of the uprising
Democracies of Europe, and it will strike the knell of coming,' doom
into the hearts of monarchy, oligarchy, land-stealing, and all the "royal"
and " noble " and " right honorable " villanies that afflict the world.
THOMAS A. DEVYR intends to found a Movement to carry out this GREAT
CHANGE of limiting the power to tax. In the meanwhile, look out for the
" Odd Book of the Nineteenth Century." now going through the press.
Communicate with him at Greenpoint. N. Y.
" What art thou freedom ?
Thou art not as impostors say,
A shadow soon to pass away :
A superstition and a name.
Echoing from the cave of fame;
Fur the laborer thou art bread.
And a comely table spread ;
From his daily labor come,
In a neat and happy home.
"What is slavery?
It is to work and have such pay.
As just keeps life from day to day ;
In your frame, as in a cell,
For the tyrants use to dwell ;
Bo that you for him art made, [spade ;
Loom, and plough, and sword, and
With, or without your own will bent,
To his defence and nourishment."
— SHELLED.
BRITISH ARISTOCRACY.
See these inglorious Cincinnati swarm.
Farmers of war— dictators of the farm ;
Their ploughshare was the sword in hireling hands,
Their fields manured with gore of other lands.
Safe in their barns, those Sabine tillers seat
Their brethren out to battle— why V For rent;
Year after year they voted cent per cent,
Blood, sweat, and tear-wrung millions. Why for rent;
The peace has made on general malcontent.
Of those high market patriots war was rent;
Their love of country— millions all misspent,
How reconcile? By reconciling rent.
And will they not repay the treasures lent?
No. down with everything and up with rent.
Their good. ill. health, wealth, joy or discontent.
Being, end. aim, religion— rent, rent, rent.—
A CONTRAST.
Never was presented a more momentous contrast than by
those two pictures on the following pages. They ought to
be enlarged and elaborated by artists and engravers in the
highest order of the Art. In. large size for framing. On
India proof paper, with the expression of face preserved in
the groups of each picture. Of suffering, sorrow and despair
in the one group. Of courage, manhood and exultation in
the other. Beautifully executed and framed, they would
form at once the most interesting and instructive pictures
that ever adorned either court or cottage. I suppose the
two plates would cost $300. I will commence a subscription
for the purpose with ten dollars. Who comes next? "This
is the hour of heroes."
AUTHOR OF "TnE ODD BOOK."
And now, brothers, I take my leave, at least for the present.
I have given you my experience of fifty years. And I offer
you such advice as that long experience suggests. I had
vowed a war against Land Monopoly — till either it or I
should die. " Our Natural Eights " (see ante) was my gage
of battle to them. Five years ago, ere I entered the Irish
World office, I had commenced this book. I then thought
the old Thieves would outlive me, and I named my volume
"MEMORIES or A LOST LITE." I don't think so now. Since
that time — and especially in the last two years — a change
has come over the order of battle, and now I have reasonable
hope that I will yet live to see the last of the Thieves. And
I hope to leave a memory behind me, that I helped to make
honest men of them.
\ P F=
\ \ * /} %
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