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Surrey
Archaeological Collections

Relating to the
History and Antiquities of the County

published by the
SURREY ARCHiEOLOGICAL SOCIETY

VOL. 62

Honorary Editor: E. E. Harrison, M.A., F.S.A.

THE SURREY ARCHiEOLOGICAL SOCIETY

CASTLE ARCH, GUILDFORD

1965

The Council of the Surrey Arch^ological Society desires it to be
distinctly understood that it is not responsible for any statement or
opinions expressed in the Collections, the authors of the communica-
tions and articles being alone accountable for the same.

In particular, the method of transcription of documents, their
transliteration and spelling are left to the compiler of the contribution,
the Honorary Editor being in no way responsible for the method
adopted.

GIFTS AND LOANS TO THE SOCIETY

Members and friends desiring to give or lend books, documents or
objects of antiquarian interest to the Society for the Society's Library
at Castle Arch, or for deposit in Guildford Museum, are earnestly
requested to send such gifts or loans to the Hon. Secretary, Surrey
Archaeological Society, Castle Arch, Guildford, with a covering letter
stating whether the objects sent are a gift or loan to the Society. As
regards airticles intended for the Museum, these should be accom-
panied by full particulars, such as where found, date of finding, etc.
Members wishing to leave money, books or articles to the Society by
Will are asked to make use of the following Clause :

"I GIVE to the Surrey Archaeological Society of Guildford free of
duty the sum of £ (words and figures) (for books or other articles, a
description is necessary). AND I DECLARE that the receipt of the
Treasurer or other proper officer of the Society shall be a complete
discharge therefor."

NOTES FOR THE GUIDANCE OF CONTRIBUTORS TO THE
COLLECTIONS

The Honorary Editor will be glad to receive contributions of county
interest, either in article form, or in notes, with appropriate illustrations.
He reserves the right to file at Castle Arch articles too long for public-
ation, and facilities will be given for obtaining microphotographic
copies of such material. Copy should be in typescript, double-spaced
with ample margins, and on one side of the page only. It should be
complete in every particular for publication, but the Honorary Editor
will be glad to discuss an article and, in particular, the illustrations,
before the copy is submitted finally.

CONTENTS

List of Officers, Council and Committees .
Local Secretaries , , . . .

Abbreviations ......

Page
vii, viii

Articles :

Excavation of an Iron Age Farmstead at Hawk's Hill, Leatherhead
By F. A. Hastings .......

The Meeting Place of Copthorne Hundred. By Dorothy Nail

A Medieval Glasshouse at Blunden's Wood, Hambledon, Surrey
By E. S. Wood, F.S.A

The North Downs Trackway in Surrey. By Ivan D. Margary, M.A
F.S.A

The Chase of Hampton Court. By T. E. C. Walker, F.S.A. .

The 'Big House' in Ockham Park. By R. N. Bloxam .

The Wey Navigation Claims of 1671. Edited by Hector Carter

The Church of St. Peter, Newdigate, Surrey. By Joyce Banks

Notes :

Three Polished Flint Axes from West Surrey ...

Polished Flint Axe from Horne ......

Barbed-and-Tanged Arrowhead from Barnes Common .

Site of the 'Roman Station' at Merton .....

Recent Finds from the Thames Fore-shore at Battersea

A Rubbish Pit containing Medieval Pottery and an Early Eighteenth
Century Well in Castle Street, Guildford, Surrey

Further Note on the Mound in Weston Wood, Albury

The Hill-Peak Engravings of Surrey Churches

Croydon, The Old Palace .......

Reviews ..........

Index ..........

80
83

88
94
109

122
122
122
122

124

125
126
127
128

129

133

ILLUSTRATIONS

Excavations of an Iron Age Farmstead at Hawk's Hill, Leatherhead:

Fig. 1. Overall Plan of the Excavation . . . page 2

Fig. 2. Enlarged Plan of the Main Area .... 4

Fig. 3. Sections through Pits 1 to 9 . . . . . 6

Fig. 4. Sections through Pits 10 and 11 . . . . 8

Fig. 5. Iron Age Pottery from Hawk's Hill ... 14

Fig. 6. Iron Age Pottery from Hawk's Hill ... 16

Fig. 7. Iron Age Pottery from Hawk's Hill ... 18

Fig. 8. Iron Age Pottery from Hawk's Hill ... 20

Fig. 9. Iron Age Pottery from Hawk's Hill ... 22

Fig. 10. Iron Age Pottery from Hawk's Hill ... 24

Fig. 1 1 . Iron Age Pottery from Hawk's Hill ... 26

Fig. 12. Iron Age Pottery from Hawk's Hill ... 28

Fig. 13. Iron Age Pottery from Hawk's HiU ... 30

Fig. 14. Iron Age Pottery from Hawk's Hill ... 32

Plate la. Pit No. 7 (No. 8 in the Background) following index

lb. Complex Group of Post Holes in Trench A. 3 ,, ,,

The Meeting Place of Copthorne Hundred:
Fig. 1. Site of the Meeting Place, c. 1870

page 48

Medieval

Fig-

Fig.

Fig-

Fig.

10.

Fig.

11.

Fig.

12.

Plate Ila.

116.

Illa.

lUb.

IVa.

IV6.

Va.

V6.

Via.

VI6.

Vila

Glasshouse at Blunden's Wood, Hambledon. Surrey:

Map showing Glasshouses at Blunden's Wood,

Vann and Gunter's Wood .... page 55

General Excavation Plan ..... 56

Kiln A, Section of East End of Flue . facing page 60

Kiln A, Cross-section . . . . ,, ,,60

Kiln A, Reconstruction Plan and Section ,, ,, 60

Glass ........ page 66

Glass ......... 66

Crucibles, Types ...... page 69

Crucibles, Rim Sections ..... 69

Iron Shovel ........ 73

Horseshoe ........ 73

Pottery 75

Mound before Excavation . . . following index

KUn A . . . .

Kiln A . . . .

Kiln Structure at Jamestown

Kiln B . . . .

Kilns B and C . . .

Crucible Fragments in Kiln B

KUn C . . . .

Kilns A, B and C .

Reconstruction of Medieval Glasshouse

ILLUSTRATIONS— Con/rf.

The 'Big House' in Ockham Park:

Plate VII6. Ockham Park . . . .

following index

The Church of St. Peter, Newdigate, Surrey:

Plan

Wood-carving on Gallery Front
Newdigate Church in 1872
Oak Chest .....
Interior, looking East from the Tower
Exterior from North-West
Charter of Hamelin de Warrenne
Exterior from North-West, 1965
Exterior from South-East, 1965
Interior, looking West .

Polished Flint Axes and Flint Arrowhead
Pottery from Thames Fore-shore at Battersea

Fig. 1.
Fig. 2.
Fig. 3.
Fig. 4.
Plate VIII.

IXa.

IXfe.

Xa.

X6.

Notes

Fig.
Fig.

1.
2.

page 111
112
115
118

following index

page 123
124

SURREY ARCHiEOLOGIGAL SOCIETY

CASTLE ARCH, GUILDFORD

President :
Miss KATHLEEN M. KENYON, C.B.E., D.Lit., F.B.A., F.S.A.

Honorary Vice-Presidents :

HER GRACE, HELEN, DUCHESS OF NORTHUMBERLAND

{died June, 1965)

The Right Hon. the EARL OF IVEAGH, K.G., C.B., C.M.G.

Colonel the Right Hon. the EARL OF ONSLOW, M.C., T.D., D.L.

The Right Hon. the EARL OF MUNSTER, P.C, K.B.E.

LORD HAMILTON OF DALZELL, M.C.

C. J. A. EVELYN

Mrs. D. GRENSIDE

Vice-Presidents :
I. D. MARGARY, M.A., F.S.A.

F. E. BRAY

R. H. G. LEVESON GOWER

A. W. G. LOWTHER, A.R.LB.A., F.S.A.

R. A. SKELTON, M.A.. F.S.A.
Professor S. S. FRERE, M.A., V.-P.S.A.

Council :

Retire 1966

Miss M. GOLLANCZ, M.A.
F. A. HASTINGS
A. BUCKLAND KENT
Miss JOAN M. HARDING

Retire 1968

W. C. KNOX, B.A.

K. W. E. GRAVETT, M.Sc. (Eng.)

Major H. C. PATRICK, D.L.

A. J. CLARK, F.S.A.

R. W. McDOWALL, M.A., F.S.A.

T. S. MERCER

Retire 1967

Miss E. M. DANCE, M.A., Ph.D.
Miss J. M. HARRIES, B.A.. F.L.A.
F. G. GILBERT BENTLEY,

F.R.A.S., F.S.A. (Scot.)
R. ROBERTSON-MACKAY,

F.S.A. (Scot.)
R. S. SIMMS, F.S.A.

A. S. GILBERT

Retire 1969

J. C. BATLEY

J. L. NEVINSON, F.S.A.

B. F. J. PARDOE, M.A.
P. SHEARMAN, F.S.A.
Aid. G. O. SWAYNE, O.B.E.
T. E. C. WALKER, F.S.A.

Trustees :

THE PRESIDENT OF THE SOCIETY

THE HONORARY TREASURER OF THE SOCIETY

Honorary Secretary :
E. S. WOOD, B.A., F.S.A.

Honomry Treasurer :
D. J. COLEY, F.C.A.

Honorary Editor:
E. E. HARRISON, M.A.. F.S.A.

Honorary Legal Adviser:
S. E. D. FORTESCUE

Honorary Librarian :
Miss P. M. St. J. BREWER, A.L.A.

Honorary Auditor:
A. A. WYLIE, F.C.A.

Honorary Editors of the Bulletin :
Mr. and Mrs. D. J. Turner

COMMITTEES

Library Committee :

T. E. C. Walker, Chairman; Miss M. D. Liggett, B.A.. F.L.A. ; Miss E. M.
Dance; E. E. Harrison; J. L. Nevinson; Miss P. M. St. J. Brewer, Honorary
Librarian and Secretary.

Excavations Committee :

Sheppard S. Frere, Chairman: A. W. G. Lowther; E. S. Wood; A. J.
Clark; the Alice Holt Pottery Research Group; Lady Hanworth;
F. A. Hastings; Miss Joan M. Harding; D. J. Turner; J. N. Hampton;
R. N. Reece; F. Holling; E. E. Harrison; N. P. Thompson, Honorary
Excavations Organiser and Secretary.

Visits Committee :

R. S. SiMMS, Chairman; Major H. C. Patrick, D.L. ; Captain M. A. Wilson,
R.N.R. ; H. V. H. Everard; K. W. E. Gravett; R. Robertson-Mackay;
D. J. Turner; Mrs. R. K. Chiles, Secretary.

Honorary Local Secretaries :
For addresses of Local Secretaries consult Members' list

Banstead Urban District
Beddington, Wallington, Carshalton
Bletchingley , Burstow, Home, Godstone .
Capel, South Abinger, Ockley, Newdigate
Caterham, Chelsham ....
Chertsey and Egham Urban District
Compton, Puttenham, Wanborough, Worplesdon
Coulsdon, Purley .....

Cranleigh, Wonersh, Bramley, Dunsfold, Alfold
Ewhurst ......

Croydon ......

Dorking, Holmwood, Betchworth, Mickleham

East and West Clandon, Send

Epsom, Ewell, Sutton, Cheam

Esher Urban District ....

Farnham, Frensham, Dockenfield, Tilford, Scale
Ash, Normandy ....

Frimley, Camberley, Windlesham, Chobham

Godalming, Witley, Peperharow, Elstead, Ham
bledon, Hascombe, Shackleford, Busbridge

Guildford Borough ....

Haslemere, Thursley, Chiddingfold .

H or ley, Charlwood ....

Horsley, Ripley, Ockham, Wisley, Effingham

Kingston, Surbiton, Maiden, Coombe

Lambeth, Camberwell ....

Leatherhead Urban District, Headley

Lingfield, Crowhurst, South Tandridge

Oxted, Limpsfield, North Tandridge, Titsey
Tatsfield ......

Reigate, Buckland, Leigh, Nutfield .
Richmond, Barnes ....

Shalford, Artington, St. Martha

Southwark, Bermondsey

Tillingbourne Valley, Albury, Shere, North
Abinger, Wotton ....

Walton, Weybridge ....

Wandsworth, Battersea ....

Wimbledon, Mitcham, Merton, Morden

Woking, Pirbright, Bisley .

M. A. Hicks.

D. J. Turner.
F. E. Bray.
Mrs. J. Banks.
J. C. Batley.

W. T. BULT.

J. C. Batley.

H. R. Tadgell.
R. C. Gill, LL.B.
Mrs. J. Banks.

P. Shearman, F.S.A.
T. E. C. Walker, F.S.A.

Major H. C. Patrick.

Miss H. Rendle,
Camberley Museum.

E. E. Harrison.
Apply to Castle Arch.
Dr. G. R. Rolston.

F. N. Limmer.
F. E. Manning.

A.W.G.LowTHER, F.S.A.

R. H. G. Leveson

GOWER.

A. Buckland Kent.

G. Turner, Richmond
Public Library.

F. G. Gilbert-Bentlev.

Dr. G. I. Watson.
A. G. Martin.
The Rev. N. D. Gill.
D. J. Turner.

N. P. Thompson.

ABBREVIATIONS

A.N.L.
Ant. .
Antiq. Journ.

Arch.

Arch. Cant.
Arch. J.

B.&'B.

B.M. .
Berks. A.J.
E.P.-N.S. .
G.M.R.
J.B.A.A. .
J.R.S.

M. &- B. .

N.G.R.

Nat. Grid Ref.

O.S. .

Oxon.

P. Hants. F.C.

P. Leatherhead L.H.S.

P.P.S.

Pyeh. Farnh

P.R.O.
P.S.A.

R.C.H.M.

Sx.A.C.

Sx.A.S.

Sy.A.C.

Sy.A.S.

Sy. Rec. Soc.

Sy.R.O.

T. Essex A.S.

T. London S-Middx. A .5

T. Woolhope N.F.C.

V.C.H.
W.A.M. .

ArchcBological News Letter.

Antiquity.

The Antiquaries Journal, Society of Antiquaries of
London.

Archceologia, Society of Antiquaries of London.

ArchcBologia Cantiana, Kent Archaeological Society.

ArchcBological Journal, Roval Archaeological Insti-
tute.

Brayley, Britton and Brayley, The History of
Surrey (1841).

British Museum.

Berkshire ArchcBological Journal.

English Place-name Society.

Guildford Muniment Room, Guildford Museum.

Journal of the British ArchcBological Association.

Jouryial of Boman Studies, Society for the Promotion
of Roman Studies.

Manning and Brav, History and Antiquities of Surrey
(1804-14).

• National Grid Reference.

Ordnance Survey.

Oxoniensia.

Proceedings of the Hampshire Field Club.

Proceedings of the Leatherhead and District Local
History Society.

Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society.

A Survey of the Prehistory of the Farnham District,
Sy.A.S., 1939.

Public Record Office.

Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of London,
2nd Series.

Royal Commission on Historic Monuments.

Sussex ArchcBological Collections.

Sussex Archaeological Society.

Surrey ArchcBological Collections.

Surrey Archaeological Society.

Surrey Record Society.

Surrey Record Office.

Transactions of the Essex ArchcBological Society.

Transactions of the London and Middlesex ArchcBolo-
gical Society.

Transactions of the Woolhope Naturalists' Field Club,
Herefordshire.

Victoria County History.

Wiltshire ArchcBological and Natural History Mag-

EXCAVATION OF AN IRON AGE FARMSTEAD
AT HAWK'S HILL, LEATHERHEAD

F. A. HASTINGS

THE site is in an orchard^ fronting on the Leatherhead to
Guildford road at Hawk's Hill, and is attached to Sussex
Cottage, The Mount, in the parish of Fetcham, Surrey. Some
thirty years ago fragments of a carinated bowl- were found during
the planting of a hedge on the westerly boundary of the orchard and
were carefully preserved by the owner, Mrs. Sanders. Peter Klein, a
student of Ewell Technical College at the time, saw the sherds in
1960, and, recognising their importance, had them identified at the
British Museum. This Society was notified and an investigation
undertaken under the direction of the writer.

A resistivity survey was carried out by Anthony Clark, followed
by trial trenching which revealed a grain storage pit. Three seasons
of excavation were then carried out in June 1961, August 1962 and
April 1963.

SUMMARY

The site is an Iron Age farmstead of Little Woodbury^ type and is
probably an extension of the site found in 1900 at Hawk's Hill
House, 150 yards away on the other side of the main road.-^ Twelve
storage pits have been located, together with a large number of
post-holes. A drainage gully and sump were also excavated but no
definite hut site traced. The only structures recognised from the
pattern of the post-holes were a drying rack and two granary
platforms. The pottery suggested occupation over a long period.
It included haematite-coated ware with incised decoration filled
with white inlay as at All Cannings Cross (Hawkes' Southern First

1 Nat. Grid Ref. TQ 15505540, height 250 O.D., geological formation-
Upper Chalk. The site is published on the O.S. 1/1250 plan TQ 1555 SE.

2 Illustrated and described— 5v.-4.C., LIX (1962), 86-8. Illustration
repeated — Fig. 14, No. 14.

3 G. Bersu, P.P.S.. VI (1940), 30-111.

4 Two pits were excavated, of diameters 4 and 5 feet, and depths 15 inches
and 2 feet into the chalk. Pottery, animal bones, loom weights and grains of
wheat and barley were recovered. Two sherds are Claudian or just pre-
Claudian and other pottery is likened to that from Inward Shaw, Ashtead,
where the affinities are with South-Eastern Third B and Romano-British.
Material found earlier when the house was built, included Romano-British
pottery, two La Tene III brooches and one of Avlesford type. The excavation
and reports are incomplete. Refs.:— P.S.^., XVIII (1901), 253-8; Sy. A. C, XX
(1907), 119-28; ibid.. L (1946-7), 142-3; P. Leatherhead L.H.S.. II, No. 2
(1958), 142.

IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK S HILL

Fig. 1. — Overall Plan of the Excavation.

IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK S HILL 3

A)5 and pottery of the Wealden Culture^ (Hawkes' Southern Second
B). Roman pottery, including two fragments of Samian ware, was
found in the top-soil. Unfortunately all stratification in the top-
soil had been destroyed by deep cultivation.

THE EXCAVATION

The grid system of excavation was used initially, the size and
shape of the trenches being largely governed by the position of the
fruit trees. The grid was modified in the light of subsequent finds.
(See Fig. 1 for complete plan of the excavation and Fig. 2 for
enlarged plan of the centre of the excavation. The pits have been
nimibered 1 to 12 and the post-holes shown in solid black.)

A certain amount of occupation debris was found in the top-soil,
consisting of calcined flints, pottery and animal bones. It tended to
decrease towards the east and this was one of the reasons for the
modification of the grid. However, post-holes were still found,
including two good examples of recut holes in D2.

The density of occupation suggested that the grid should be
extended to the west but a grass drive ran along that side of the site.
Mrs. Sanders gave permission to dig a trial trench E3, where a
shallow pit, No. 4, was found. The top-soil was full of pot-boilers in
this area. Meanwhile, a shallow gully had been found in Al,
extending into Bl, where it led to a sump. A second trench, 0, was
then dug across the grass drive to follow up the gully. This was
successfully traced to the hedge where a storage pit, No. 12, cut
across it, and four more storage pits were located. Trenches XI,
X2 and Y were dug to look for the extremities of the site, with
inconclusive results.

Meanwhile a proton gradiometer survey was carried out by
Anthony Clark over the whole of the unexcavated area of the
orchard as a final check before abandoning the site. The instrument
showed three anomalies. The first was in Trench Q before the four
pits had been discovered. However, a mass of scrap iron found in
the top-soil may have caused this anomaly. Trench R was dug in
the area of the other two anomalies and Pits 10 and 11 located.

The successful excavation of this site was largely due to the two
scientific instruments of detection, the resistivity meter and the
proton gradiometer. Without the former, any number of trial
trenches might have been necessary before locating the storage pits,
and the results of the gradiometer survey suggest that it is most
unlikely that any pits were missed in the area available for
excavation. The Society should be congratulated on its forethought
in obtaining these instruments.

5 Hawkes, C. F. C, 'The A B C of the British Iron Age'— ^w^, XXXIII
(1959), 170-82.

6 First defined by J. B. Ward-Perkins, Arch. Cant., LI (1939), 137-81;
Arch., XC (1944), 127-76; and elaborated by C. F. C. Hawkes, Sx.A.C,
LXXX (1939), 230-52.

IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK S HILL

l^T

L^^

6 •.

<^'

IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK S HILL 5

There were a number of holes and other features in the chalk, some
of which were natural, others probably modern. They have been
recorded but omitted from the plan.

Details of the Pits. (Figs. 3 and 4 and Plate 1(a).)

Shape

Diameter

No.

Form

of
Plan

or
Long Axis

Short Axis

Depth

Remarks

Oval

6 feet

4 feet

4 ft. 6 ins.

6 feet

4 ft. 6 ins.

3 feet

4 feet

3 feet

Circular

3 feet

—

1 foot

Oval

4 feet

3 ft. 6 ins.

10 ins.

Circular

6 feet

—

4 ft. 8 ins.

6 ft. 6 ins.

—

3 ft. 9 ins.

6 ft. 6 ins.

—

5 ft. 3 ins.

6 feet

—

3 ft. 3 ins.

9 ft. 6 ins.

—

8 feet

6 ft. 6 ins.

—

5 feet

—

6 feet

—

Not Excavated

Dr. Bersu's classification of form has been used. See Figs. 3 and 4 for
sections.

An interesting feature of Pit 1 was an additional 'cave' cut into the wall of
the pit at the base. It was some 2 feet deep and contained clean chalk and
some animal bones, but no admixture of soil or ash. It looked like a fall of
chalk and may have begun as such, but it had definitely been shaped and the
presence of animal bones shows that it had been emptied and re-fiUed.

Adjacent to Pit 2 was a square hollow, 10 inches deep, containing an earth
and chalk fill and some potsherds. A second hollow adjacent to Pit 3 was oval,
12 inches deep, containing earth, chalk and occupation material. A third
hollow in trench A4 (just south-west of the double post-hole on the north edge)
also contained earth and chalk with occupation material. These hollows were
thought to be pits that had been commenced and then abandoned, possibly
because they were found unnecessary in the season in which they were begun.
In the south-east corner of A4 was a deep sterile chalk-filled hollow, probably
a modern unused tree hole.

Pits 4 and 5 were the shallow variety that Dr. Bersu suggested were used to
stand barrels of water in, to prevent them tipping over, as well as keeping
them cool. Pit 12 was not fully excavated because it was straddled by large
trees in the hedge. It contained a lot of oven material, possibly representing
a whole oven.

The Drainage Gully and Sump

The gully, first discovered in Trench Al, was approximately 6 inches deep
in the chalk and 12 to 18 inches wide. It continued into Trench Bl, where it
led to a sump some 18 inches deep. In the opposite direction it was traced to
Trench Q, where Pits 6, 7 and 9 encroached upon it, and Pit 12 cut across it.

The gully and sump contained a definite silt except where the three pits
encroached on the gully. Here it contained the same fill as the pits,
demonstrating that the pits had in fact been filled after the gully had fallen
into disuse. The gully must have been disused before the pits were dug or it
would have drained into the pits, making them useless for storage purposes,
and the more distant sump unnecessary. Fragments of pottery, cob and
animal bones, many of which showed signs of water rolling, were found in the
gully and sump. A modern iron knife in the gully, side by side with Iron Age
pottery, demonstrated the lack of stratification in the top-soil, which is so
obvious all over the site and probably due to deep cultivation.

IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK S HILL

y,ii>wii,>;i„iy ,„..v.ii>'i.i.i ,,y.i'r:..>. .

P i r N o. 3

;k..ii...Xu.. i.KmMiy.i..i.K.,..iiMyM,iiX..ii'n.

f _~^_~_~_~_ii — _~

Pit No. 6

-^-~.

Pit No 2

■i>;im,..« i.i> .,<„.. H[M,.it..,M.

Pit No. 4

i.*.,.itii.,i.it.iiMiy..i.„,T. 11 .*„,,<.

A o

> — a — ^'' " I

Pit No: 5

.yu.Y.ii .t,i ,v„„„V,i, ,x„. iXn.x ,>(;i,mV.

_0_ ^ H
J7(>~5r_~_~_"o~-i.~_~Q'~_Q_'«.

-_-_--_-_-_<L-Y-_=

<?>r----<

j^r-"-

Pit No 7

Xr^Xmm^*^

i.mV.„ .XiniilMliinmV,,,

rmW

* . .^.

r — ^~J5i>_ J."

m-:^

-Y-

-a— a.

Pit No. 9

D ,6 V /^- 0"-

\--?»:->:-_53.?^i

-a-^c- -~■'^^- - ° -

Pit N o. 8

Fig. 3. — Sections through Pits 1 to 9.
(see Fig. 4 for Scale and Reference.)

IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK S HILL 7

The Post-holes

It was impossible to get the complete plan of the post-holes because of the
fruit trees but most of them appear to be single features, as at Little Woodbury.
It has been suggested that they were used for tethering animals to control
limited grazing within the compound.

There were a number of recut holes representing use over a long period,
necessitating replacement of the posts. These have been sketched in on the
enlarged plan. The first is near the north edge of Trench Al. It was oval in
plan, 14 inches deep and 24 inches by 20 inches across, vertical sided,
containing a chalk fill, apparently recut three times. Just south of it was
another oval hole, 10 inches deep, and 36 by 30 inches across, containing a
chalk fill with large packing flints. The stones looked significant, despite the
shallowness compared with width of the hole. There were two recut holes in
Dl ; the one to the south was a good example, 14 inches deep and 23 by 14
inches across, with an earth fill containing some pottery. The one in the
north-east corner had four definite platforms either representing a composite
hole taking a number of posts together, leaning at different angles, or a number
of replacements. It was 18 inches deep, 3 feet by 2 ft. 6 ins. across, containing
tightly packed chalk. In the soil immediately above the hole was a
concentration of occupation material not evident in the surrounding top-soil.

On the north edge of A4 was a further recut hole, 12 inches deep and 36
inches by 18 inches across. It contained much occupation material in black
soil, including a number of minute rodent bones.

Finally, a complex group of recut holes to the north of A3, matching with a
group on the south of A2, were thought to represent a gateway (Plate 1(b)).
However, they did not fit the general plan of the site for this purpose, and
there was no evidence of a fence or palisade trench. It is therefore suggested
that they may represent a drying frame as at Little Woodbury, used
continuously over a long period, necessitating replacement of posts.

Other structures appear to be represented as follows. Near the south-east
corner of Al was a well-cut circular post-hole, 6 inches deep and 12 inches
diameter containing chalk rubble. This appeared to match up with two others
in Bl. The more northerly was 9 inches deep and 10 inches diameter, and the
second 7 inches deep and 9 inches diameter. These three holes appear to
represent a square structure of side 8 feet. Unfortunately an apple tree
prevented a search for the fourth. The possibilities were interesting as the
holes surrounded Pit 5 and may represent a roof structure. The pit was not
quite central to the holes, and an alternative suggestion is that it may be
equated with one of Dr. Bersu's granary platforms — for storing seed grain
above ground. In the latter case it would not have been absolutely
contemporary with the pit.

A second similar structure was represented by two post-holes towards the
south-east of B2, a third in C2 and a fourth in the extension of B3 which was
dug to search for it. They varied from 12 to 16 inches in depth and 12 to 17
inches in width.

DISCUSSION

It is now generally accepted that pits of the period represented at
Hawk's Hill, apart from the very shallow ones such as Nos. 4 and 5,
were used for the storage of cultivated grain. Much of the evidence
for this theory came from the Little Woodbury excavation, and
Hawk's Hill has supplied supporting evidence. Dr. Bersu envisaged
a major operation at harvest time, when the grain was reaped and
hung on drying racks for initial drying. New pits were meanwhile
dug to replace those that had become foul. Ovens were built of clay,
chalk from the new pits and straw from the harvest. The old pits
were then filled with anything to hand ; surplus chalk from the new
pits, rubbish from nearby middens, and the waste from the corn-dry-
ing process — broken ovens, calcined flints and wood ash. Dr. Bersu

IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK S HILL

,"•, -; ..,^' — ;^ iV I iXm.i '''m >.i..,i.i V

"Vl _sv_' 17 -

SL"^~i~l~_~_~_~_""_~
-7]-_-_-_-'L-_-_a -.-_-3L-_-cJi7 D

:V-:--:-i--:-:^:-:^-;

Pit No II

Pit No 10

SCALE : 4 FEET TO ONE INCH

REFERENCE

A LOAM

B SOIL WITH OCCUPATION DEBRIS

ASH

D BROKEN CHALK

E CONCRETED CHALK

^'^^ <S> (S> <S>

BURNT FLINTS

<7 "^ 0.^

CHALK LUMPS

Fig. 4. — Sections through Pits 10 and 11.

IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK S HILL 9

was able to recognise the cob ovens from shaped pieces found at
Little Woodbury. These ovens were much larger than the normal
bread ovens of the period. Also the quantity of ash and burnt flints
was considered to be much greater than would have accrued from
normal domestic purposes. The need to dry the grain thoroughly for
storage purposes continues into the Romano-British period, the
T-shaped hypocaust being recognised as having been used for this
purpose.

At Hawk's Hill calcined flints, fragments of cob and wood ash
were found in large quantities, the fire-crackled flints being the first
signs of early occupation noticed on the site. Material from the
middens, consisting of pottery, loom weights and animal bones, was
also found in quantity. There was also evidence that this was a
secondary deposit and not the day-to-day accumulation of refuse in
pits primarily dug for that purpose. In Pit 1 fragments of the
decorated pot, Fig. 14, No. 1, were found distributed throughout
the pit at all levels, and the same was true of the large storage jar
found in Pit 3, Fig. 9, No. 15. This could not have happened in a
day-to-day deposit. This also demonstrates that there is no
chronological sequence in the pits; in fact in Pit 10, very early
pottery was found with much later material.

Throughout the report, depths of post-holes, etc., have been
measured from the surface of the chalk, but the drawn sections
have included the top-soil showing its varying depth. (See Figs.
3 and 4.) The depth of the top-soil at the time the settlement was in
use is not known and could not be estimated. One tends to assume
that on these farmstead sites the top-soil was cleared from the chalk
before digging the pits rather than cutting the pits through the
top-soil. In the case of Pit 10 this was not so. A concentration of
occupation material was found in the top-soil abo\'e the pit which
was not evident in the surrounding soil. This imphes that it was
cut through the top-soil and when subsequently filled, the filling
extended to ground level. It would be interesting to test this point
on a site where the top-soil was relatively undisturbed, by locating
a pit with a proton gradiometer or some other method, and cutting
a section through the top-soil and into the pit.

Post-holes were obviously cut through the top-soil which accounts
for their apparent shallow depth compared with diameter, when
measured from the surface of the chalk. In the case of two post-
holes, the very large one in the north-east corner of Dl and the one
towards the south-east corner of C4, there is evidence to prove this
was so. The former had a concentration of occupation material in
the soil above the chalk hole, which was absent from the surrounding
soil. Unfortunately the actual limits of the hole were no longer
traceable due to recent disturbance. In the latter case, the jaw-bone
of an ox protruded from the hole above the chalk, showing that it was
cut through the top-soil, the later filling extending to ground level.
The drainage gully would also have been cut through the top-soil,
and thus formed a drain of substantial depth.

Pits 1, 2, 3 and 10 are undercut to give shapes approximating to

10 IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK's HILL

those at Little Woodbury. This was presumably done to give the
greatest capacity with the smallest opening to facilitate weather-
proofing. The undercutting was probably more pronounced
originally, the chalk ridge at the mouth of the pits having since
broken away. It is not known whether containers or some form of
lining were used in the pits to protect the grain from the damp chalk.
If containers were used the advantage of undercutting would be lost,
also the pits would be unlikely to become foul, necessitating
replacement. However, at Little Woodbury the constant renewal
of pits would seem to be conclusive evidence that the pits did become
foul. The pits may have been lined with clay or basketry wo\'en to
the shape of the pits, although no e\ddence has yet been foimd of any
such lining. SpurrelP suggested that the grain was tipped straight
into the pits. The moisture from the chalk would then cause a layer
of the grain to ferment into an impermeable crust, preventing
further deterioration and thus preserving the remainder. Spurrell's
remarks seem to have been lost sight of in recent years, in spite of
the fact that this method of storage was used until quite recently in
central Asia, and in the nineteenth century, grain stored in ware-
houses in France was deliberately damped to produce this protective
crust.* If this method was used in the storage pits of the Iron Age,
it would still be necessary to dry the grain thoroughly for it to remain
sweet.

No feature to compare with the palisade trench of Little
Woodbury, marking the perimeter of the site, was found at Hawk's
Hill, either on the ground or by inspection of air-photographs. As
has already been mentioned, post-holes appeared to surround some
of the pits, possibly to support a roof structure. The pits concerned
were of the wide-mouthed variety which may have been the reason
for such a structure, as such pits would be more difficult to make
weather-proof, but Pits 10 and 11, which also had wide mouths, had
no surrounding post-holes. The post-holes were not symmetrical to
the pits which they surrounded, and there was no evidence of
drainage trenches to carry the water away from the roof structure,
so the balance of evidence is against the roofing theory. The post-
holes need not have been absolutely contemporary \\ith the pits
they surrounded.

The faunal report implies a highly developed animal husbandry,
suggesting that it played a major part in the economy of the
settlement. This seems to differ from Dr. Bersu's conclusions at
Little Woodbury where it was thought that the lack of a known
nearby water supply, and the evidence for intensive grain cultivation,
suggested that animal husbandry only played a minor part in the
economy.

At Hawk's HiU there were a number of deposits of bones in the
pits, suggestive of ritual. The example in Pit 1 has already been
mentioned, where bones were found in clean chalk in the 'cave' at

7 'Ensilage or Preserving Grain in Pits' — F. C. J. Spurrell, Essex Nat., I
(1887), 266-76.

8 Reneaume, Mem. de I'Academie des Sciences for 1708.

IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK's HILL 11

the base of the pit. In Pit 3, on a tightly packed layer of chalk near
the bottom of the pit, was the jaw-bone of an ox which had been
placed there rather than tipped in wdth rubbish. In the centre of the
floor of Pit 8 was a deposit of pig bones that gave the same
impression, and in Pit 6 a burnt ox skull was found. In Pit 10 was
found a deposit consisting of the complete skull and lower parts of
the four legs of an ox, all articulated when deposited. At Park
Brow9 and Findon Park^° there was a suggestion of ox skulls as ritual
deposits in storage pits, but the deposit in Pit 10 would seem to be a
'hide burial,' the head and lower parts of the legs being left in the
skin, which appears to play an important part in the ritual. This
subject has been fully dealt with by Professor Piggott.'^ Examples
of hide burials of the horse and ox are known, usually accompanying
human burials, and are interpreted as a sacrifice of the least
palatable parts of the animal, probably being intended to represent
the whole animal as they include the extremities and the skin. The
rest of the animal is then eaten at the funeral feast. The most
notable were found in the so-called Royal tombs of Alaca Huyuk,
Anatolia, probably of the third millenium B.C. More recent examples
were found at Bornholm, Denmark, of the fifth century a.d. In
Britain the only examples of this practice that have been recorded
were found in the Neolithic Long Barrows of Wessex. The present
example does not accompany a human burial but could be a thanks-
giving offering, related to the harvest. However, E. S. Higgs tells me
that whole animal heads and articulated feet, as well as larger parts
of the animal are quite frequently found in storage pits and he
suggests that this is simply because there was a surplus of meat.
Consequently the least palatable parts of the animal, particularly
in the case of an older beast, were discarded. At the same time, the
possibility of ritual has been mentioned so that future evidence may
be examined.

THE SMALL FINDS (OTHER THAN POTTERY)

1. Bronze pin 4-5 inches in length, with the point bent at right angles and
the head missing, found in Pit 11. (For report see Appendix II.)

2. Whetstone with holes perforated at each end, the holes tending to be
hour-glass shaped. Length 2-1 inches, width 0-4 inches, tapering to
0-3 inches, thickness 0-3 inches, tapering to 0-2 inches. Found in the
top-soil. (For report see Appendix III.)

3. Three spindle whorls of baked clay; one from Pit 8 was 0-9 inches in
diameter and 0-7 inches thick; the second from Pit 4 was 1 inch in
diameter and 0-8 inches thick, decorated with three grooves running
round the circumference. Both of these were asymmetrical through the
thickness. The third was much larger, being 1-6 inches in diameter and
0-9 inches thick. The size of this one may give support to the theory that
some of these may be used in drilling to act as a flywheel to assist the
drill.

9 An almost complete skull of an ox with horns sawn off was found at the
bottom of one of the pits at Park Brovz—Arch., LXXVI (1926), 7.

^° The skull of an ox, surrounded by a ring of flints, was found at the bottom
of a pit at Findon Vax^—Antiq. Journ., VIII (1928), 451.

" Ant., XXXVI (1962), 110-8.

12 IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK's HILL

4. Loom weights. Large quantities of these were found in the pits, all
broken. They were all the typical triangular shape with perforations at
each apex and made of baked clay.

5. Calcined flints. These were found all over the site in quantity, both in the
pits and the top-soil. Some were the small 'pot-boiler' type, others are
large, up to 2 feet in length, presumably used in the corn-drying process.

6. Oven material. A form of cob made from clay and chalk, and poorly
fired, sometimes showing marks of reinforcing sticks or wattle, interpreted
as oven material at Little Woodburj' where shaped sections were found,
was found in quantity. It should be noted that similar material has been
interpreted as from a wattle and daub hut destroyed by fire, on some
sites. (Examples seen in the museums at Caernarv^on and Richborough.)

7. Flint ball. This was found in Pit 10 and is similar to the many found at
Little Woodbury, which by analogy with present-day primitive customs,
is thought to have been used in the manufacture of querns. The flint
nodule is repeatedly dropped on the quern-stone until the necessary
grinding surface is obtained, the flint nodule gradually becoming rounded
in the process. Only a few fragments of querns and grain rubbers came
from Hawk's Hill, in comparison with the large number found at Little
Woodbury.

8. Chalk disc. This was found in Pit 11. It is ovate in shape, dimensions
6-1 by 5-4 inches in diameter, and 1-1 to 0-5 inches in thickness. At
Little Woodbury similar discs were interpreted as pot-lids, but this disc
had a number of cut-marks as if used as a cutting block.

9. Beads. A number of specimens of the fossil sponge coscinopera globularis
were found on the site, two coming from pits. Some of these had been
perforated, probably to be used as beads.

10. Evidence of metallurgy. Some iron slag was found in Pit 2, iron fragments,
including a nail, in Pit 3 and a second nail in Pit 9. A quantity of
furnace slag came from Pits 10 and 11, and fragments of a possible
crucible from Pit 11. A small piece of flint with one surface abraded,
possibly used as an anvil, came from Pit 3.

Other finds included: an iron knife from the gully in Trench AI, probably of
eighteenth/nineteenth century date; a number of ox-shoes of the same date;
a coin of William III from Trench Q and a fourteenth century English
reckoning counter from the chalk surface in the extension of Trench B3.
These counters were used in conjunction with a chequered cloth or board, on
the same principle as an abacus, to facilitate the reckoning of accounts, before
the general introduction of the so-called Arabic (really Hindu) numerals in the
fifteenth century.

IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK's HILL 13

THE POTTERY'^

Barry Cunliffe, B.A., F.S.A.

INTRODUCTION

The way in which Iron Age pottery, which has been found in pits,
is treated is a procedure full of uncertainties and doubts. It is
therefore felt that the assumptions upon which the hypotheses
arising from such a study are based should be clearly stated at the
outset. The nature of the pit fillings at Hawk's Hill strongly suggest
that each pit was filled quickly and therefore the relative depths of
the sherds is of no great chronological significance — an assumption
further supported by the fact that fragments of the same pot were
often scattered at all depths. The pottery from each pit is therefore
discussed as a single group. The rubbish with which the pits were
filled could have been derived from two sources : either from an old
rubbish heap which had accumulated over a period of time, or from
rubbish produced while the pit was being filled. It is usually
impossible to be sure which source was used, but frequently small
weathered sherds are found and these must represent fragments
which had been lying about the settlement at the time of filling. It
is, however, conceivable that large fresh sherds, broken long before
and covered with more protective rubbish, could be incorporated in
a later pit filling together with pottery of the same date as the pit.
This possibility must be allowed for when arguing from detailed
associations. Another hazard which cannot be overlooked is the
possibility that later material was introduced into an earlier filling.
By their very nature filled-up pits cut into sohd chalk encourage
root growth and the activities of burrowing animals, each of which
can be responsible for the contamination of deposits with later
objects. Evidence for such disturbances, particularly if they
happened in the distant past, is often impossible to discern.

For these reasons the discussion following the descriptive section
relies on the consideration of the pit group as a whole, and far-
reaching conclusions based on the limited evidence of single sherds
are not emphasised. In the interests of objectivity it has been
thought desirable to discuss the phasing of the pottery in relation
to the internal evidence laid down by the site itself, and only then
to examine the wider relationships of the assemblages. In terms of
the ABC system of classification the occupation of Hawk's Hill spans
the time covered by Southern First A to Southern Second B groups.

Finally, brief mention must be made of the form of selection
adopted here in publishing the large masses of pottery from the site.
In the case of all pits, with the exception of Nos. 8 and 10, all of the
rims, bases and decorated sherds have been drawn. From Pits 8 and
10, which contained much larger mmibers of sherds, several examples
of every type have been illustrated and in the descriptive text the
numbers of similar, but unillustrated, fragments are noted.

'^ I am grateful to Professor S. S. Frere for reading this report in typescript.

IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK S HILL

PIT No. I

THE SUMP

rw ^

Fig. 5. — Iron Age Pottery from Hawk's Hill, (i)

IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK's HILL 15

DESCRIPTION OF THE PUBLISHED SHERDS

Pit 1. (Fig. 14.)

1. Fine reddish to dark brown ware tempered with occasional fine grits,
burnished outside, decorated with shallow tooled wavy lines tending
towards double and triple swags. Base also decorated.
Already published, see Sy.A.C. LIX (1962), 87, Fig. 2, No. 2.

Pit 1, continued. (Fig. 5.)

1 . Grey-brown sandy ware with lightly burnished outer and inner surfaces.

2. Grey sandy ware with a black highly burnished outer surface.

3. Fine red sandy ware tempered with chalk particles.

4. Smooth red ware tempered with sand and chaff. Fired black outside and
lightly burnished on the rim top.

5. Fine red sandy ware tempered with chalk particles. Possibly the same
vessel as 3.

6. Grey sandy ware with flint grit tempering.

7. Grey sandy ware with some chaff tempering. The outer surface has been
brushed vertically, perhaps with a bundle of straw.

8. Dark grey sandy ware with sparse fine flint tempering.

9. Smooth grey-brown sandy ware with lightly burnished outer surface.

10. Grey-brown sandy ware sparsely tempered with flint grits of varying
sizes. The outer surface has been wiped vertically with a bundle of straw.

11. Smooth grey ware with flint tempering.

12. Fine black sandy ware fired to an even red on the surfaces.

13. Grey sandy ware with occasional grits. The outer surface is highly
burnished.

14. Fine black ware with a burnished outer surface fired brown.

15. Coarse black ware fired to red in patches. Tempered with flint grits of
various sizes.

16. Grey sandy ware.

17. Smooth grey slightly sandy ware.

18. Grey-brown sandy ware with occasional flint grits. The outer surface is
smooth and decorated with a shallow tooled zone.

19. Fine black ware with a black burnished outer surface.

20. Fine grey ware fired red on the surface.

21. Fragment of the shoulder of a carinated bowl in red flint-gritted ware
with a burnished outer surface. Just above the shoulder is a horizontal
grooved line.

22. Smooth grey-brown chaff-tempered ware.

23. This sherd is very probably a Roman stray which could have been
introduced into the pit by animal or root action.

Sump. (Fig. 5.)

24. Coarse grey-brown flint and shell-tempered ware.

25. Sandy brown ware with fine flint gritting.

26. Dark grey sandy ware fired red in patches.

27. Red sandy ware with flint grits. The surfaces are smooth.

28. Grey-brown ware with medium to large flint grits.

Pit 2. (Fig. 6.)

1 . Dark grey sandy ware with a black burnished external surface. The outer
surface is decorated with shallow tooled curvilinear designs.

2. Hard grey sandy ware with lightly smoothed external surface.

3. Coarse dark grey ware with flint grit tempering.

4. Fine grey sandy ware, fired brown in patches with highly burnished
surface.

5. Grey sandy ware with flint grit tempering. The shoulder is slashed.

6. Coarse grey ware with large flint grit tempering. The outer surface has
been wiped horizontally, possibly with a bundle of straw.

7. Grey-brown ware with flint grits.

IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK S HILL

PIT N o. 2

V::,

12 13

ri? m vp

17 18 19

(

PIT N o. 4

21 22 i

24 ^ 25

PIT N o. 5

23
26 27

39 '^ 41 42

Fig. G.^Iron Age Pottery from Hawk's Hill. (J)

IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK'S HILL 17

8. Brown sandy ware with burnished surface.

9. Fine black sandy ware with burnished surfaces.

10. Coarse grey ware with large flint grits. The surfaces are fired red and the
outer surface has been wiped.

11. Coarse grey ware with large flint grit tempering. Fired to red outside.

12. Smooth brown ware with fine flint grits.

13. Black sandy ware.

14. Grey sandy ware with highly burnished outer surface.

15. Fine black sandy ware with shallow impressed dot decoration. The sherd
is worn.

16. Dark grey ware with medium flint grits.

17. Dark grey ware with a burnished outer surface.

18. Dark grey sandy ware.

19. Dark grey sandy ware with highly burnished surfaces.

Pit 3. (Fig. 7.)

1. Brown sandy ware.

2. Grey sandy ware with flint gritting, fired red on the outer surface.

3. Dark grey flint-gritted ware.

4. Brown slightly sandy ware with external vertical brush markings.

5. Brown ware with flint and chalk tempering. The outer surface is rough
but shows vertical brush markings.

6. Dark grey ware with flint-grit tempering. Fired to a red-brown on the
outer surface.

7. Smooth red-brown ware with chaff tempering and occasional large flint
grits.

8. Dark grey sandy ware with a smoothed outer surface.

9. Grey flint-tempered ware.

10. Dark grey shell-tempered ware with a smoothed outer surface.

11. Grey flint and shell-tempered ware fired red-brown on the surfaces.

12. Grey sandy ware with smoothed outer surface.

13. Grey flint-gritted ware with smooth outer surface.

14. Grey-brown flint-gritted ware.

15. Grey shell-tempered ware with smooth outer surface.

16. Grey slightly sandy ware with smoothed outer surface. The sherds have
been refired after breakage, some to red, some to black.

17. Grey sandy ware.

18. Dark grey flint-gritted ware.

19. Light grey sandy ware.

20. Hard grey sandy ware, smoothed externally.

21. Brown flint-gritted ware.

22. Dark grey flint-gritted ware with a smoothed brown surface.

23. Brown sandy ware.

24. Grey-brown sandy ware.

25. Grey flint-gritted ware.

Pit 3, continued. (Fig. 8.)

1. Grey sandy ware with flint grits, fired red on the surfaces. The scored
line is probably accidental.

2. Black flint-gritted ware. The outer surface has probably been coated
with red haematite and is well burnished.

3. Grey sandy ware with some flint grits. Burnished outside and fired to a
red-brown on the outer surface.

4. Red sandy ware.

5. Grey flint-gritted ware.

6. Grey sandy ware.

7. Smooth grey ware with shell tempering, fired red-brown on the surfaces.

8. Dark grey ware with flint grits.

9. Dark grey ware with some flint grits. Dark burnished surfaces.

10. Grey sandy ware with smoothed surfaces.

11. Grey-brown ware with fine flint grits. Lightly burnished surfaces.

12. Hard sandy ware with black highly burnished outer surface.

IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK S HILL

PIT No. 3

21 22 23 24 25

Fig. 7. — Iron Age Pottery from Hawk's Hill. (J)

IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK'S HILL 19

13. Grey sandy ware with smoothed outer surface.

14. Dark grey ware with burnished surfaces.

15. Dark grey ware with fine flint grits. Burnished surfaces.

16. Grey-brown ware with burnished surfaces.

17. Smooth dark grey ware with occasional flint grits. Burnished surfaces.

18. Grey sandy ware with highly burnished black surfaces.

19. The same vessel as 18.

20. Light grey-brown sandy ware. Burnished outer surface.

21. Grey sandy ware with highly burnished outer surface.

22. Dark grey-brown sandy ware. Smoothed outer surface.

23. Dark grey sandy ware.

24. Red sandy ware with a black burnished surface.

25. Red-brown ware with flint gritting and a black burnished surface.

26. Hard, smooth, rather sandy ware. The outer surface has been highly
burnished and is decorated with a shallow tooled curvilinear design. The
vessel has been refired after breaking and the sherds vary in colour from
black to buff.

27. Grey ware with fine flint grits and a smooth surface.

28. Smooth ware of uneven texture, brushed and lightly burnished outside.
The vessel has been heated after it had been broken and sherds vary in
colour from black to red.

29. Fine red-brown ware.

30. Dark grey ware with burnished surface.

31. Brown sandy ware with burnished outer surface decorated with shallow
tooled lines.

32. Dark grey uneven textured sandy ware with roughly burnished outer
surface.

33. Dark grey ware with burnished surface.

34. Dark grey ware with smoothed surface.

35. Dark grey, slightly sandy ware with burnished outer surface.

36. Dark grey ware.

37. Dark grey sandy ware with burnished outer surface marked by scratched
lines.

38. Dark grey uneven-textured ware fired to brown outside.

39. Smooth grey-brown ware.

40. Brown sandy ware with dark grey burnished surface.

41. Grey ware with burnished exterior.

Pit 3, continued. (Fig. 9.)

1. Smooth dark grey ware.

2. Grey ware with fine flint grits.

3. Grey ware with fine flint grits.

4. Fine brown sandy ware with burnished surface.

5. Red sandy ware with black burnished surface.

6. Grey ware with fine flint grits. Dark grey burnished surface.

7. Grey ware with dark burnished surface.

8. Grey ware with dark burnished surface.

9. Fine grey-brown ware with dark grey burnished surfaces.

10. Grey sandy ware with burnished surfaces.

11. Red-grey sandy ware.

12. Brown sandy ware.

13. Dark grey sandy ware with black burnished surfaces.

14. Dark grey sandy ware with highly burnished black surface.

15. Coarse brown ware tempered with large fragments of shell. Fired to grey
on the outer surface.

Pit 4. {Fig. 6.)

20. Hard grey-brown sandy ware with fine flint grits.

21. Smooth grey ware with sparse flint gritting fired brown on the outer
surface.

22. Fine heavily flint-gritted brown ware with smooth surfaces.

IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK S HILL

PIT No. 3

continued

l# t

<^-

re II

38 39 40 41

Fig. 8. — Iron Age Pottery from Hawk's Hill. H)

IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK's HILL 21

23. Grey sandy ware with coarse flint gritting. The outer surface has been
burnished smooth.

24. Dark grey sandy ware.

25. Light grey sandy ware with flint grits.

26. Fine red ware with a smooth surface.

27. Fine black sandy ware with burnished outer surface.

Pit 5. (Fig. 6.)

28. Dark grey flint-gritted ware with smoothed surfaces.

29. Red sandy ware with flint grits.

30. Smooth, shghtly sandy grey ware.

31. Coarse black flint-gritted ware.

32. Red sandy ware fired to black on the surfaces.

33. Smooth grey ware with shallow tooled curvilinear decoration on the
surface.

34. Smooth red ware fired grey on the surfaces and burnished externally.

35. Smooth black flint-gritted ware fired brown on the outer surface.

36. Smooth grey ware with a black burnished outer surface.

37. Smooth grey ware with shallow tooled decoration on the outer surface.

38. Smooth black ware with highly burnished surface and a shallow tooled
line.

39. Smooth brown ware.

40. Grey flint-gritted ware.

41. Brown flint-gritted ware. Smooth surface.

42. Smooth grey ware with shallow tooled curvilinear decoration on the
surface. Probably from the same vessel as No. 33. above.

Pit 6. (Fig. 10.)

1 . Dark grey sandy ware with black burnished outer surface.

2. Dark grey ware with flint grits fired to brown on the surface.

3. Grey flint-gritted ware.

4. Dark grey flint-gritted ware fired red on the surfaces.

5. Black sandy ware.

6. Grey-brown sandy ware with fine flint-grit tempering.

7. Black sandy ware with smoothed outer surface.

8. Grey-brown flint-gritted ware.

9. Grey-brown flint-gritted ware.

10. Grey flint-gritted ware fired red on the surfaces.

1 1 . Hard grey sandy ware with well-burnished brown surfaces.

12. Brown flint-gritted ware with well-burnished surfaces.

13. Brown sandy ware with flint grits. Burnished surfaces.

14. Grey sandy ware with well-burnished grey-brown surface.

15. Grey sandy ware with some flint grits. Black burnished surfaces.

16. Grey sandy ware with some flint grits. Black burnished surfaces.

17. Grey flint-gritted ware with burnished outer surface.

18. Grey-brown sandy ware.

19. Grey-brown sandy ware.

20. Grey-brown sandy ware.

21. Smooth grey- brown flint-gritted ware.

22. Grey sandy ware decorated externally with shallow tooling.

23. Grey flint-gritted ware. The surface has been combed.

24. Grey sandy ware with some flint grits, fired red on the surface and highly
burnished.

25. Grey sandy ware with black highly-burnished surface.

26. Grey-brown sandy ware with burnished surface.

27. Uneven dark grey ware with large flint grits. The surfaces are brown and
the outer surface has been brushed.

Pit 7. (Fig. 10.)

1. Hard black sandy ware. The surface is deeply scored.

2. Grey-brown flint-gritted ware fired red on the surfaces.

3. Dark grey sandy ware with some flint gritting.

IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK S HILL

4. Black sandy ware.

5. Smooth brown ware tempered with sand grains. The surfaces are fired
black and are well burnished.

6. Dark grey sandy ware with smooth surfaces.

7. Dark grey sandy ware with burnished surfaces.

8. Dark grey sandy ware with burnished surfaces.

9. Grey-brown sandy ware with smoothed surface.

10. Smooth grej^-brown ware with smoothed surfaces.

11. Grey flint-gritted ware.

12. Grey sandy ware fired red on the surfaces and burnished.

13. Grey-brown sandv ware with smoothed outer surface.

PIT N o. 3

continued

Fig. 9. — Iron Age Pottery from Hawk's Hill. (|)

14. Brown sandy ware.

15. Red-brown sandy ware with some large flint grits.

16. Red sandy ware with some flint grits. Burnished outer surface.

17. Dark grey sandy ware fired brown on the surface.

18. Dark grey sandy ware fired to light grey on the surface.

19. Black sandy ware.

20. Grey gritty ware with black burnished surfaces, decorated with a pair
of circular indentations.

2 1 . Grey sandy ware with smooth surface, decorated with deeply impressed
dots and shallow tooled lines.

22. Coarse grey-brown sandy ware with some large flint grits.

23. Smooth brown flint-gritted ware, decorated with incised lines.

24. Grey sandy ware fired red on the surface and decorated with combing.

25. Dark grey sandy ware decorated on the surface with combing.

26. Grey flint-gritted ware fired red on the surfaces. Burnished externally.

27. Grey sandy ware with fine flint grits, decorated with shallow tooled
design.

IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK'S HILL 23

28. Coarse grey flint-gritted ware, fired brown on the surfaces and roughly
burnished.

29. Uneven-textured grey ware fired brown on the surfaces.

30. Smooth grey chaff-tempered ware fired brown on the surfaces and roughly
brushed outside.

31. Smooth grey-brown ware, roughly brushed outside.

32. Hard dark gre}' sandy ware with some flint grits.

Pits. (Fig. 11.)

1. Grey sandy ware with highly burnished surface.

2. Dark grey sandy ware, smooth surface outside, fired red inside.

3. Smooth grey flint-gritted ware with a brown burnished surface.

4. Grey sandy ware with a highly-burnished black surface.

5. Grey sandy ware with a highly-burnished black surface.

6. Grej'-brown sandy ware with smoothed surface.

7. Fine grey flint-gritted ware with a brown, highly burnished surface.

8. Grey sandy ware with a smooth surface.

9. Grey sandy ware with a burnished surface.

10. Grey sandy ware fired red outside. Traces of haematite coating survive
on the external surface.

1 1 . Grey ware fired brown on the surfaces and burnished.

12. Grey ware fired brown on the surfaces and burnished.

13. Dark grey sandy ware with burnished outer surface.

14. Black sandy ware with a burnished outer surface.

15. Coarse grey ware fired red on the surfaces.

16. Grey sandy ware with a red outer surface.

17. Grey-brown sandy ware.

18. Grey sandy ware.

19. Grey sandy ware fired brown on the surfaces.

20. Grey flint-gritted ware with a smoothed outer surface.

21. Hard grey ware with burnished surfaces.

22. Black sandy ware, smoothed outside.

23. Dark grey flint-gritted ware, burnished on the surfaces.

24. Black sandy ware with a smooth outer surface.

25. Hard grey sandy ware with fine flint grits. The outer surface has been
fired red, coated with haematite and is decorated with two parallel
incised grooves. Three sherds in similar ware were found.

26. Coarse grey-brown flint-gritted ware.

27. Grey sandy ware fired red on the surfaces.

28. Black sandy ware with a burnished exterior.

29. Coarse grey-brown flint-gritted ware.

30. Coarse grey-brown flint-gritted ware.

31. Dark grey flint-gritted ware fired red on the surfaces. Two rims of
similar type not illustrated.

32. Coarse grey-brown flint-gritted ware. Five sherds of similar type were
found.

33. Dark grey sandy ware with brushed outer surface. Sherds of five similar
vessels were found.

34. Grey sandy ware with a black burnished outer surface.

35. Grey ware with flint grits decorated with a groove and a pair (?) of
regular indentations. The surface is burnished.

36. Grey sandy ware with flint gritting. The surface is burnished and
decorated with a shallow tooled line.

37. Red flint-gritted ware with comb decoration.

38. Coarse grey-brown ware.

39. Grey sandy ware with burnished outer surface, decorated with a shallow
tooled line.

40. Grey-brown sandy ware.

41. Coarse grey-brown flint-gritted ware.

42. Grey flint-gritted ware fired brown on the surface. Decorated by combing.

43. Black sandy ware with burnished outer surface, decorated with zones of
impressed dots.

IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK'S HILL

PIT N o. 6

I^ rE7 r ^ r r r *"

▼ 9^-^-0^ ^lo^t^^ ^11 12 13 14 15 16

r" r~ %~" i~ iTT^^ i .#^ ir^
17 I 18 19 1 20 M Vfy'-A2\ m__ ^/J 22 g l^p 23

PIT N o. 7

26 27

^22*"^^^^ 23 24 25

PIT N o. 9

^ V^ ". ^^JTTi ^72 1 13 ^ 14 ^15 ^ 16 ^ 17

ffe 1^ ri <"fe t\ t

W,8***^S>' 19 ^20^^ 21 22 ■ 23

Fig. 10.— Iron Age Pottery from Hawk's Hill, (i)

IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK's HILL 25

Pit 9. (Fig. 10.)

1. Grey flint-gritted ware fired brown on the surface.

2. Grey flint-gritted ware with black burnished surface.

3. Grey flint-gritted ware with black burnished surface.

4. Black sandy ware with burnished surface.

5. Grey sandy ware with external burnished haematite coat.

6. Grey ware with brown-buff burnished surface.

7. Grey sandy ware with burnished surfaces.

8. Grey-brown ware with fine flint grit. Burnished outer surface.

9. Black flint-gritted ware.

10. Black sandy ware.

11. Smooth grey flint-gritted ware.

12. Grey-brown sandy ware.

13. Grey sandy ware with some flint gritting.

14. Grey sandy ware with brown burnished surface.

15. Coarse grey flint-gritted ware fired brown on the surface.

16. Grey flint-gritted ware fired buff-red on the surfaces.

17. Smooth grey ware.

18. Grey sandy ware fired to brown on the surfaces.

19. Grey sandy ware with red, brushed surface. One large lump of flint-grit
tempering.

20. Grey flint- and shell-tempered ware fired red on the outer surface, which
has also been combed.

21. Grey sandy ware with a burnished surface and traces of shallow tooled
decoration.

22. Grey flint-gritted ware fired to buff on the surface.

23. Grey sandy ware with fine flint gritting, fired to red on the surface.

24. Grey ware with fine flint gritting, decorated with rough shallow tooling.

25. Grey flint-gritted ware fired to red-brown on the outer surface.

26. Hard grey sandy ware with a black burnished surface.

27. Black sandy ware.

Pit 10. (Fig. 12.)

1. Dark grey sandy ware smoothed inside and with very higli burnisli
outside. A similar example was found, but it is not illustrated.

2. Dark grey sandy ware with highly-burnished surfaces.

3. Dark grey sandy ware with highly-burnished surfaces. In addition there
are twelve fragments of rim from vessels of the same type as Nos. 2 and 3.

4. Grey-brown flint-gritted ware fired unevenly to brown and black on the
surfaces. The shoulder is delineated by two deeply incised lines.

5. Grey sandy ware with surfaces fired red-brown and well burnished. In
addition, six sherds of similar vessels were recovered, some bore definite
traces of a haematite slip.

6. Grey flint-gritted ware with surface fired red-brown and highly burnished.

7. Grey flint-gritted ware. The surface is highly burnished and fired to grey-
brown.

8. Grey sandy ware with a burnished haematite-coated surface. A single
sherd of another vessel was found.

9. Grey sandy ware with occasional grits. The external surface is fired
brown and is smoothed.

10. Grey sandy ware with a dark grey burnished surface.

11. Possibly a lid. Dark grey sandy ware with burnished surfaces.

12. Grey ware with haematite-coated outer surface, burnished and decorated
with deeply incised lines, parts of which still bear an infill of white
material.

13. Grey sandy ware with haematite-coated surface, decorated as No. 12.

14. Red sandy ware with a haematite-coated surface, decorated as No. 12.

15. Grey sandy ware with a haematite-coated surface, decorated as No. 12.

16. Grey sandy ware with traces of a haematite-coated surface, decorated as
No. 12.

Nos. 12-15 are representative of many hundreds of similar sherds from
Pit 10.

IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK S HILL

PIT N o. 8

m I ^ I I 2 i3 4*5 ll|6 7 8

12 13 14

-^IS ■ If, 17 1 18

5 ■ 16 17 * 18 19

4iJ t

20 21

Fig. 11. — Iron Age Pottery from H.\wk's Hill. (J)

IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK'S HILL 27

17. Grey sandj' ware fired red on the surfaces and decorated with rcnvs of
deeply impressed dots bounded by shallow tooled lines.

18. Grey sandy ware with haematite-coated surface, decorated with deeply
incised lines and dots.

19. Grey sandy ware with haematite-coated surface, decorated as No. 18.

20. Grey sandy ware with haematite-coated surface, decorated as No. 18.

21. Coarse grey-brown chaff-tempered ware.

22. Coarse black flint-gritted ware. There are five unillustrated examples of
coarse jars similar to Nos. 21 and 22, decorated with rows of finger-tip
impressions.

23. Coarse red flint-gritted ware. There are two other examples of jars with
slashings across the shoulders not illustrated.

24. Coarse grey ware with flint grits.

25. Grey-brown sandy ware with lightly-smoothed surface.

26. Grey-brown sandy ware with some flint grits. The outer surface is
smooth.

27. Grey flint-gritted ware with combed surface. Fi\-e other sherds with
similar combed decoration occur.

28. Grej'-brown flint-gritted ware.

29. Gre*,' flint-gritted ware fired to red on the surface.

30. Grey-brown flint-gritted ware.

31. Smooth dark grey flint-gritted ware. There are, in addition, 34 sherds of
rims belonging to coarse jars which have broken off in such a position
that it is impossible to be sure whether the shoulder was plain, finger
impressed or slashed.

32. Grey sandy ware with black burnished surface.

33. Grey sandy ware with burnished surface.

34. Grey sandy ware with dark burnished surface.

35. Grey sandy ware with black burnished surface.

36. Grey sand}- ware with burnished surface.

37. Coarse grey flint-gritted ware.

38. Grey sandy ware with smoothed surface.

39. Gre}' sandy ware with burnished surface and traces of a sliaUow tooled
decoration.

40. Grey sandy ware with a burnished surface and traces of a shallow tooled
decoration.

41. Grey sandy ware with smoothed surfaces.

42. Grey sandy ware with a black burnished surface and a shallow tooled
decoration.

43. Grey-brown sandy ware.

44. Grey-brown sandy ware.

45. Grey flint-gritted ware fired to red on the surfaces.

46. Coarse grey ware with flint and shell tempering.

47. Grey sandy ware with a smooth external surface.

48. Grey-brown sandy ware with burnished outer surface.

49. Grey sandy ware with burnished outer surface, decorated with a shallow
tooled line above the base and one beneath.

50. 51. Fine grey sandy ware fired from black to red on the surface. The

outer surface is highly burnished. 'i"wo sherds have been drawn as
different vessels but it is quite possible that they, in fact, represent
only one pot with a double carination on the upper part of the body;
if so it would be most unusual. (Sherd 51 may be of slightly smaller
diameter — it is too small to be sure.)

Another vessel possibly of similar type but with a haematite-coated
surface seems also to be represented.

Pit 11. (Fig. 13.)

1. Grey-brown ware with flint grits and a burnished surface. An unusual
type without parallel.

2. Grey-brown sandy ware.

3. Dark grey ware with medium flint grits. Fired red-brown on the surface.

4. Red-brown ware with medium flint grits.

IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK S HILL

PIT No. lO

)

(

Vo (

(

17 16 ' 18 19 20

I u

30 W 31
27

37 "

42 "^^ ''^ 46 47

Sad

48 49

1/3 / /

40 f

Fig. 12. — Iron Age Pottery from Hawk's Hill. (J)

IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK'S HILL 29

5. Grey-brown sandy ware.

6. Dark grey sandy ware.

7. Dark grey sandy ware.

8. Smooth red-brown ware.

9. Grey ware with shell tempering, fired red on the surfaces.

10. Hard dark grey ware with black burnished surface.

11. Red-brown sandy ware with black burnished surface.

12. Fine dark grey ware with occasional fine flint grits.

13. Dark grey ware with black burnished surface.

14. Grey sandy ware with black burnished surface.

15. Grey sandy ware with black burnished surface.

16. Grey-brown sandy ware with fine flint grits and burnished surface.

17. Dark grey ware with smoothed surface.

18. Dark grey sandy ware.

19. Coarse black ware.

20. Dark grey sandy ware with burnished surface.

21. Coarse grey ware with smoothed black outer surface.

22. Coar.se black ware with smoothed outer surface.

23. Grey ware with burnished outer surface.

24. Fine grey sandy ware.

25. Grey-brown ware with flint grits.

26. Red flint-gritted ware with black burnished surface.

27. Coarse grey ware fired red on the surfaces with traces of external
burnishing.

28. Coarse flint-gritted grey ware, fired red-brown on the surfaces.

29. Grey-brown ware with large flint grits.

30. Fine grey sandy ware fired red en the surfaces.

31. Dark grey sandy ware.

32. Grey ware with medium flint grits, fired red on the surfaces and burnished.

33. Coarse grey-brown ware with fine flint grits.

34. Reddish sandy ware.

35. Red-brown sandy ware.

36. Grey ware with red-brown burnished surface.

37. Coarse grey ■ware fired red in parts.

38. Grey sandy ware fired red on the surface. Decorated with a groove
incised before firing and infilled with white paste.

39. As above.

40. Grey sandy ware fired red-brown on the surfaces. Decorated with a
shallow tooled line bordered by dots.

41. Fine red sandy ware with a haematite-coated surface, decorated with
lines incised before firing.

42. Black sandy ware decorated with shallow tooled lines.

43. Grey sandy ware fired red on the surface. Decorated with lines incised
before firing.

44. Grey-brown sandy ware, decorated with shallow tooled lines.

45. Coarse grey flint-gritted ware fired red on the outer surface. Decorated
with regular impressions.

46. Grey-brown flint- and shell-tempered ware.

47. Fine grey-brown ware with burnished outer surface.

48. Grey-brown ware with highly burnished outer surface.

49. Base? Dark grey sandy ware with burnished outer surface.

50. Reddish-grey sandy ware.

51. Red w-are with medium flint grits.

52. Hard dark grey sandy ware.

53. Grey sandy ware.

54. Coarse grey shell-tempered ware.

55. Coarse dark grej' ware with medium flint grits.

Pit 12. (Fig. 13.)

56. Grey sandy ware with smoothed surface, decorated with shallow tooled
lines.

IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK'S HILL

PIT No. II

I I . I

r^ ^^ r^ f^ \m XT

^ 5 ^^ 6 7 8 "91;^ WIO^ II

^I2^r 13 14 15 "16 17 \%W 19 20^21

22 23 24 25

26 ■27 28 * 29 30 31 32 ^ 33 34 35 36 " 37 ";

■39*5 ^Y . r ■40' — ■ — -«=/ 41 %'*^\ y ^

PIT No. 12

Fig. 13. — Iron Age Pottery from Hawk's Hill. (J)

Miscellaneous Sherds. (Fig. 14.)

2. Smooth grey flint-gritted ware with a lightly burnished surface.

3. Grey-brown flint-gritted ware.

4. Dark grey flint-gritted ware, impressed, possibly with a bird bone.

5. Grey sandy ware.

6. Grey-brown flint-gritted ware.

7. Grey flint-gritted ware fired red on the surface.

8. Grey sandy ware fired brown outside.

9. Grey sandy ware with black burnished surface.
10. Dark grey sandy ware.

IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK's HILL 31

11. Red-brown flint-gritted ware.

12. Grey sandy ware.

13. Fine grey-brown sandy ware with a black surface, heavily tempered with
flint and shell grits.

14. Fine dark grej' ware tempered with flint, burnished outside.
Already published in Sy.A.C. LIX (1962). p. 87, Fig. 2, No. 1.

(The miscellaneous sherds came from the top-soil, post-holes, etc.)

CLASSIFICATION

The pottery from Hawk's Hill falls into seven main classes. These
are: — ■

1. The well-made jar probably with a gently out-curving rim.
The shape of the body is uncertain but is probably ovoid. The
ware is fine and the surface is smoothed, fired red and often
coated with a haematite slip. The vessels are decorated with
lines deeply incised before firing and filled with a white paste,
forming horizontal zones, triangles or chevron patterns;
sometimes deeply impressed dots were made. Typical
examples include Fig. 12, Nos. 12-20.

2. The tripartite bowl, well made in black highly-burnished ware.
The exact shape varies, e.g. Fig. 12, Nos. 1-3. By tripartite is
meant the separation of the pot wall into three distinct planes
by sharp angles.

3. The tripartite bowl with sharply out -bent rim and an angled
shoulder. The ware is fine and the surface is often coated with
haematite, e.g. Fig. 12, No. 8. In some examples, less well-
made, the ware is simply fired red-brown on the surface. Fig.
12, No. 50, is an anomaly; it appears to be multipartite.

4. The bowl with flared rim and with vestigial shoulder which is
often of narrower diameter than the rim top. The shoulder is
occasionallv decorated with horizontally impressed fines, e.g.
Fig. 12, Nos. 9, 10, Fig. 10, No. 24 (Pit 6), and Fig. 14, No. 13.
Many fragments of the rims of flared bowls occur and it is
frequently difficult to be sure of the form of the vessel, but
they are probably in most cases of the same type as No. 4.

5. The coarse jar with an upstanding rim and well-defined
shoulder. The rim top is often 'pie-crusted' and the shoulder is
sometimes decorated with finger-tip impressions or, less often,
with diagonal slashes. The surface of the jar is occasionally
wiped smooth with a bunch of straw or grass, and some sherds,
apparently of this type, are decorated with rough combing.
Examples include Fig. 12, Nos. 21-23.

6. The jar with a thickened, out-bent rim. The body is ovoid or
globular and the outer surface is usually dark-toned and
smoothed or burnished. Occasionally it is decorated with
shallow tooHng, e.g. Fig. 12, Nos. 39-42.

32 IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK'S HILL

PIT No. I continued

MISCELLANEOUS SHE RDS

Fig. 14. — Iron Age Pottery from Hawk's Hill. (^)

IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK S HILL

7 The 'saucepan pot' with vertical, or shghtly bowed, sides and a
rim either beaded out, e.g. Fig. 8, Nos. 26 and 31, or marked
only by a shallow tooled line, e.g. Fig. 8, No. 12. The ware is
dark-toned, smoothed or burnished and often decorated with
shallow lines, tooled before firing.

It should, of course, be emphasised that a great variety exists;
the types described above are essentially generalised.

The distribution of the main types is summarised in the following
table :—

Type

Pits

—

4. Rim fragments

—

6. Decorated ...

—

7. Decorated ...

—

It is quite clear that Pits 8, 10 and 1 1 stand apart from the rest in
that they have produced sherds of large, incised, haematite-coated
jars and also fragments of small, sharply-carinated bowls, types
which, on analogy with other sites discussed below, should be early
in date.

The remainder of the pits are generally similar to each other in
content, and belong to a later phase. All contain fragments of
coarse jars (Class S), but this type, common in Pits 8, 10 and 11, is
now beginning to be replaced by the better-made dark-toned
globular jar (Class 6), sometimes burnished, and decorated with
shallow tooled designs. The carinated bowls with out-turned rims
(Classes 2, 3 and 4), which occur frequently in Pit 10 and less so in
Pits 8 and 11, are still found in the other pits in sufficient quantity
to indicate that the type remained in use, but in a generally coarser
and less well-finished ware. The saucepan pot (Class 7) which occurs
infrequently in three pits is generally a late type. Its absence from
among the large quantity of pottery found in Pits 8, 10 and 11 is
probably significant, indicating that the type had not become
current in the area at the time when the pits were filled. That it does

34 IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK's HILL

not occur in Pits 2, 4, 5, 7, 9 and 12 may be due to the same reason,
biit since the pits concerned produced relatively little pottery the
absence of the saucepan pot may well be accidental.

Although Pits 8, 10 and 11 must in general terms be earlier than
the rest, the presence of dark-toned globular jars (Class 6) in their
filling suggests that the two groups are not widely separated in time,
and that they probably represent different phases in the continuous
occupation of the site. Strictly it ought to be po.ssible to divide the
larger group of pits into a chronological sequence, and, as had been
seen above, the presence of saucepan pots in Pits 1, 3 and 6 might
indicate a later date. However, in the absence of adequate quantities
of sherds from each pit on which to base a statistical analysis, it is
safer to think simply in terms of a continuous development with an
early and a late phase.

THE GENERAL AFFINITIES OF THE POTTERY

The origins of the incised, haematite-coated jars must be sought
in Wessex, in particular among a group of sites which lie around the
western fringe of the Wiltshire plain, stretching from the Isle of
Purbeck in the south to the Marlborough Downs in the north. The
technique of haematite coating, together with those of decorating
the vessels with chevrons and other rectilinear designs drawn in
deeply incised lines, and occasionally the use of rows of circular
punch marks, are particularh^ well marked among the well-known
assemblage from All Cannings Cross. ^3 Xhe Haw^k's Hill Class 1 pots
are almost identical to these, and if they are not themselves imports
from North Wiltshire they must at least be made by potters
thoroughly conversant wdth Wessex ceramic techniques.

Sherds No. 17 from Pit 10 (Fig. 12) and No. 21 from Pit 7 (Fig.
10), both decorated with rows of punched dots, are also similar to
pottery from All Cannings'-* and to the related assemblages from
Ram's Hill, Berks, '^ and Liddington Castle, Wilts. "^ Although this
style of decoration is w^ell entrenched in the early All Cannings
tradition, it should be remarked that at the type-site, as well as at
Liddington Castle and Hawk's Hill, this technique is sometimes used
in curvilinear designs. The later, more complex forms of shallow-
tooled circular designs executed in this way, e.g. that found in Pit 2,
No. 1 (Fig. fi), which are spread over much of South England, may
well derive from these early beginnings. The punch-decorated
sherds (No. 43) from Pit 8 and the single sherd from Pit 2 (No. 15),
which is presumably part of the same ^•essel, cannot be exactly
paralleled in the Wessex area, but may well be the result of local
craftsmen imitating Wessex decorative techniques. A similar
explanation might be true for the Purberry Shot^'" vessel decorated

13 Cunnington, M. E., All Cannings Cross. 1923, pi. 29, No. 1, pi. 32, etc.
H Cunnington, M. E., All Cannings Cross, 1923, PI. 32, No. 1, PI. 34, Nos. 5,
6 and 10.

15 Antiq. Journ., XX (1940). p. 474, No. 14.

16 W.A.M., XXXVIII (1914), PI. I-II, opposite p. 584.

17 Sy.A.C, L (1946-7), p. 25, Fig. 14, No. F14.

IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK's HILL 35

with triangles filled with punched dots, but this example is far closer
in type to those actually produced in Wessex.

The carinated bowls found commonly in Pit 10 and, less
frequently, among the other pits are not a Wessex type^^ and for
their origin it is necessary to look to the East Coast and the Thames
region. In discussing the carinated bowls from Long Wittenham,
Berks,''' Savory came to the conclusion that they, and similar vessels
from elsewhere in the lower and middle Thames valley, belonged to
a tradition distinct from that of Wessex, and he looked towards the
fourth-third century developments in Hainault, Artois and Picardy
as a possible origin for the type. More recently Professor Hawkes,
discussing rather different forms of carinated bowls from Linford,
Essex,^° sees them as the result of long continued contacts with the
continent, ranging from the fifth to the third century. It is
presumably through contacts of this kind that the types at Hawk's
Hill ultimately arose.

The Class 2 bowls from Pit 10 (Fig. 12, Nos. 1-3) in hard, grey
sandy ware, with highly-burnished outer surfaces, are so dissimilar
from the rest of the pottery on the site that they must be regarded
as intrusive, either from abroad or, more probably, from another
area of Britain. The forms are too unspecific to allow continental
parallels to be of much value, but several British sites have
produced similar types, e.g. Chinnor, Oxon,-' where bowls in the
same form and ware, but with decoration, have been found;
Blewburton, Berks;-- Long Wittenham, Berks ;-3 Allen's Pit,
Dorchester, Oxon,-^ and several other sites in the Oxford region.
The same types and wares also occur in Suffolk, at Darmsden-5
and Hinderclay.-^

Examining the more specific traits present among the Hawk's
Hill bowls of Class 4, a distribution pattern almost identical to that
of the carinated bowl type appears. The rilhng of the shoulder, e.g.
Pit 10, No. 9 (Fig. 12), Pit 6, No. 24 (Fig. 10), Pit 11, No. 52
(Fig. 13) and the unprovenanced sherd (Fig. 14, No. 13), is a wide-
spread feature occuring at Chinnor,-^ Allen's Pit,-** Blewburton, -^
Sandown Park (Esher),3o Darmsden,^! Hinderclay3- and Feltwell,33

i8 For Wessex types see Cunnington, All Cannings Cross, 1923, PI. 28, Nos.
1-11.

19 Oxon., II (1937), pp. 4-11.

20 T. Essex A.S.. I (1962), p. 84.

" Antiq. Journ.. XXXI (1951), p. 143, Fig. 8.

22 Berks. A. J.. L (1947), p. 18, Fig. 9, Nos. 1 and 2.

23 Oxon., II (1937), p. 5, Fig. 2, Nos. 6-10.

24 Oxon., VII (1942), p. 45, Fig. 10, Nos. 11 and 12.

25 Unpublished material in the Ipswich Museum.

26 Unpublished material in the Ipswich Museum.

27 Antiq. Journ., XXXI (1951), p. 143, Fig. 8, No. 48.

28 Oxon., VII (1942), p. 46, Fig. 11, Nos. 9 and 10.

29 Berks. A. J., XLVI (1942), p. 102, Fig. 3, No. 42.

30 Antiq. Journ., XXVII (1947), p. 38, Fig. 16. Nos. 15, 16 and p. 41, Fig. 18,
Nos. 32, 33.

31 Unpublished material in the Ipswich Museum.

32 Unpublished material in the Ipswich Museum.

33 Unpublished material in the Norwich Castle Museum.

36 IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK's HILL

Norfolk. Similarly the pairs of neatly-made circular impressions
on the shoulders of the vessels, e.g. Pit 7, No. 20 (Fig. 10), Pit 8,
No. 35 (Fig. 11) and Pit 11, No. 45 (Fig. 13), occur at Allen's Pit,34
Sandown Park, 35 Darmsden,3^ Hinderclay37 and Feltwell.^^

No attempt has been made in the lists cited above to quote all of
the parallels known in the area concerned, but sufficient evidence
has been put forward to substantiate the claim that the sites
bordering the Thames valley — among them Hawk's Hill — and those
around the east coast of England were all related culturally, first of
all perhaps by 'invasion,' later, no doubt, by water-borne trade.
Undoubtedly such contact was long-lived but to date absolutely any
part of it is extremely difficult.

The significance of Pits 8, 10 and 1 1 at Hawk's Hill lies in the fact
that they contain material showing both Wessex and Thames/East
England influences and therefore could be dated to anywhere
between the fifth and, say, the third centuries B.C. But also present
in these pits are sherds belonging to globular jars with thickened
out-turned rims (Class 6) in dark grey ware. Three examples from
Pit 10 are decorated with shallow tooled designs (Fig. 12, Nos. 39,
40 and 42). The base (Fig. 12, No. 49) no doubt belongs to a similar
vessel. One decorated body sherd (Fig. 11, No. 30) and one
decorated base (Fig. 11, No. 39) were found in Pit 8. These vessels
belong to the beginnings of a cultural continuum which in its floruit,
in the first century B.C., spread over much of Southern England,
from Sussex to South Wales. It used to be thought that the
development of this style was initiated by the 'Marnian invasion' of
the mid-third century, but in a recent article Hodson39 has poured
doubt on the vahdity of the 'Marnian invasion' hypothesis. This
does not, however, materially alter the fact that during the third
and second centuries the ceramic tradition of Southern Britain,
like that of other crafts, was undergoing developments roughly
parallel to those on the continent, and the dark-toned bulbous
vessels are a result of this change. Here again, dating is a matter of
extreme difficulty, but taking the various factors mentioned above
into consideration a date somewhere in the late third or early
second century for the early pits at Hawk's Hill would not be
unreasonable.

The site appears to have remained in use throughout the second
and into the first centuries, during which time the saucepan pot,
e.g. Pit 1, No. 18 (Fig. 5), Pit 3, Nos. 12, 26 and 31 (Fig. 8), came into
use together with the decorated bowl from Pit 2, No. 1 (Fig. 6), and
the jar from Pit 1, No. 1 (Fig. 5). The cultural continuum, of which
the saucepan pot was a characteristic type, is di\'isible into a series
of regional styles. The few examples from Hawk's Hill resemble

34 Oxon., VII (1942), p. 46, Fig. 11, Nos. 5, 6 and 16.

35 Antiq. Journ., XXVII (1947), p. 38, Fig. 16, No. 10.

36 Unpublished material in the Ipswich Museum.

37 Unpublished material in the Ipswich INIuseum.

38 Unpublished material in the Norwich Castle Museum.

39 P.P.S., XXVIII (1962), pp. 140-155.

IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK's HILL 37

more closely those from the central and eastern Sussex style-zone
than those from the neighbouring parts of Hampshire and the
Thames basin. The beaded-out lip should be compared with vessels
from Cissbury,4° Caburn,'*^ Park Brow,^^ etc., and contrasted with
the rather simpler profiles from sites further west, such as Worthy
Down, 43 Torberry-"'* and Chalton.45 Similarly, the finely executed
decoration on the bowl from Pit 2 (Fig. 6, No. 1) is closely similar to
those from Castle Hill (Newhaven),-*^ Elm Grove (Brightonj-t^ and
Park Brow.48 Observations of this kind, tenuous though they are,
indicate that trans-wealden contacts were important at the time.

There is no trace in the Hawk's Hill pits of influence from the
intrusive Aylesford-Swarling culture which penetrated Eastern
England at the beginning of the first century B.C. Such influence
would probably have reached Surre}' in the second half of the
century, if not before, and its absence from Hawk's Hill probably
indicates that occupation had ceased here by this time.

hawk's hill and the iron age in surrey

In the foregomg section attention has been drawn to the wide
affinities of the Hawk's Hill pottery; it remains now to consider
briefly the position of the site in its local context.

At the head of the Surrey development must be placed the
remarkable group of vessels recovered from the lower fill of the
ditch of Queen Mary Hospital, Carshalton.'^^ Their finely-made
fabric and angular profiles are quite unlike any other assemblage
from the area. In the upper levels of the Carshalton ditch (Section
EE, level 2) several sherds of flared bowls were found, together with
two haematite-coated fragments. It would be dangerous to put too
much weight on the results of one section, but it is not unreasonable
to point out that here may be evidence of two chronologically
distinct assemblages.

Flared bowls of differing types are found on many other Iron Age
sites in Surrey, including Sandown Park, 5° Caesar's Camp
(Wimbledon), 5 1 Purberry Shot (Ewell),5^ Ashtead,53 Wisley,54

40 Curwin, The Archcsology of Sussex. 2nd ed. (1954), PI. XXVI, No. 6.

41 Sx.A.C. LXXX (1939), p. 244, Fig. J, Nos. 63 and 70.

42 Arch., LXXVI (1926-7), p. 21, Fig. 14.

43 P. Harits F.C.. X (1929), PI. III.

44 Unpublished site excavated 1956-8 by J. R. Boyden.

45 Unpublished site excavated 1959 and 1964 by A. Corney and B. Cunliffe.

46 Sx.A.C. LXXX (1939), p. 282, Fig. 4, No. 2.

47 Curwin, The Archcsology of Sussex, 2nd ed. (1954), PI. XXVI, No. 8.

48 Arch.. LXXVI (1926-7). p. 21, Fig. 14.

^9Sy.A.C.. XLIX (1944-5). p. 62, Fig. 4 C2, and p. 63, Fig. 5 C3, and
perhaps C4.

50 Antiq. Journ., XXVII (1947), pp. 37-13.

51 Arch. J., CII (1945), p. 18, Fig. 3, Nos. A5 and A6.

52 Sy.A.C. L (194&-7), p. 25, Fig. 14 Fl.

53 Sy.A.C, L (1946-7), p. 141, No. G3.

54P.P.5., XI (1945), p. 33, Nos. 8, 10 and p. 36, No. 46.

38 IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK's HILL

Cobham,55 Nonsuch Park (Ewell),56 St. Catherine's Hill (Guildford)5"
and Hawk's Hill, and as we have seen above they are part of a larger
cultural continuum which includes areas of Eastern England and
the Upper Thames Valley. The regional and chronological variations
in the types cannot be examined here, but it is sufficient to say that
Sandown Park and the first phase of Hawk's Hill, though not
necessarily contemporary, are early in the sequence.

Contacts with Wessex in the form of haematite coating have been
discussed in detail by Frere,^''* and are now well documented. The
excavation of Hawk's Hill has added another site to the hst and has
shown that, in addition to haematite coating, incised and punched
decoration, both well established Wessex traits, were current in
Surrey at this time. Frere, in discussing the pottery from Epsom, was
forced to the view that Wessex contacts with Surrey continued until
the first century B.C. An earlier date has been claimed above for
Hawk's Hill Pits 10 and 11 and the matter is still open for revision,
particularly in the light of new evidence. It is quite probable that
the two areas remained in contact o\'er a considerable period of
time.

Alongside the fine pottery there continued a vigorous coarse-ware
tradition represented by shallow jars with well-marked shoulders,
frequently decorated with slashings or finger-tip impressions. The
type is widespread in Surrey, good examples occuring at Caesar's
Camp (Wimbledon), 59 and Leigh Hill (Cobham).^ At Hawk's Hill
they are common in Pit 10 but less frequent in some of the later pits,
the impression being that the technique of finger impression died
out with time. Support for this view is pro\dded by the contents of
the pit at West Clandon^^ where the coarse-ware foimd alongside
saucepan pots is completely plain. The disappearance of the coarse
jar is, no doubt, occasioned by the growing popularity of the bulbous,
dark-faced jar, often burnished and sometimes decorated with
shallow tooling. This type, found at Hawk's Hill, Wisley,^- West
Clandon,'^3 Charterhouse, ^^ Ewell^^ and Ashtead,^^ represents the
spreading of new techniques, probably from the south.

The appearance of the saucepan pot at, or soon after, this time is
part of the same spread, but it is a type not well represented in
Surrey, and only at Hawk's Hill, \Vest Clandon and Wisley have
distinctive examples come to light. The reason for such a small
number of known sites is not easy to explain; it might be due

55 Arch. J.. CII (1945), p. 18, Fig. 4, No. B6.

56 5v.^.C., L (1946-7), p. 140, Xo. E5.

57 Arch. J.. CII (1945), p. 18, Fig. 4, No. Kl.

58 Antiq. Journ.. XXII (1942). pp. 129-138 and XXVII (1947), pp. 43-46.

59 Arch. /., CII (1945), p. 18, Fig. 3, No. Al.

60 Arch. J.. CII (1945), p. 18, Fig. 4, Nos. B1-B5.
6i Arch. J., CI (1944), p. 53, Fig. 3.

62 P.P.S.. XI (1945), p. 34, Nos. 23, 29 and p. 36, Nos. 30, 39.

63 Arch. J., CI (1944), p. 52, Fig. 2, Nos. 4-6.

64 Sv.A.C, LVIII (1961), p. 26, Nos. 11, 16 and 17.

65 S'y.A.C, L (1946-7), p. 140, Nos. E2-E4.

66 Sy.A.C, L (1946-7). p. 141, No. G2.

IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAVVK's HILL 39

merely to chance that more sites have yet to be found, but it might
also be that the spread of the Aylesford-Swarhng culture and its
derivations, perhaps in the second half of the first century B.C.,
stifled further development. Although wider discussion of this point
is beyond the scope of the present paper, it is tempting to note that
zoned decoration on Pot I, 30, at Wisley*'^ and cross-hatched
decoration on Pot I, 33, might represent the cross-fertilisation of the
two traditions. A similar argument could be put forward for Pots 1
and 16 from ditch D at Southcote, Reading. ^^

Finally, some attempt must be made to assign approximate dates
to the broad phases of development defined above. In the present
state of knowledge such dates are based far more upon the personal •
opinions of individual archaeologists than upon firm fact, and this
point must be strongly emphasised. On the basis of what is at
present known, it would seem that the tentative phase 1, represented
by the early pots from Carshalton, could be dated to the fifth
century. Phase 2, initiated by the appearance of carinated bowls,
might begin as early as the beginning of the fourth century and
continue, with local modifications as yet undefined, to the second
century, during which time traits from Wessex were assimilated.
The appearance of dark-faced bulbous jars and associated types in
the late third or early second century marks the beginning of phase
3, which lasts until the appearance of improved wheel-made types
ultimately derived from the Aylesford-Swarling culture. These
herald the onset of phase 4, which we can justly describe as the
proto-Roman Iron Age.^^

Many problems remain unsolved and far more precision is needed
in defining dates and sub-dividing phases of development, but this
will only come when more large sites similar to Hawk's Hill are
fully excavated and published in detail, and in particular when
associations with brooches, pins or weapons and other products
of the bronze and blacksmiths' art can be established.

(>y P.P.S., XI (1945), p. 36.

68P.P.S., Ill (1937), Fig. 4, Nos. 1 and 16.

69 Cunliffe, Winchester Excavations, (1964), Vol. I, p. 4.

IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK S HILL

APPENDIX I: FAUNAL REPORT

P. L. Carter and D. Phillipson, together with E. S. Higgs
Department of A rcheeology &- A nthropology, University of Cambridge

A collection of 2,592 bones and bone fragments were submitted for
examination. Of this total, teeth numbered 369. Fragments determinable as
to species numbered 2,017 and a further 575 were too small to be satisfactorily
identified. The domestic animals were represented by the presence of cattle,
sheep or goat, horse, pig and dog. Wild animals formed less than one per cent
of the total number of specimens. The following wild species were identified:
deer (antler fragment and one molar), fox (one incisor) and rabbit (a femur
and a pelvis). Also present in Pit 3 was a human molar. In Pit 10 another
human molar, together with the head of a femur, also human, was present.

TABLE I

Number of specimens

[including teeth)

Cattle 234

Horse

Sheep or goat

738

Pig

274

Dog

Large bird

Small bird

Sheep size rib fragments

.' 165

Cow size rib fragments ...

Sheep size vertebral fragments

Cow size vertebral fragments . . .

Sheep size long bone fragments

368

Cow size long bone fragments . . .

Undeterminable skull fragments

Undeterminable horn cores

Unidentified fragments ...

575

2,59'J

The domestic animals occur in the following proportions :

TABLE II

Number of

specimens,

excluding

teeth

Number of

specimens,

including

teeth

Specimens

of teeth

only

Sheep

457

738

281

Pig

175

274

99 1

Cattle

131

234

103 1

Horse

The above figures only represent proportional differences in the number of
bones. They do not represent the proportions of meat available. If we assume
that the average weight of a cow is 900 lb., a sheep 125 lb., a pig 200 lb. and a
horse 800 lb. we can estimate the relative amount of meat supplied by each
kind of animal. Using the above figures we get: —

TABLE III

Cattle
Sheep
Pig
Horse

Percentage amount
of meat supplied
53
23
13
10

20
16
10
76
61
20
52
0

IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK'S HILL 41

Clearly cattle provided the bulk of the meat eaten, 53%. Sheep, although
important, only provided 23% and the remainder was made up with pig 13°/o
and horse 10%.

There were a number of teeth which gave some indication of the animal age
at death. 7°

TABLE IV
Age indicated by Teeth
Animal Age Number

Cattle 0-6 months 3

6-36 months
Over 36 months
Sheep or goat ... ... 0-6 months

6-24 months
Over 24 months
Pig ... ... ... 0-12 months

Over 12 months
Horse ... ... ... 0-36 months

Over 36 months
The following observations were made: —

There are Bos skulls present in Pits 6, 8 and 10. The presence of cow skulls
in Iron Age pits is not unusual as is shown by the material from Barle3^7^ At
Barley animals were placed in the pits almost intact so that perhaps old tough
animals were not used. The presence of metapodials and phalanges in
articulation, together with the skull in Pit 10, may well suggest a surplus of
meat in that only the best cuts of meat were eaten. Also in J'it 10 were the
remains of five very young pigs and three very young puppies. Some
significance other than economic may account for this curious association but
the puppies were almost certainly foetal and perhaps the same could be said
of the pigs. Therefore it is quite possible that the contents of Pit 10 merely
represent normal occupation debris.

A large number of rodent bones were present particularly in Pit 8 and Pit
10. Among the species identified were rats, moles, voles and mice.

A peculiarity of the sheep jaws from Hawk's Hill is the anomalous eruption
of the third premolar before the third molar in some specimens. This
peculiarity has also been observed in Iron Age sheep at Barley and at War
Ditches, Cherry Hinton, Cambridge, and at Wandlebury, Cambridgeshire.

Eighteen of the sheep/goat fragments were complete enough to be specifically
identified as sheep. Although this is a small sample from the site it is probably
random and would therefore suggest that the animals herded were sheep and
not goats. 72

Discussion

The collection must be regarded as representing the animals eaten ratlier
than the whole flock or herd. Of the cattle killed for food the majority appear
to have been less than three years old. Pigs and sheep were eaten when
mature but not old. Old animals appear not to have been eaten ; there is a
preference for 3'oung animals at a prime age. With the horse the situation is
different; the animals are mature, but not old, as if they were used for work,
but eaten before they became too old to be palatable. The evidence, as with
the Barley site, is for a plentiful supply of meat. The paucity of wild animal
bones suggesting little or no hunting would seem to support this hypothesis.

There are not sufficient specimens to indicate at what time of the year the
animals were killed but Table V clearly indicates that a substantial proportion
of the cattle were carried over two winters.

70 Silver, I. A., The Ageing of Domestic Animals, Science and Archcsology.
Edited by E. S. Higgs and D. Brothwell, 1963. Ewbank, J. M., Phillipson,
D. W., and Whitehouse, R. D., with Higgs, E. S., Sheep in the Iron Age; a
method of study. P.P.S., XXX (1964).

71 Higgs, E. S., Animal Husbandry at the Iron Age site of Barley. {In litt.)

72 Kuhn-Archiv. 78 Band. Heft 1-2. Osteologische Unterscheidungs-
merkmale zwischen Schaf (Ovis aries Linne) und Ziege (Capre hircus Linne).
Joachim Boessneckm Hans-Herman Muller und Manfred Teichert.

IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK S HILL

TABLE V

Number of Animals Overwintered

Balance

1 Winter

2 Winters

3 Winters

4 Winters

[Unknown
Age)

Cattle . .

. 13 37%

13 37%

■ — .

1 3%

8 23°{,

Sheep

. j 46 36%

45 35%

1 0-8%

35 28%

Breeding stocks would hardly have been killed between two and three years of
age at the beginning of their breeding lives. The horses too must have been
overwintered for some 3'ears. To overwinter animals to this extent suggests
a reasonable amount of winter fodder. Cattle carried over the second winter
are larger than those carried over their first winter and thus require more food.
If there was a winter shortage of food it would be reasonable to suppose that
cattle kept for eating — that is, surplus to herd breeding requirements — might
have been carried over the first winter but not the second and more demanding
one.

In fact there must ha-\-e been efhcient methods of fodder collection and
preservation on a considerable scale, as indeed Little Woodbury suggests. 73
Straw, of course, has some food value particularly if cut green, but if the corn
was reaped by cutting the heads of the grain when ripe such straw would have
supplied onlv a small quantity of additional food at a time when it was most
needed — in the autumn. Chaff, although bulky, could have been stored.
Otherwise there would be available lea\'es, bark and herbs and some method
such as the use of foggage to utilise surplus summer grass.

The evidence from Hawk's Hill does suggest that very successful animal
husbandry was practised during at least some periods of the Iron .\ge. The
presence of such a large number of rodents is also suggestive; it surely implies
that arable farming was also practised successfully.

73 Bersu. G., Excavations at Little Woodbury, Wiltshire. P.P.S., VI (1940).

IRON AGE FARMSTEAD AT HAWK's HILL 43

APPENDIX II: REPORT ON THE BRONZE PIN FROM HAWK'S HILL

R. F. Tylecote

This consists of an ultra-fine equiaxed structure which was just resolvable
at a magnification of x 1000. There were traces of twin bands but no second
phase. Elongated slag fibres showed evidence of hot work. Either the hot
working had been finished just above the recr^'staUisation temperature, or it
had been cold-worked considerably and then annealed just abc\'e the
recrystallisation temperature.

Spectrographic examination carried out by Dr. J. D. Gilchrist showed that
the metal was a tin bronze containing a small amount of lead and zinc which
amounted to less than 1% in each case. The hardness was 162 H\'5.

Conclusion. — -This is made of tin bronze which has been hot forged and left
in a very hard state. Considering its square section it might have been
intended as an awl. Metallurgically it would be hard enough to have been
used either as an awl or as a pin.

APPENDIX III:
PETROLOGICAL REPORT ON THE HONE FROM HAWKS HILL

This was sectioned and examined by Dr. F. S. Wallis, Mr. E. D. Evens and
Professor F. W. Shotton. The rock is not easy to nam? for it is extremely fine
textured. It is, however, certainly an igneous rock, largely made up of
felspar, which is somewhat altered, with fine chlorite, which is no doubt
secondary, and scattered grains of iron ore. No quartz is visible and it is, in
broad terms, an andesite lava.

Rocks of this type could be found in Wales, the Lake District, Cheviots and
Scotland and certainly as boulders in glacial deposits. The hone can be
regarded as likely evidence for trading from the north or extreme west,
for even the glacial origin would necessitate the stone being brought from a
considerable distance outside Surrey.

A cknowledgements

Many people contributed to the success of this excavation and report and it
is not possible to name them all individually. However, the following deserve
special mention: Mrs. Sanders for permission to excavate the site, for all the
facilities put at our disposal and for her constant interest in the work;
Mr. Barry Cunliffe for the pottery report produced as part of a thesis on Iron
Age pottery of the S.E. ; Mr. E. S. Higgs of the Department of Archaeology
and Anthropology, Cambridge, and members of his staff for the faunal report ;
Dr. R. F. Tylecote of the Department of Metallurgy, University of Newcastle-
upon-Tyne, for the report on the bronze pin; Dr. F. S. Wallis, Mr. E. D. Evens
and Professor F. W. Shotton for the petrological report on the hone. These
reports have added considerably to our knowledge of the Iron Age in Surrey.
Thanks are also due to: Miss K. Rose and Mr. T. E. J. Robins for the
excellent drawings of the pottery; Professor Sheppard Frere for so much
helpful advice; Mr. A. Potterell for his survey of the site; Mr. Anthony Clark
for the Resistivity and Magnetometer surveys; Mr. A. T. Ruby who spent
almost as much time on the site as the Director, and did so much work en the
finds; those who did so much of the initial heavy digging with none of the
later rewards; the large number of beginners who received their initial
training on this site; and, finally, to my son, Edward, for his assistance and
critical analysis of my own conclusions.

The Society wishes to thank the Council for British Archaeology for a grant
towards the cost of this paper.

THE MEETING PLACE OF COPTHORNE
HUNDRED

DOROTHY NAIL

THOUGH it has been possible to identify the meeting places of
some of the hundred courts in the county of Surrey, this has
not been possible until now in the case of Copthorne Hundred.
There is strong, though necessarily circumstantial, exndence to
suggest that the original meeting place was at the geographical
centre of the hundred, near fields called Copthorn and a Unear
earthwork and hedge, formerly known as Nutshambles. This
earthwork runs along the top of a prominent ridge on the boundaries
of Epsom and Ashtead, between the valleys containing Langley
Bottom Farm and Thirty Acres Bam. The purpose of this article
is to present the evidence for this claim.

Copthorne Hundred has included at various times the parishes of
Chessington, Epsom, Ewell, Cuddington, Banstead, Walton-on-the-
Hill, Headley, Mickleham, Ashtead, Leatherhead, Fetcham and
Newdigate, which formed a detached part of the hundred south of
Dorking in the Weald. ^ In the Domesday Survey, however,
Chessington was included in Elmbridge Hundred and the village of
Banstead in Wallington Himdred.^

In the seventeenth century, and probably in the later medieval
period, the hundreds of Copthorne and Effingham appear to have
had but one meeting place. This was identified by Mr. J. H. Harvey^
as Leith Cross, on the boundary between Fetcham and Great
Bookham, which was also the boundary between the two hundreds.
Though the sheriff's tourn quoted by him as meeting there in the
reign of Edward I (1272-1307) was not itself the ordinary hundred
court, the two hundreds may have been meeting there by that time.
They certainly met there in 1651 by which time they had been
presented to the Borough of Kingston-upon-Thames,'* though it
seems clear from the Surrej^ Quarter Sessions records that the two
were never amalgamated. The probability that the two hundreds
met jointly in the later medieval period raises the question whether
this had always been so or whether they combined some time after
the conquest, when the amount of business at hundred courts
tended to decline and the number of people attending must have
been greatly reduced. By 1275 the hundred was no longer settling
important land disputes, as it had done imder Henry I, though it
still had important business to transact. ^

^ V.C.H.. Surrey, III, 246.

2 M. <&- B.. I, xliv et. seq.

3 Sy.A.C. L (1953), 157.

4 M. &- B., I, 339. Charter of Kingston-upon-Thames, 14, Car. I, 1638.

5 Cam, Helen M., The Hundred and the Hundred Rolls, 1930, reprinted 1963,
17-18.

THE MEETING PLACE OF COPTHORNE HUNDRED 45

It does not seem necessary to assume, however, as appeared to be
done in Mr. Harvey's article, that the small size of Effingham
Hundred would have prevented it having a separate meeting place.
Its assessment in 1066 at 49 hides was not much smaller than that
of Wotton with approximately 60 hides. Equally had it been washed
originall}^ to combine Copthome and Effingham as one hundred
with but one name, the combined hidage would in 1066 still have
been less than that of Wallington, the largest in Surrey, so excessive
size would have been no obstacle.*^ In fact there was much less
uniformity in the size of the hundreds in the south of England than
might be supposed and than there was in the Midlands, ^ and size
alone did not prevent the smaller ones having separate meeting
places.

Furthermore, the theory in the article that the settlement of the
hundred proceeded from Fetcham, which would therefore have had
a good claim to be the administrative centre, is not borne out by the
evidence collated by Dr. John Morris in his Gazeteer of Saxon
Surrey.^ The earliest settlement in Surrey is shewn there to have
been near the Wandle and, as two of the more northerly parishes of
Copthome Hundred, Ewell and Cuddington, are nearer to that
river than to Fetcham, it seems more likely that they should have
been settled from that direction. This may in fact have been the
case, since the earliest finds from the cemetery at Ewell are said to
date from the sixth century, while those at Fetcham date from the
late sixth and seventh centuries. ^

It seems preferable, therefore, to accept the existence of two
separate hundred names as evidence of two separate administrative
units in the initial period. This vaew is reinforced by the fact that
when the two hundreds did combine, a meeting place on the
boimdar}^ between the two was selected, suggesting that until that
date they had been independent. A neutral place on the boundary
would prevent either place claiming precedence over the other.
The existence, before the two himdreds combined, of a separate
meeting place for each, would avoid the difficulty presented by a
meeting place for the two at Fetcham, so far from the centre of the
area in question, which was the most common place chosen.
Fetcham, too, would have involved a river crossing, which may have
been of considerable inconvenience, for over two-thirds of the
parishes concerned.

The origin of the hundred courts is still controversial, for when
the first documentary evidence occurs in the middle of the tenth
century they appear as well-established institutions with all the
characteristics of an ancient popular assembly.^" It is thought,
however, that the need for the meeting of the people of an area must

6 V.C.H., Surrey. I. 275-328. Darby, H. C. and Campbell, E. M. J., Eds.,
The Domesday Geography of South East England, 1962, 364.

7 Stenton, F. M., Anglo-Saxon England, 1946, 295.
^ Sy.A.C, LVI (1959), 132.

^ Sy.A.C, LVI (1959), 140-1.
^° Stenton, op. cit., 295-6.

46 THE MEETING PLACE OF COPTHORXE HUNDRED

have been felt as soon as settled conditions prevailed" and there
appears to be some evidence for popular assemblies in some places
as early as the seventh century.'- Any connection between these and
the hundred courts may not have been direct, however, and the
areas covered by each would not of necessity coincide. There may
have been more early moot sites than eventualh' became hundred
sites, so a site for Copthome from, say, the earliest period to the
thirteenth century would not necessarily preclude other possible
sites, as, for instance, Horsehead Cross of Mr. Har^^ey's article for
the initial period.'^ Standard Hill, Effingham, was suggested as an
early site for Efhngham in Dr. Morris's gazeteer.'^

The linear earthwork, on part of which the ancient hedge grows,
can be traced on the ground for one and a quarter miles from
Pleasure Pit, Epsom, almost to Walton Hurst Farm. '5 The bank
and ditch must originally have had an overall height of about 10
feet and width of about 35 feet. The earthwork still forms part of
the boundaries of the parishes of Epsom, Ashtead, Walton-on-the-
Hill and Headle3\ Though excavation has not pro\'ided any positive
dating evidence, it seems to have been in existence before the parish
boundaries and is likely, therefore, to date from Saxon times or
earlier. It may ha\^e been a boundary like the Grim's Ditches of the
Chiltems'^ or an obstruction placed across open chalk country,
flanked on either side by a natural barrier of woodland, like the
more massive Cambridgeshire dykes across the Icknield Way.'''
It is known that barrows had a tendenc}' to become meeting places,''^
partly because they formed prominent landmarks, but also because
they may have been used as platforms in the course of the meeting.'^
Linear earthworks would have tended to attract moots for these
reasons but also because even when they were not constructed as
such, they tended to become boundaries, which in their turn were
often chosen as meeting places.

The name Nutshambles was given to the line of the hedge and
earthwork by John Lawrence on his map of Ashtead, 1638.^° In the
Epsom Tithe Award, 1843,^' the name was given to two fields of 9
and 17 acres which abut upon this hedge to the west and the former
boundary of the parishes of Epsom and Walton-on-the-Hill to the

" Stenton, op. cit., 294.

'^ Blair, P. H., An Introduction to Anglo-Saxon England, 1962, 239.
^i Sy.A.C, L (1953), 159.
'4 Sy.A.C, LVI (1959), 147.
'5 N.G.R. TQ 198577-206562.

'6 Wheeler, R. E. M., London and the Saxons, 1935.

'7 PhiUips, C. W., V.C.H., Cambridge and the Isle of Ely, II, 1948, i et. seq.
In this case the natural barrier was fenland and woodland.

18 Grinsell, L. V., Dorset Barrows, Dorset Natural History and Archaeological
Society, 1959, 68. Cam, op. cit., Appendix IV.

19 Wood, E. S., Sy.A.C, LIV (1953-4), 44.

20 Map of Manor of Ashtead in Surrey, in 1638, by John Lawrence. Sy.R.O.
Ace. 169. P. Leatherhead L.H.S.. I, 10 (1956). 20-23.

21 Diocesan Copy in Sy.R.O., 1590-1.

THE MEETING PLACE OF COPTHORNE HUNDRED 47

south." These presumably formed part of the properties described
as Nutshambles Wood and Nutshambles Piece, amounting to 50
acres, described in the marriage settlement of John Parkhurst and
Richarda Dormer in 1725. ^^ But it is an earlier form of the word
given in an account of the metes and bounds of the manor of Epsom,
accompanying a rental of 1496 in the Cartulary of Chertsey Abbey, -'^
which indicates the probable meaning of the name and points to a
meeting place. The name given there to the hedge is Motschameles,
which almost certainly has its roots in two Old English words 'mot'
and 'sceamol.' The fact that there is a reference to Notshameles in
the Ashtead Beadle's accounts for 1383-5 suggests that the form in
the cartulary was already obsolescent when recorded, probably
because it was a copy of an earlier document.

In English Place-Name Elements-^ 'mot' or 'gemot' is said to be
found in place names with two distinct meanings. The second one
given, that of a river confluence, need not, in this area of chalk
ridges and dry valleys, concern us. The first is connected with an
assembly of people, especially concerned with judicial matters, and
is found frequentl}' in combination with words for hill, such as
'hlaw' and 'beorg,' and other places where assemblies met. Among
others instanced are Motelowe in Northants, the meeting place of
Wymersley Hundred and Modbury in Dorset, the meeting place of
Modbury Hundred.

The second element 'sceamol,' 'scamol' or 'scomol'-'' originally
meant a stool, and then a bench or stall for displaying goods for sale
and in the latter sense is found in street names like The Shambles in
York. The word is also thought to have been used in a topographical
sense, meaning a shelf of land. The common factor in both uses is a
flat, bench-like quality. Two possible explanations of its use here
involve this quality. It might be possible to claim that the word
described a fiat topped ridge, but in that case it ought to apply to the
whole of this considerable hilltop. On the other hand, the word is
found elsewhere in connection with hundred names and meeting
places. In Kent the thirteenth century form of Shamwell Hundred
was Schamele^^ and in Essex there is a reference to the sheriff's
toum meeting in 1341 at Tendryngschameles in Tendring Hundred. ^^
In the Cambridgeshire himdreds of Stain and Radfield there are
references to now lost minor place names in the parishes of Great
Wilbrahim and Balsham which contained this word. These hundreds

22 Boundary of Epsom was moved to the south under the Surrey County
Review Order, 1933.

23 Marriage Settlement of John Parkhurst and Richarda Dormer, 8 May,
1725, in the possession of Epsom and Ewell Corporation.

24 Sy. Rec. Soc, XII, No. 1233.

25 I am indebted to Mr. A. W. G. Lowther for this information.

26 Smith. A. H., English Place-Name Elements. E.P.-N.S., XXVI, 1956, 44.

27 Smith, ibid.. 100.

28 Anderson, O. S. (now Arngart), The English Hundred Names, The South
Eastern Counties. 1939, 116.

29 Reaney, P. H., Place Names of Essex, E.P.-N.S., XII, 1935, 325.
Anderson, op. cit., 45.

THE MEETING PLACE OF COPTHORNE HUNDRED

Fig. 1.— Site of the Meeting Place of Copthorne Hundred c. 1870.

THE MEETING PLACE OF COPTHORNE HUNDRED 49

eventually had a joint meeting place with Fiendish Hundred at
Mutlow Hill, a tumulus on the Saxon linear earthwork, Fleam
Dyke,3° at the junction of these parishes and Fulbourn Hundred.
It was assumed in the Place Name Society's volume for that county
that the word referred to the benches on which members of the
hundred court sat. It seems reasonable to claim, therefore, that the
literal meaning of the word benches, in this case used in the course
of a meeting rather than for the sale of goods, is implied in all these
cases. Some names which include the element 'sceamol' are quoted
by O. S. Anderson in The English Hundred Names as words which
give an indication of the manner of holding the hundred court. ^^

The name Copthome is thought to refer to a 'pollarded thorn tree'
at the place where the hundred met.^^ Supporting place-name
evidence is found in the preservation of this name in two fields in
Ashtead abutting on the road called Shepherds' Walk which leads
from Thirty Acres Barn to this hilltop. These fields, now divided by
an ancient avenue of limes leading to Ashtead Park, are named
Copthorn and Little Copthorn in the Ashtead Tithe Award, 1840.33
The shape of the fields suggests that the two formed one field known
as Copthorn before the planting of the avenue, which is shewn on
Rocque's Map of Surrey, 1762.34 This probably took place shortly
after the purchase of the manor and the commencement of the
building of the new manor house by Sir Robert Howard in 1680.35
In Edwards' Companion from London to Brighthelmston, written
about 1789,36 there is described to the south of Ashtead Park,
'Copthorn, a pleasant walk skirted by lime trees extending near
half a mile from the house and terminating at the old Roman Road
called Staen Street Causeway. '37 A field in Banstead known as
Copthorn seems unhkely to preserve the hundred name since it was
apparently known as Copthall in 1682,3^ and may not originally
have been part of Copthome Hundred.

Every parish in the hundred had a road leading to this hilltop by
a very direct route (see Fig. 1). Almost all appear on Rocque's
map but there is documentary or archaeological evidence for a much
greater age for many of them.

One of these roads can be traced as a track and green lane from
Chessington, over Epsom and Ashtead Commons, until, as Farm
Lane, Ashtead, it reaches this ridge at the junction of Downs Road,
Ashtead39 and Shepherds' Walk. With the road from Walton-on-
the-Hill via Walton Hurst Farm this can be identified as the King's
Highway from Kingston to Walton-on-the-Hill mentioned in the

3° Reaney, P. U., Place Names of Cambridgeshire, E.P.-N.S., XIX, 1943, 138.
3^ Anderson, op. cit.. 182 et seq.

32 Anderson, ibid., 59.

33 Diocesan Copy in the Sy.R.O., 45, 46.

34 Published by Sy.A.S.

35 p. Leatherhead L.H.S., II, 1 (1957), 31.

36 Edwards, J., Companion from London to Brighthelmston, II, 1801, 28.

37 Shepherds' Walk, not the known course of Stane Street.

38 Lambert, H. C. M., History of Banstead in Surrey, I, 1912, 283.

39 Prior to 1964 this was Headley Road.

50 THE MEETING PLACE OF COPTHORNE HUNDRED

Chertsey Cartulaiy.4° From Chessington and the site of the former
Horton manor an old path crosses Epsom Common to join
Wilmerhatch Lane, an ancient road from the Woodcote area of
Epsom. Another road is that from Headley which was called
Hundred Acres Road on the Ordnance Survey 6-inch map, 187 l.t^
Judging from the considerable hollow way this road becomes near
to Headley, it must be of some antiquity. It is also possible to trace
in hedgerows, footpaths and bridle roads, old ways from North and
South Tadworth. These could have been the roads from Tadome
and Tadeorde, two of the Domesday manors of Banstead which
were in Copthome Hundred.

From Leatherhead and Fetcham there approaches a road known
as Green Lane, which after being joined near Thirty Acres Bam by
Stane Street and paths from Ashtead, reaches the top of the ridge
near Nutshambles as the Shepherds' Walk already mentioned.
This road has been claimed to be prehistoric in date-*- and certainh'
seems to have had Saxon associations. By the side of this road, in
the grounds of the Goblin Factory, Leatherhead, a pit was found in
1927 containing burials whose condition suggested a Saxon date.
These were reported by Mr. A. W. G. Lowther together with further
burials which had been found near the road, next to the field Little
Copthom'*^ in 1910. These were also thought to be of Saxon date.**
The road continues to Epsom as Downs Road, Ashtead and Langley
Vale Road.'*^ The latter can be identified as the Portway mentioned
in the account of the metes and bounds of the manor of Epsom. *^"
The Portway, meaning a road between towns, is thought to be that
between Croydon and Leatherhead and possibly continuing to
Guildford, linking the succession of Saxon villages along the spring
hne at the junction of the tertiary sands and the chalk slopes of the
North Downs. It is probably the predecessor of the road shewn by
J. Norden in his map of Surrey, 1594. It is mentioned in the
Memorial of Ewell in 1408^' as 'portwej^e leading from Codyngton
to Ledred.' The road has been traced in Ewell entering the village
from the site of Cuddington in Nonsuch Park, skirting the centre
and leaving in the direction of Epsom. ^^ After the enclosure of
Woodcote Park c. 1100, ■♦^ all roads to the south-west from the old
centre of Epsom near the parish church would have had to avoid
the park, so the road from the church to the known section of the
Portway at Langley Vale Road was probably the Walnut Tree

•^0 Sy. Rec. Soc, op. cit.. No. 1233.

41 O.S., 6-inch. Sheet XIX, 1871.

42 P. Leatherhead L.H.S., I, 3 (1949), 20.

43 Now occupied by the house Tudor Croft.

44 Sy.A.C. LI (1949), 151, Note i.

45 Formerly Langley Bottom Road.

46 Present writer, unpublished.

47 Deedes, C. M., Register or Memorial of Ewell, Surrey, 1913, 58.

48 Bulletin of the Nonsuch and Ewell Antiquarian Society, Series II, 6
(1964), 7.

49 V.C.H.. Surrey. Ill, 273.

THE MEETING PLACE OF COPTHORNE HUNDRED 51

Road of the early Ordnance Survey maps, 5° which was known as
Dorking Way in 16795" and c. 1540.5^ Since this was also the name
of Langley Vale Road in 167953 this route towards Leatherhead
seems well established. Though Norden's map is only diagrammatic
in form, alternative routes are shewn to the north and south of
Ashtead. The fact that the more southerly one became known as
the Port way, despite its route away from the village, suggests that
at one time this had been the more widely used road. This could
have occurred because of the existence of a hundred meeting place
along its course. This road is joined on Epsom Downs near the
present racecourse by Yew Tree Bottom Road, from the site of
Bergh, the remaining Banstead manor which was included in the
Hundred of Copthorne in the Domesday Survey.

There now remains the approach to this hilltop from Mickleham.
At the time of the Domesday Survey this was a small village5+
without any immediately obvious need for a road to Epsom Downs.
Yet in the fifteen miles of Stane Street between Buckinghill Farm,
Ockley, and the London Road Plantation, Ewell, only the short
section between Mickleham and Thirty Acres Barn survived to
become a medieval road called Pybyl Stret55 and the present
bridle road. Pebble Lane.s*' This survival would have required
substantial use of the road in Saxon and early medieval times. Yet
even if Mickleham's close connections with Leatherheads^ had not
made that the more obvious route towards the north-easterly parts
of Surrey, the normal amount of village traffic would hardly have
been sufficient to keep the road in constant use. When it is
considered, however, that attendance at an early moot would have
meant considerable traffic at least every three or four weeks, and
that this was probably the most direct road from Newdigate also,
then a likely explanation for this survival becomes clear. Moreover,
Stane Street fell out of use precisely where it met the Portway
before that road proceeded to the top of the hill at Nutshambles and
disappeared so completely that for many years its course through
Epsom was unsuspected, and was not confirmed until Mr. Winbolt's
excavation in Woodcote Park in 1936.5*^ Pebble Lane veers to the
east and leaves the line of Stane Street just a few hundred yards
before its junction with Green Lane, cutting off a corner. This
emphasises still further that when the section of Stane Street
continuing to Epsom was being allowed to fall into disuse, possibly

5° O.S. as above. Now called Downs Road and partly di\'erted.

51 Survey of the Manor of Epsom, 1679. Sy.R.O., 31/4/1.

52 Rental of Manor of Epsom, Edward VI, 1547-50, P.R.O. L.R. 2/190.

53 Survey of the Manor of Epsom, 1679.

54 V.C.H., Surrey, I, 304. In Domesday survey assessed at 5 hides.

55 Gover, J. E. B., Stenton, F. M., Mawer, A., Place Names of Stirrev,
E.P.-N.S., XI, 1934, 81.

56 N.G.R. TQ 193565.

57 In later years both Thorncroft and Pacheneshani Manors were to hold
parcels of land there. P. Leatherhead L.H.S., II, 6 (1962), 169.

58 Winbolt, S. E., With a Spade on Stane Street. 1936, 219. Sy.A.C, XLIV
(1936). 146.

52 THE MEETING PLACE OF COPTHORNE HUNDRED

because of the enclosure of Woodcote Park already mentioned, the
destination of the people who were still using the road from
Mickleham was a place to the east of its junction with the Port way,
where the site of the hundred moot probably lay.

The continued use of this part of Stane Street suggests that this
could have been an early folk moot which survived to give its name
to the hundred. This view is supported by the name Copthorne
itself, since thorn trees appear in early charters as boundary marks^^
and are known to have been sacred objects in Celtic and Teutonic
rehgion.*""

The exact position of the meeting place on this hilltop is not
certain. The flat top of the ridge where it is spanned by Downs
Road, Ashtead, seems a probable place. Roads from the western
part of the hundred and the boundary of Little Copthorn meet at
one end of that road, while at the other end are the roads from the
eastern part, the hedge, earthwork, and fields called Nutshambles
and the parish boundaries. To the north of Downs Road is a
triangular piece of land, now planted with trees, which stretches
from the earthwork on the east to Little Copthorn on the west. On
the Ordnance Survey 6-inch map of 1871 this was shewn as
unenclosed scrubland and in the Ashtead Tithe Award, 1840, *"'
pasture called Juniper Green. This seems a possible site. At the
western end of this land were found some of the burials already
described and this raises the question whether any of them could
have been those of executed criminals. The giving of the name
Motschameles specifically to the hedge on the earthwork could be
taken to imply either that the earthwork had some definite
connection with the meeting place, presumably as a platform, or
that the hedge, for part of its length, marked one of the Umits of the
meeting area in the way in which the Moot Hedge of Gore Hundred
in Middlesex appears originally to have done.''- If this were so,
however, a larger area than the former Juniper Green must have
been involved. In absence of any definite archaeological evidence it
seems wiser not to try to locate the meeting place more precisely
than on this hilltop, assuming that the fields called Nutshambles and
Copthorn, the hedge and the earthwork acquired their names from
their proximity to the meeting place.

The hilltop can be seen, therefore, to have many of the character-
istics commonly associated with hundred moots. There are two
separate significant place names, of which one preserves the hundred
name and the other suggests a meeting place and benches used there.
Geographically the situation is suitable in that this is a prominent
ridge, in open country between the villages, at the centre of the
hundred, where three parish boundaries met. There is further the
familiar association with an earthwork; nearby are unexplained

59 Birch, W. De G., Cartularium Saxonicum, 1885. No. 34.

60 Hastings, Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, 12, 1908-1926, 452.
Anderson, op. cit., 214.

6i Ashtead Tithe Award, 1840. 25.

62 T. London &- Mddx. A.S., New Series, VII, pt. II (1953), 218 et seq.

THE MEETING PLACE OF COPTHORNE HUNDRED 53

burials. Finally, though there is no evidence of settlement to account
for trafific to the area, many ancient roads are seen to meet there.
This suggests the continued use of this hilltop for an important
purpose.

A cknowledgements

The author wishes to thank Miss E. M. Dance of Guildford Museum and
Muniment Room and Mr. A. W. G. Lowther for reading this article in draft;
Messrs. N. H. and M. Nail for useful ideas about the material and its arrange-
ment; Miss M. Gollancz, of the Surrey Record Office, for her many helpful
suggestions regarding the presentation of this article. The conclusions drawn,
however, are the writer's alone.

A MEDIEVAL GLASSHOUSE AT BLUNDEN'S
WOOD, HAMBLEDON, SURREY

ERIC S. WOOD, F.S.A.

This paper describes the excavation and study of a fourteenth-century

glasshouse.

INTRODUCTORY

Discovery of the Site. From hints in S. E. Winbolt's Wealden Glass
(1933), the standard work on the glass industry of the Surrey-
Sussex Weald, it seemed to the writer and other members of the
Surrey Archaeological Society that some unrecorded kilns might still
be found. Search was made in the early estate maps and on the
ground in South- West Surrey with Mr. W. Crawford Knox and
Mr. N. P. Thompson (the Society's Honorar}^ Excavations
Organiser), and with the help of Mr. F. H. Hughes of Godalming.
This search led to no positive result, except to locate a few lime and
brick kilns. It was at least established that glassy deposits on stones
or bricks (due to the accidental firing of sand present in a kiln or in
the stone) were not sufficient by themselves to indicate glassmaking ;
actual glass and crucible must be present also. A report of glass
refuse at Watersmeet (Gunter's Wood), Hambledon, however, did
reveal a probable glass site now irretrievably buried mider pigstyes.

But Mr. Thompson persisted, and when walking in November
1959 in Blunden's Wood, Hambledon, and being stopped by Mr.
A. Hildersley, who had the local shooting rights (and was carrying a
gun at the time), he made his usual enquiry about glass refuse (at
close range), and was unexpectedly led to a low squarish mound
in the wood, on which were the indubitable signs of glassmaking.
This seemed to be an unrecorded and untouched site, and therefore
a fit subject for a fresh examination of a Wealden glasshouse, which,
in the present state of knowledge, was overdue. As it turned out,
Mr. Thompson's virtually chance discovery (and his intrepid
persistence!) was well rewarded. It came to light that the site was
in fact known to at least two local men — Mr. L. Edwards and Mr.
Coleman — who had recovered crucible, lumps of glass and pieces of
finished glass from it, but had not dug there. It was therefore
\'irtually undisturbed.

The glasshouse cannot be linked with an\' specific glassmaker
recorded historical^.

The Setting. The site was near (40-50 feet from) the edge of a bank
of clay running NW.-SE. along the valley of a stream, and about a
mile south of the ridge of Greensand hills north of Hambledon
A-illage, which is about three-quarters of a mile to the north-west.^

I N.G.R. SU 974374.
54

A MEDIEVAL GLASSHOUSE AT BLUNDEN S WOOD

The bank and valley were covered with a thick woodland of oak, ash
and hazel, with bramble undergrowth, and although the present
thicket is not old, woodland cover is probably an original feature of
the site, providing fuel for the kilns. The clay itself is suitable for
use. In many parts of the wood old pits survive from which iron ore
was dug.- A green ride which runs through the wood from east to
west evidently represents the access lane for the pits and the
glasshouse. (See Map, Fig. 1.)

glasshoJseB I

I Lower
Vanr

Fig. 1. — Map of Hambledon Area, showing Glasshouses at Blunden's
Wood, Vann and Gunter's Wood.

Incidentally, the sand for the Wealden glass industry was not
strictly local, but may have been brought in from Graffham, Sussex,
some 15 miles from Hambledon. There was, in fact, a source on
Hambledon Common. 3

The site as found. The mound as found was some 16 feet across and
some 1 ft. 6 ins. (south side) to 2 ft. 6 ins. (east side) high. It was
littered with glass waste, burnt clay and sandstone, and crucible.
When the area was cleared for excavation a smaller mound, 10 feet
across and one foot high, was seen about 6 feet to the west of the
large moimd, but had not previously been visible in the under-
growth (Plate 11(a)).

2 B. C. Worssam in Froc. Geol. Ass'n, 75 (1964), 538, 542.

3 Information from Mr. B. C. Worssam through Mr. Kenyon.

A MEDIEVAL GLASSHOUSE AT BLUNDEN S WOOD

A MEDIEVAL GLASSHOUSE AT BLUNDEN's WOOD 57

THE EXCAVATION

Permission was readily granted by the owners of the wood, the
Sussex and Dorking United Brick Companies Ltd. (through
Lt.-Col. M. S. Whitehouse, M.B.E.), for the investigation of the
mound by the Society. As it happened, the clay bank on which the
mound was situated was, in the course of 1960, to be removed by the
brickworks as a source of clay, and the discovery of the mound,
permitting its investigation before destruction, was therefore very
opportune. Gratitude is due to the company, and to their local
manager, Mr. J. Eames, for their ready co-operation.

Excavation took place over three weekend^ in March and April
1960, under the writer's direction, with the help of a party of some
twenty members of the Society. If special mention may be made
from such a band of willing workers. Miss Joan Harding supervised
the laying-out, and the sections were drawn by Mr. and Mrs.
Northgreaves. Other assistance of various kinds is mentioned
below.

The site was visited during the excavation by Mr. G. H. Kenyon,
F.S.A., Miss D. Charlesworth, F.S.A., and Mr. A. J. Clark, F.S.A.

Method of Excavation. It was at first decided to excavate a grid of
8-foot squares, with 18-inch balks, over the whole area of the two
mounds, based on the apparent centre of the large mound, but when
this had proceeded it was found that the natural clay was only some
4-6 inches below the ground surface, and that the kiln structures
were at a similar depth. The balks were therefore taken down at an
early stage and the entire area uncovered.

THE MAIN KILN (a)

The large squarish mound covered a sub-rectangular kiln,
consisting of a straight central flue with fire-places at each end
(lying NW.-SE.), and stone banks on each side, each with two
sieges. The structure as excavated stood some 2 feet high, and this
was approximately the original height of the basal parts of the kiln,
the structure being held rigid by the very unyielding mass of
hardened scum (see below). Of the roof no coherent evidence
remained. The kiln was 11 feet long and, as excavated, had shghtly
bowed walls, being 10 feet wide at the west end, 1 1 feet in the centre,
and 8 feet (the original width) at the east end.

The kiln may conveniently be described in the order of the
original construction; see plan. Figs. 2 and 4, and sections. Figs. 4
and 5.

The Sieges. The first parts to be built were the two benches on which
the crucibles for melting the glass stood. These were roughly 8 feet
long by 2 ft. 3 ins. wide, and 2 feet high. They were made of chunky
pieces of local sandstone, mostly about 6-9 inches across, built up
in dry-wall construction (there was no trace of mortar anywhere on
the site). There were no foundations — the structure rested on the
surface of the natural clay (from which the topsoil only had

58 A MEDIEVAL GLASSHOUSE AT BLUNDEN'S WOOD

presumably been removed). In these structures two circular
emplacements, slightly depressed for the crucibles, had been made,
consisting of spaces in the stonework filled with clay resting on fiat
stones. These were 3-6 inches from the ends of the banks, 1 ft. 3 ins.
in diameter, and 4 inches from the edge of the flue and the wall
cavities. The stones surrounding the sieges was spattered with glass.

The Flue was next to be finished. The builders of the walls of the
pot-banks had trampled the soil into a hard surface, which showed a
deeper red in section. On this was spread a layer of clay 3 inches
thick, which had hardened in the heat into a bricky layer, purplish-
red inside and blue outside. At each end the fires were kindled,
producing black patches some 3 feet by 1 ft. 2 ins. The flue as first
seen was a narrow channel (1 ft.-l ft. 10 ins. wide by 10 ft. 6 ins.
long) in a thick layer of a grey substance, the edges of which rose
over the lips of the pot-banks, and humping in the middle nearly to
the top of the flue. This was a puzzle until it was realised that the
material was not the hardened clay flue-floor, but glass-scum which
had overflowed from the boiling and often broken crucibles into the
flue, finally blocking it to the point of obstruction of the draught,
and giving the reason for the abandonment of the kiln. This scum,
which contained pieces of stone and crucible, was hard enough to
resist the pick. It seems to have coUected in two separate layers,
representing a break in the use of the kiln. (Fig. 3, Plate 111(a).)

The Walls. At about a foot from the central structure a stone wall
8 inches wide was built all roimd the kiln to the height of the siege-
banks. The cavity between the two (c. 11 inches wide), was filled
with clay, which contained some fallen stones. The walls ran roimd
the comers (where the cavity was larger) and across the ends of the
kiln in a curve, to contain the hearths (Plates Ill(b) and IV(a)). The
northern pot-bank and outer wall had collapsed outwards, but the
southern side provided enough evidence for a reconstruction. The
entire site was strewn with stones fallen from the roof, and with
burnt clay. The heat of the kiln had reddened the soil for 2-3 feet
all round, and under the flue for a foot down. The walls and roof
were no doubt set in, or plastered with, clay for rigidity and thermal
efficiency.

The remains of a small fire, apparently lit for some casual purpose,
were found in the shelter of the north wall of the kiln.

The flue at Blimden's Wood appeared narrower than at other
sites; those at Femfold and Jamestown were 2 feet wide; but this is
probably deceptive, and due to irregular sagging of the walls. A
width of 2 feet is in fact to be assumed here also.

The Roof. Although no direct evidence was found, an attempt must
be made to conjecture its nature. Medieval engravings show a
barrel vault, but this necessitates wedge-shaped stones, which were
not found on this site (unless they had been robbed) . The suggestion
of Mr. Harrington, for Jamesto\vn, Virginia, of rough stones
embedded in thick clay is more feasible, but difficult to imagine

A MEDIEVAL GLASSHOUSE AT BLUNDEN's WOOD 59

holding up until fired hard, unless it was supported on a timber
frame which burnt away. In any case the weight of such a roof would
need a strong support if it is not to spread and collapse, and the
double walls of this kiln may have been made to take the thrust of
the roof, which would rest on the inside skin, with a batter of clay
joining it to the outside wall over the clay-filled cavity. But this
is theoretical, and I can find no direct evidence for it in medieval
building practice.

On the other hand, the cavities in the walls need not ha\e been
filled with clay originally, but could have been filled later in the
decay of the structure. 4 Indeed, contemporary filling would
presumably have hardened, and shrunk away from the walls, which
was not the case. On this view one must postulate a mass of stones
and clay, forming the walls and roof, being fired over a wooden frame
until it reached a degree of homogeneity where the thrust would be
vertical and not oblique. In this case the roof could rest on the
outside walls, and the cavities be empty, as an insulation space.

Of course, the cavities may represent the spaces in which the
frame was erected, if such was the case. A conjecture which appeals
to me strongly is that the siege-banks were built first ; a frame was
then erected outside them, against and over which the walls and
roof were laid. The cavities would then be left free when the kiln
was fired and the frame burnt awa}', and would have a secondary
use for insulation.

These cavities in any event seem to be a feature unique to
Blunden's Wood. Plate IV(a) shows the large kiln at JamestowTi, with
double walls, although the outer wall here is closer to the inner
structure than at Blunden's Wood. The principle, however, may be
the same. The reconstructions (Fig. 5 and Plate VH(a)) follow
the Jamestown precedent.

Unless a forced draught were used, for which evidence is lacking,
there must have been a chimney, however small.

THE ROUND KILN (b)

Seven feet west of the large kiln was a low mound, which
covered a low heap of stones, some 8 feet by 4 ft. 6 ins. When
excavated this turned out to be another kiln, roundish or heart-
shaped, the roof of which, beehive by analogy with early descriptions,
was founded on very large stones (some 9 inches across) round the
outside of the kiln. Inside, in the centre, was a well-defined square
cavity (a fireplace) filled with burnt clay (1 ft. 1 in. by 1 ft. 3 ins.),
with a passage, 4 inches wide, curved in a dog-leg (each section 7
inches long), and covered by a flat stone, leading to the outside, no
doubt a bellows-tuyere, implying the use of forced draught. On
either side of this, in the lobes of the heart, were long cavities, one 4
feet by 1 ft. 6 ins., the other 3 feet by 2 feet, filled with burnt earth,
but having also hard floors of reddish (burnt) clay on which were laid
thin slabs of stone. The left-hand (east) cavity was spattered with
glass.

4 This is supported by the fallen stones, as well as clay, found in the cavity.

60 A MEDIEVAL GLASSHOUSE AT BLUNDEN'S WOOD

A large number of crucible fragments, most of the glass and
pottery sherds, and the horseshoe, came from among the stones of
this kiln and its vicinity. (Plates V(a), V(b) and VI(b).)

THE SMALL OVEN (c)

Between Kilns A and B was a small round oven (C), 2 ft. 6 ins. by
1 ft. 6 ins., represented by an irregular oval of large stones
surrounding blackened soil. (Plates VI (a) and (b).)

THE WORKING FLOOR

Two feet west of the end of Kiln A was a low wall of large stones,
still standing three courses high. This was about 4 feet long, and
curved gentl}^ outwards in the middle, away from the hearth. Its
purpose was no doubt to shield the legs of the workers from the heat
of the fire, because just beyond it was a floor of smallish stones. The
area paved in this way was some 5 feet b}^ 5 ft. 6 ins., with a narrow
trail running from it towards the east side of Kiln C, where it
broadened into a pa^xd strip some 2 feet across. It may be supposed
that this floor had originally been larger and more continuous, but
the presence of the screen wall indicates that the main working area
may have been in that part of the site.

A general plan of the structures as excavated is in Fig. 2 ; and see
Plate VII.

OTHER FEATURES

No refuse heap, or store of cullet, was found, although search was
made. Nor was there a surrounding ditch. No trace was found either
of the shed which normally covered a glasshouse, whether by way of
postholes or otherwise. 5 This could be explained b}^ the removal of
the posts supporting the shed entire when the kilns were abandoned,
leaving no stumps in the ground to rot, but only holes which quickly
filled ^vith earth and became imnoticeable.

LATER FINDS

The site was visited again a few weeks later, in May 1960. By
then the entire area had been cleared of trees and undergrowth, and
the bulldozers had left nothing but a wide space of bare churned
clay several hundred yards long by about 200 yards wide, from
the stream nearly to the track. The kiln site had been completely
destroj^ed. This gave a good opportunity to see {a) whether the site
as excavated was the whole installation, {b) whether the glasshouse
was the only one in the immediate area. Both these points could
readily be settled in the affirmative. No ditch or subsidiar}' structure,
or other kiln, appeared. The site in fact showed as three patches of
burnt reddened cla3% the largest (representing Kiln A) extending
over some 21 feet by 11 feet, the two smaller ones being closelj''
comparable in size and position to Kilns B and C as excavated. The

5 At Jamestown the presence of such a shed was inferred from the clearly-
defined edges of the working floor, but this was not the case at Blunden's
Wood. Only 4 out of 25 known Weald glasshouses have ditches surviving.

ACCESS

A HOLE Y y

lNSULATIOi--r7

Low chimney
y^^ or hole in roof

UPPER
SLAG
3" +

LOWER
SLAG
3" +

CLAY

FLOOR

BURNT CLAY

(soil) li"

REDDENED
CLAY
SOIL
8"

NATURAL

!^^^!>^

Fig. 4. — Kiln A, Cross-section.

Low chimney
fy/' y\ or hole In roof

Clay floor

1 I I I
I I I I

2 3 4

0 I 2

Feet

Fig. 3. — Kiln A, Section of Fast Fnd of Flue

Fig. 5. — Kiln A. Reconstruction Plan and Section.

A MEDIEVAL GLASSHOUSE AT BLUNDEN's WOOD 61

burnt area of Kiln A thus extends up to over 4 feet from the actual
structure, which gives an idea of the heat generated inside it when
working. The mass of overflowed glass waste blocking the flue,
which had resisted the excavators' picks, was hard enough to resist
the bulldozers also, and huge unbroken masses of it were strewn
about the neighbourhood of the kiln.

The proximity of the kiln to the edge of the bank was also
revealed; this was no more than ten feet away. The edge here was
quite sharp, and the bank fell steeply dowTi to the stream after a
slope 30 feet long.

In August 1961 the Brick Company informed us that further
bulldozing had revealed another kiln some distance away from the
one excavated, and that the whole area would be removed for brick-
making clay within a week. An emergency search of the area
revealed that in fact there had been a misapprehension of the
terrain, and that the discoloration seen by the Brick Company was
in fact the traces of the excavated kilns, and that there were no
others. This was in a way disappointing, although it bore out the
results of the earlier search, because a second kiln would not have
been unexpected in the light of Wealden practice. Such a kiln may
exist to be discovered in the part of the wood still imreached by the
bulldozers.

The earth-moving machines had shifted a considerable amount of
soil from the site of the kilns, and had piled it up in heaps some 20
feet to the north, over the edge of the bank. Search in these heaps
revealed considerable quantities of glass, and some pottery (including
pieces of the large thumbed-base jug), all quite consistent with what
was found in the excavation. It appeared indeed as though the
cullet or waste heap of the kiln, not located in spite of search at the
time of the excavation, had been turned over. Alternatively, the
fragments could have been in the soil outside the excavated area.
This was a fortunate chance indeed.

The glass fragments fell into a number of categories, and although
these may not be complete, in view of the necessarily cursory search
in the short time available, yet they supplement the meagre harvest
of the excavation in a way which probably gives a true picture of
the workings of the kiln (see page 65).

THE FUNCTIONS OF THE KILNS

The Glass-making Processes. In order to make clear the discussion of
the functions of the kilns at Blunden's Wood, it is necessary first to
outline the processes of glass-making used in the Middle Ages.
Reduced to its simplest terms, the sequence involved:*^

[a) The mixing together of the main raw ingredients, mostly sand
and salts derived from the ash of burnt plants or trees ;7

6 See Singer et al.: A History of Technology, II (1956); III (1957), under
Glass.

7 At Blunden's Wood apparently wood ashes, not bracken, were used (see
below).

62 A MEDIEVAL GLASSHOUSE AT BLUNDEN'S WOOD

(6) these were heated in pottery crucibles (previously heated to
prevent cracking), in a furnace to a temperature too low to
produce complete fusion and liquefaction, but high enough to
lead to granulation and a semi-vitreous condition (this is
called frit) ;

(c) other ingredients, lime,^ waste glass [cullet] and e.g. colours,
could then be added, and the frit heated until glass was
obtained — this reheating was necessarv in anv case to refine
the frit ;

[d] the vessels or wmdow-glass (there is no need here to describe
the tools used^) were then made, and the products, by then
cool, were reheated, either in a separate oven or on an upper
shelf or cooler place in the melting furnace, and allowed to
cool slowly and harden (this is annealing).

Green glass — that is, the normal micoloured medieval 'forest' glass
— was not purified, so the ingredients carried and retained their
original impurities, which gave the glass its colour.

Contemporary writers, until as late as the seventeenth century,
describe and illustrate the furnaces in which these processes were
carried out. Merrett (1662)^° says that the green -glass factories used
a rectangular furnace with four or more pots on each side, frit being
made at one end, and the pots preheated at the other, the hot gases
passing into the ends from the melting furnaces. Green glass needed
twice the heat of crystal glass. ^^

The Purpose of the Kilns. The interpretation of the original functions
of the three ovens at Blimden's Wood has not been easy, in the
absence of unanimity on the part of the early authorities, and of the
inconsistency of the e^ddence from excavated sites.

The well-known medieval writers on glassmaking are inconsistent
with each other, perhaps because their experience was in different
parts of Europe, and at different times. No doubt also because actual
glasshouses differed among themselves. So, Theophilus (c. a.d.
1000) speaks of large and small ovens, both rectangular, and a third
for \\dndow-glass spreading (the latter at least is not apphcable to
Blunden's Wood). Peder Mannson (c. 1530), refers to a (?) rectang-
ular frit furnace, and a round glass furnace. Agricola (c. 1550), the
most illustrated in the hterature, mentions three furnaces, the first
'arched over' (i.e. rectangular), the second roimd, and the third
rectangular. \Vhen only two were used, the mixture was cooked in
the first, and recooked in the second, where also the glass articles
were annealed.

8 Not added to early Weald glass; enough was present, although unrealised
by the glassworkers, in the vegetable ash (W. E. S. Turner, in /. Soc. Glass
Technology. XL (1956), 39).

9 See Singer or Winbolt.

1° See Glass Technology, 3/6 (1962), 201.

^' The processes are fully described by D. B. Harden in Domestic Window
Glass (in E. M. Jope, ed.: Studies in Building History (1961), 39-63).

A MEDIEVAL GLASSHOUSE AT BLUNDEN'S WOOD 63

Singer says that kilns can be three-storey— a fuel-chamber, a pot-
chamber and an anneahng oven. In the Weald, these three can be
side by side. Again, a rectangular furnace, with 2-4 glass pots on
each side, can have an extension either for fritting or for annealing.
But there is much variation ; a common form was two pots and two
working holes, and a small annealing oven, all in the same furnace.
It is not entirely academic to compare kihis of different dates, as the
glass industry was very conservative in this respect, and, as
Professor W. E. S. Turner points out, traditional procedures were
still being followed until late in the seventeenth century.^- The close
comparison of the structures at Blunden's Wood (fourteenth
century) with that at Jamestown (seventeenth century) demon-
strates this.

Turning to actual sites: Vamt {c. 1580) is hardly comparable, with
its highly sophisticated brick kiln of French type, with wings. '3
Hazelbridge Hanger (Early) 'appears to have been an oblong
building.''* Malham Ashfold (Early) had a sandstone floor c. 16 feet
by 11 feet. '5 Sidney Wood (1610) was rectangular.'^ Bishop's Wood,
Staffs, (late sixteenth century), was rectangular, with stone siege
platforms, and a space between them, (?) for preheating the pots.'^
Fernfold (late sixteenth century, probably Carre's own furnace) had
a straight flue 8 feet long by 2 feet wide, between \\alls c. 2 feet
thick, with clay ramps outside them ((?) for conserving heat), and
with hearths at both ends. This, then, is not unlike the arrangement
of Kiln A at Blunden's Wood.'^ Woodchester. Glos. (c. 1590-1615),
had a circular furnace, with fire space on the ground level, and two
platforms for crucibles (the upper one for roasting the frit, the
lower one for melting). It also had a rectangular oven. Daniels is,
after all, inclined to interpret the beehive oven as only used for
roasting, and the oblong one for annealing. '^ St. Weonards,
Herefordshire, which is roughly contemporary with Woodchester,
had a rectangular furnace.^"

Jamestown, Virginia,^' offers a number of interesting parallels to
Blunden's Wood. Although they did not build it until 1608, the
colonists were reduced to the simplest construction and equipment.

^2 In Glass Technology, 1962.

13 S. E. Winbolt: Wealden Glass (1933), 19.

^4 Winbolt, op. cit. 8 and 32. Weald glass before 1567 is described in this
paper as Early, and after 1567 as Late. These used to be called 'fougere' and
'barilla' ; but it is now known that Carre improved techniques but did not alter
the materials used.

15 Winbolt, op. cit. 43.

'6 Winbolt, op. cit. 38. In fact, all Weald main furnaces with any e\'idence
are rectangular.

17 T. Pape: inProc. N. Staffs Field Club, LXVIII (1934), 106.

'8 In Winbolt op. cit., but brought up to date in Sussex County Magazine,
December 1935.

^9 H. J. Powell: Glassmaking in England (1923), 24; J. S. Daniels: in Proc.
Huguenot Soc. of London. XVIII (1952), 464.

^° Information from the excavator, Mr. N. Bridgewater. See note 35.

^' J. C. Harrington: Glassinaking at Jamestown, 1952.

64 A MEDIEVAL GLASSHOUSE AT BLUNDEN's WOOD

and the conjectural restoration shows a surprisingly medieval-
looking glasshouse. The kilns were made of stones set in clay, and
the evidence sheds much light on the processes used. Jamestown had
a working furnace, with room for four pots; a small kiln for firing
new pots or for preheating pots ; a fritting furnace and an anneahng
furnace, these two joined together in one structure with ovens each
end. ]\Ir. Harrington, the excavator, has kindly told me, in a letter,
that he is now inclined to interpret the latter as a pair of anneahng
ovens, so that continuous operation could be assured. His recon-
struction has no chimney over his working furnace, and this may be
questioned.

Wilderspool, near Warrington, although Roman, may also be
glanced at, in spite of the great difference in age. The main ovens
were circular or oval, but separate small ovens existed, which have
been regarded as probably for heating the glass-melting pots. Here
the larger ovens were interpreted as for annealing. -^ Glastonbury
(Saxon) had circular kilns.

The remaining glass sites in Britain are mostly too fragmentary
for reliable conclusions to be drawn. Evidence from continental
sites does not add to the picture.'3

Functions of the Blunden's Wood Ovens. There is, it is clear, much
variation from site to site. But with this in mind, and from the
evidence at Blunden's Wood, I am inclined to suggest the following
scheme: —

Small oven (C) for preheating pots

Round oven (B) left side, for fritting

Main oven (A) for melting

Round oven (B) right side, for annealing.

From the mass of waste glass in the flue of Kiln A, there is no
doubt of its use as a melting furnace; but there is no evidence
whether annealing was also carried out in an upper stage of this kiln.
The left-hand siege of Kiln B was spattered with glass, and fritting
seems a reasonable explanation of this. The right-hand side was free
of glass, but the whole oven was littered with broken crucible and
pieces of finished glass. Kiln C was also free of spilt glass. It is not
impossible that the suggested functions of B (right side) and C
could be reversed, but on the whole the scheme proposed seems
reasonable.

There are, of course, other possible alternatives. If, for example,
as Professor Turner did not rule out, annealing was done over the
roof of the melting furnace (A), then Kilns B and C would be

-~ T. May, in Trans. Hist. Soc. of Lanes and Ches., LII (1900).

-3 The best documented is the Carolingian oven in the Foret d'Anher,
Belgium (C. Dubois, in Annales de I'lnst. Arch, du Luxembourg, XLVI (1911),
355; more accessibly in H. Arbnian: Schweden und das karolingische Reich
(1937), 83, and R. Chambon: L'Histoire de la Verrerie en Belgique (1955), 47).
This had a round oven with 3 tiers. (These references are owed to Mr. R. J.
Charleston.)

A MEDIEVAL GLASSHOUSE AT BLUNDEN's WOOD 65

restricted to preheating pots and fritting. But the Jamestown
evidence shows that a separate oven was used, in this type of glass-
house, for anneahng.

Complete certainty is not to be had, and the question must be left
open.

CONJECTURAL RECONSTRUCTION

By a fortunate coincidence, the discovery of Blunden's Wood
narrowly preceded the initiation of plans for setting up, by
Pilkingtons Ltd., of a museum of glass at St. Helens. -'^ The organiser
of the displays, Mr. James Gardner, was put in touch with the
Society by Dr. Harden and Mr. Tait, and fruitful discussions
followed, in which Mr. Kenyon and the writer took part. As a result
a model of a medieval glasshouse was made for the museum, based
on medieval and later prints, and on the evidence provided by
Blunden's Wood. -5 Plate VH (a) gives a view of this model. This is a
remarkable imaginative acliievement on Mr. Gardner's part, and
gives a broadly accurate impression of what a medieval glasshouse
must have looked like.

THE GLASS

This was all pale green uncoloured glass, of the 'Early' type made before
1567. It is mostly of good quality. The colour in fact varies from nearly clear,
to pale milky, to a fresh yellowish or sometimes faintly bluish green. There
could have been no consistency between melts. The thickness varies quite
widely, from less than 0-5 mm. to 4 mm. (1/6 inch). This lends no support to
the common idea that thin glass is later than thick. 26

Some four hundred pieces were recovered (although only a selection was
made from the cullet heap), and there is no reason to suppose that this was not
a fully representative sample. These pieces consisted of the following: — •

fiat or curved pieces, from window or vessel;

rims, from window or vessel, various diameters, some plain, some

thickened, some raised on one side, one rolled over;
3 pieces of spiral wrythen vessel ;
bottle necks and mouths, some wide (1-1 in. diameter), some narrow

(0-5 in. and 0-6 in. diameter). One wide neck has a flaring rim. At least

one shoulder. (Fig. 6, C and D) ;
bottle bases, with wide shallow kicks. (Fig. 6A) ;
lamp bottoms (like fingerstalls, 1-5 in. long by 1-25 in. wide at opening —

see below). (Fig. 6B) ;
cut-offs, waste from the manufacture of quarrels from crown. Some of

these are grozed.
3 roundels (1-3 in. by 1-1 in.; 1 inch by 0-8 in.; 0-8 in. by 0-7 in.), clearly

waste from a window-maker. (Fig. 7A) ;

1 diamond-shaped piece, 0-5 in. edges, 0-4 in. across, 0-9 in. long. (Fig.
7B);

2 pieces with scored lines ;

2 pieces with traces of painted pattern of thick and thin straight lines
(Fig. 7D) ;

*4 This was opened in November 1964.

25 The model is accompanied by pieces of glass and crucible from Blunden's
Wood presented by the Society from the collections at Castle Arch, with the
consent of Guildford Corporation.

26 For the thickness question, and cullet, see G. H. Kenyon: Some Notes on
the Glass Industry in England prior to 1567 (/. Brit. Soc. of Master Glass-
Painters, XII, 2 (1956-57), 103).

A MEDIEVAL GLASSHOUSE AT BLUXDEX's WOOD

Fig. 6. — Glass. A, Bottle Base; B, Bottom of Lamp; C, Wide Neck and
Mouth; D, Narrow Neck. (^)

1 piece with traces of painted decoration. (Fig. 7C) ;

3 pinched and twisted pieces;

welting-off pieces;

crucible waste — shapeless lumps of glass, some having one side reflecting

the curve of the crucible ;
'horns' and drips;
rod. One has one end tubular;
furnace waste ('scum,' etc.);
weathered glass (see below — Fig. 7E).

Fig. 7. — ^Glass. A, Roundel; B, Diamond; C, Painted Piece; D, Piece with
Painted Rectilinear Design ; E, Effect of Weathering. (^)

Much of this is clearly the remains of local manufacture. This can
no doubt include much of the flat window glass, and much of the
bottle and vessel. The bottle bases and necks can be closeh' matched
from Chiddingf old (fourteenth to sixteenth century) . The wrythen is
also found at Chiddingf old, and as it is scarce at Blunden's Wood,
may be cuUet here.-" The 'fingerstalls' are not bottle-kicks, the
pontil-marks being on the outside ; nor are they parts of palm-cups,
flaring as they do so near the base. They are identified by Dr. D. B.
Harden as the bottoms of lamp-glasses. This is a common type,
with a wide distribution from the Near East to Britain, in use from

27 Winbolt, op. cit., 10, 11; for wrythen, 68.

A MEDIEVAL GLASSHOUSE AT BLUNDEN's WOOD 67

the early Middle Ages to modem times. ^^ There is no reason to
doubt that these are of Wealden make, if not actually products of
Blunden's Wood.

The painted glass, and the cut-offs, diamond and roundels, are
almost certainly cullet. This is interesting, as it shows one source of
cullet, a window-painter, 29 for which no doubt finished glass was
exchanged.

WEATHERED GLASS

The glass is all, of course, more or less weathered, mostly with the
sandy flecking typical of Wealden glass. But about a quarter had
passed beyond this stage. That is, it was opaque, dark green, some
almost black, as against the translucent pale green of the rest.
Thick pieces often had developed three layers, one in the middle
covered with surface-pitting (like the frost -pitting on flint, but much
smaller) ; those outside breaking up along tiny vertical cracks
(Fig. 7E). Some was flaky; some quite 'rotten,' or soft and crumbly.
These features are regular phenomena of weathering, or exposure to
moisture in the soil, but it is not certain whether they are partly due
to faults in the manufacturing processes. 3° The effect of prolonged
exposure to moisture can indeed lead to complete disintegration, 3^
and some of the Blunden's Wood glass was nearly at this point.
But the fact that only some of the glass was completely rotten
serves to indicate the length of time needed for the process.

ANALYSIS OF THE GLASS

Dr. S. C. Waterton, of E. J. & J. Pearson Ltd., Firebrick Works,
Stourbridge, very kindly analysed samples of glass from Blunden's
Wood. These were a drip of waste, a piece reflecting the curve of the
crucible wall, and a piece of thin window or bottle glass. The
analysis gave : — o/

SiO, 57-00

TiO, 008

Al.Oa 4-78*

Fe.O, 1-32

CaO 17-50

MgO 6-95

K,0 9-00

Na^O 3-40

Loss 0-08

100-11

With trace of manganese up to 0-2%.

^8 G. M. Crowfoot and D. B. Harden: Early Byzantine and Later Glass
Lamps [J. Egyptian Arch. 17, 196, cf. Fig. 36).

29 Perhaps in the Lambeth-Battersea area.

3° W. Geimann : Die Zersetzung der Glaeser im Boden (Glastechnische
Berichte, 29 (1956), 145; also Microscopic Inspection of Old Glass (Zeiss
Werkzeitschrift, 38 (1962).

3^ The soda and potash in the glass is leached out and replaced by silicic
acid, and iron, aluminium, titanium and manganese hydroxides.

A MEDIEVAL GLASSHOUSE AT BLUXDEN S WOOD

Dr. Waterton's opinion was that the glass was

probably made from a local sand, almost certainly contaminated with
cla3--like substances, wood ashes, which would account for the high potash
content (compared with modern glass), and a limestone which might have
been of a dolomitic nature or was possibly a magnesian limestone such as
is found in Yorkshire, and possibly other parts of the country.32

This compares with the following results from other sites : —

Early

Weald

England 1
post 1567

Roman

(Malham

Jamestown

Modern

Ashfold)

silica SiO,

71/76

alumina ALO3

— .

lime CaO

—

magnesia MgO

—

7/9

potash K,0

15/17

(Main ingredients only, in round figures.)

Blimden's Wood is thus in line with Malham Ashfold.

The Blunden's Wood glass, Dr. Waterton reports, melted at
1150° C, which implies that it was probably originally founded at
about 1200-1250° C.

THE CRUCIBLES

A large number of fragments of crucible was recovered from the site, among
the stones of the kilns, in the magma which blocked the flue of Kiln A, and
strewn on the ground. The inference is that the breakage of crucible during
the glass-making process was considerable. They were presumably not fired
quite hard enough to withstand the pressure of the boiling glass, whose rate
of expansion was greater than that of the earthenware.

The crucible is not made from the local clay (see page 70). Many pieces
were coated with glass, which was not, however, the remains of glaze (see
page 72). This adhering glass appears as greenish, yellowish or brownish,
but this may well simply be due to impurities, weathering, or patchy colouring
of the crucibles showing through.

The crucibles are of greyish or buff paste, coarse and granular. Many show
whitish exterior and darker interior. The fractures are often jagged. A few
are pink, a coloration due to high firing temperatures (see page 70).

They fall into two classes and three thicknesses of wall; bucket- and barrel-
shaped, and walls of about 1 inch, 0-5 in. and 0-25 in. thick.

I. The bucket-sha.ped pots are straight-sided, or curve in slightly at the
top. No rims were found, but from Winbolt's illustration they appear to
have had plain rims. They are about 12-15 inches high, 14-15 inches
diameter at the top, and 1 1-12 inches at the base; walls 0-75-1 inch thick,
base 1-75-2 inches thick. (Fig. 8.) This is the commonest type found on
most recorded glass sites, and was in use throughout, up to the seven-
teenth century.

II. The commonest type, however, at Blunden's Wood is the barrel-
shaped pot, which bellies out below a pronounced and distinctive rim.
(Fig. 8.) These fall into two sizes: [a) diameter at top about 12 inches,
walls 0-5 in. thick; [b) diameter at top about 10-11 inches, walls 5— ^^^ in.
thick.

3a But see Note 8.

A MEDIEVAL GLASSHOUSE AT BLUNDEN S WOOD

Fig. 8. — Crucibles, Types; Left, Bucket; Right, Barrel.

The rims of type 11(a) — thick walled pots — can be either: —

(i) domed top, with outer projection, sometimes pinched sharp, rounded
bulge inside. The domes, which are about one inch across, can be either
flattish or high. (Fig. 9A.)

(ii) flat top, hammer profile, i.e. with bulge on the inside. The tops,
which are about one inch wide, can slope inwards. They can have thick
or thin outer projection. A variant has no inner bulge, and some have
level tops with no inner bulge. (Fig. 9B and C.)

The rims of type 11(6) — thin-walled pots — were roughly similar, but
some had a pinched-out rim, some squared-off, and some with the top
slightly hollowed in, whether it was level or sloping. Domed forms also
occurred.

Many pots showed horizontal finger-lines or ripples, but few, if an3^ were
ornamented, except possibly for one with incised lines under the rim, one with
faint traces of diagonal incised lines on the flat top of the rim, and one with
finger-ripples just over an inch apart (a barrel-shaped pot).

A B C

Fig. 9. — Crucibles, Rim Sections.
A, Domed Type; B, C, Hammer Types. (^)

Crucible rims vary very widely; many are plain (e.g., JamestowTi),
or sharply intumed (Hazelbridge Hanger). At Kingswood, Cheshire,
(fourteenth century) the crucibles had bulging sides, with rounded
and everted rims. 33 The rims from Bishop's Wood are clubbed, not
unlike Blunden's Wood. Sidney Wood had rims mostly fiat, but
some turned out or in. But the Blunden's Wood rims are so
homogeneous and distinctive that they seem to bear the signature
of three individual potters. This is not unlikely, in view of the short
life of the glasshouse. But whether they all worked at the same
pottery cannot be stated. The regular potting, however, seems to
indicate professional manufacture ; that is, that the pots were bought
in. Apart from the other evidence, local manufacture would imply a
potter at Blunden's Wood, which is not probable. One wonders
whether thicker walls would have been less liable to breakage, but,
after all, breaking of pots is a problem which has always beset
glassworkers.

33 Chester S- N. Wales Arch. J.. XXXIII (1939), 32-39; XXXVII (1948),
133-140.

70 A MEDIEVAL GLASSHOUSE AT BLUNDEN's WOOD

ANALYSIS OF THE CRUCIBLES

One of the perennial problems of the early glass industry is the
source of the crucibles. Although it might be supposed that these
would naturally be made on the spot, from local clays, in \dew of the
high rate of wastage, this does not seem to be generally the case. A
conspicuous exception is Jamesto\\'n, where analysis of the crucibles
and of local clay showed that four were made locally ;34 but most seem
actually to have been brought from England. Here, of course, local
manufacture was no doubt forced on the glassworkers by their
isolation ; they had brought pots from England, either because they
preferred the type or make, or because they did not know what
sources of clay they would find in America. But these could not
last for ever. On the English sites, analysis has shown that local
clay was not used. This implies either that clay was transported
from elsewhere to the glasshouse, and the pots made there, or that
there was a pot-making industry which supplied the glasshouses.
The evidence from Blunden's Wood does not finally resolve this
problem, although it helps ; this is discussed further below.

The clay at Blunden's Wood is ordinary 'Weald Clay,' and not
significantly different from the published definitions of this. The
brickworks on which the site stands. The Sussex and Dorking
United Brick Co. Ltd., kindly communicated to me that the
maturing temperature of this clay is normally in the neighbourhood
of 1000 to 1050° C, but that it might stand temperatures of 1100° C.
Clay similar to that from the site is being used for the manufacture
of facing bricks of 'very excellent' colour and quahty.

However, a test kindly carried out in the pottery department of
the Guildford School of Art (by Mr. Roger Young, Des. R.C.A., and
Mrs. i\I. C. Wood) showed that when a piece of Blunden's Wood
crucible was raised to 1100° C. no change in texture occurred, but
that its colour became rosier. Blunden's Wood glass raised to this
temperature melted and fused to adhering particles of crucible. The
conclusion drawn from this test was that the crucible was unlikely
to have been made from local clay as it (the crucible) normally fired
white.

Test were also kindly made by Dr. S. C. Waterton (Stourbridge).
These showed that the local clay and the crucible 'behaved so
differently in cone refractory tests, that they appeared to be almost
different substances.' The tests for refractoriness showed: —
Clay Cone 16 — black when melted (1460° C.)

Crucible Cone 27 — clean burning (1610° C.)
Glass melted 1150° C.

The blackness of the clay on firing could be due partly to contamina-
tion by soil, etc., but does not destroy the force of the demonstration.
(The samples used were, of course, visually clean when taken from
the ground.)

3+ Harrington, op. cit., 39.

A MEDIEVAL GLASSHOUSE AT BLUNDEN'S WOOD 71

Dr. Waterton also carried out chemical analyses, which showed
contents of: —

Clay from site Crucible

% Raw

% Calcined

SiO,

73-28

79-43

77-74

TiO,

0-60

0-65

0-50

A1,0.

10-46

11-35

16-88

Fe.Oa

5-92

6-35

2-26

CaO

0-16

0-18

0-36

MgO

0-31

0-34

0-59

KaO

1-00

1-09

1-45

Na,0

0-26

0-28

0-12

Loss

7-84

—

004

99-83

99-67

99-94

This reinforces the conclusion drawn from the refractoriness tests,
that the crucibles were not made from local clay.

Analyses have also been made by Dr. Waterton of the clay and
crucibles from the sites at Glastonbury (Saxon) and St. Weonards,
Herefordshire (sixteenth to seventeenth centuries). 35 The Glaston-
bury crucible had silica content of some 75%, and alumina of some
20%. The St. Weonards crucible gave similar figures. These figures
do not compare with those for the fireclay of the nearest sources,
the Bristol area and the Forest of Dean respectively, which are similar
to each other, but have less sihca, and ingredients not present in
the crucibles. Mr. Bridgewater adduces reasons for favouring the
Stourbridge clays^^ as a source; some of these have values closely
comparable to the St. Weonard's crucibles, and there are other
grounds also. In any case, local clay was not used.

These facts establish that crucibles, or at least clay to make them,
were brought from elsewhere to glasshouses. One might suppose
that medieval glassmakers might prefer to make their own crucibles
from clay got near at hand, if the quality of this was suitable. The
tests on the Blunden's Wood clay show that it was in fact capable
of withstanding the temperature at which the glass was founded
(1200-1250° C). But, in fact, it was not apparently used.37 It can
perhaps be concluded from this that the pottery and glass industries
were clearly demarcated, and that the one regularly supplied the
other.

GLASS ADHERING TO CRUCIBLES

The method of spectroscopic analysis of glazes developed by Dr.
L. C. Thomas and Mr. J. W. G. Musty at the Ministry of Defence
research establishment at Portons^ opened up the possibility of

35 Kindly communicated bv the excavators. Dr. D. B. Harden and Mr. N.
Bridgewater. For St. Weonard's see T. Woolhope N.F.C.. XXXVII (1963), 300.

36 These were used in the seventeenth century when high temperatures, e.g.
for green glass, were required, but not apparently earlier (see Glass Technology
3/6 (1962). 201).

37 Possible sources are Nonsuch (Ewell) and Purbeck.

38 Described in Nature, Dec. 23, 1961.

72 A MEDIEVAL GLASSHOUSE AT BLUNDEN's WOOD

checking whether the 'glaze' adhering to some of the crucible
fragments was merely remains of the glass which the crucibles had
contained, and whether such glass could be identified with the pieces
of waste glass which had evidently come from crucibles. If this
could be established it would be a valuable piece of fresh evidence,
which had not been checked by laboratory methods before.

The analysis was kindly carried out b}^ Dr. Thomas. He discussed
the problem with a local glassmaker, who stated that in modem
practice the crucibles are invariably of un glazed fireclay. It appears
wasteful to use a glazed product for this purpose even today. In the
fourteenth centur^^ when glazed ware was less common, and
probably even more expensive, the unnecessary application of glaze
seems highly improbable. Dr. Thomas pointed out that if the
'glaze' on the Blunden's Wood crucibles was in fact only an
accumulated deposit of the glass melts, some of the crucible
constituents might diffuse into the glass, particularly if the crucible
had had a life long enough to be used for several melts. Any such
diffusion would not penetrate far into the glass, but would probabh'
concentrate in the 'glaze.' It would not therefore be unreasonable to
expect differences between the 'glaze' and the glass.

Analysis was therefore made of samples of thick waste glass, of
'glaze' adhering to crucible, and of crucible itself (so as to check its
constituents against any impurities in the glaze). A sample of local
clay was also tested, for comparison with the crucible.

The results were, although useful, not quite clear-cut. It appeared
reasonably certain that the crucible could not have been made from
the local clay (thus agreeing with all the other tests) . But there were
no elements present in the glass which were absent from the crucible
fabric, so it was impossible to be certain whether the glaze and the
glass have a common origin. However, in those cases where there
was a marked difference in concentration for a particular element
between the glass and the crucible fabric, the glaze composition
paralleled the glass rather than the crucible. xAs this happened for
seven elements, it can be confidently accepted that the 'glaze' is, in
fact, old glass left adhering to the crucible.

This is a useful result. One corollary is that there must have been,
in the Middle Ages, a widespread trade in (unglazed) crucibles;
indeed, glassmaking was a more highly organised industry than has
been supposed.

OTHER OBJECTS

METAL

Two metal objects were found, a fragment of an iron shovel, and a horseshoe.

Iron Shovel. A broken and corroded fragment of iron was found on the eastern
hearth of Kiln A. This consists of part of a flattish object. Two edges, each
some 5 inches long, may represent outer edges ; the rest is broken off irregularly.
(Fig. 10.) At the broken end of one of the edges is, for an inch, a rolled-over
piece of iron which once projected either up or away from the main flat area.
The piece is 0-1 in. thick. The edge without the rolled-up projection is curved
up, along its entire length, about an inch high starting from an inch from the
edge.

The most likely interpretation of this object is as a shovel. Medieval spades

A MEDIEVAL GLASSHOUSE AT BLUNDEN S WOOD

Fig. 10. — Iron Shovel. Left, Reconstruction; Right, from Above
AND Section. {})

Fig. H. — Horseshoe. Left, Top; Right, Side View. (|)

74 A MEDIEVAL GLASSHOUSE AT BLUNDEN'S WOOD

and shovels were normally of wood, sometimes tipped or guarded with iron;
but those used by glassworkers were wholly of iron, to withstand the heat in
which they were used. Their purpose is variously explained by Singer et al.,
Winbolt and Harrington {op. cit.), as 'for lifting vessels when hot,' 'for filling
crucibles,' and 'for shovelling the ashes out of the furnace.' They are
illustrated with raised rims, to prevent whatever was carried from falling off.
As the Blunden's Wood piece was found in one of the hearths, it was no doubt
used for the last purpose ; and if, as may be supposed, wood-ash was used as a
glassmaking material, it could have also served to mix ash with sand, and for
filling crucibles.

The precise shape of the tool cannot now be determined. Either the rolled
projection represents the beginning of the handle part, or of a raised rim, or
was merel}' the result of irregular wear on one corner. Similarly, the handle
could have been on the broken side, in which case the curved-up edge would
not be a raised rim, but could have got its curve by accidental over-heating. But
whichever way round our fragment is to be thought of, the shovel probabl)'^
had the .shape shown in Fig. 10.

I am grateful to Miss D. Charlesworth for suggesting solutions to this
problem. No useful parallels can be traced; glassmakers' shovels are rarely
recovered, and I cannot find a published example.

Horseshoe. A substantial fragment, about two-thirds, of an iron horseshoe
was found in the material overlying Kiln B. One branch is practically
complete, and most of the bow end (Fig. 11). The fragment is 4-7 in. long,
implying a total length of under 5 inches. The bow is broad, 1-2 in. across.
The branches are about 1 inch wide, tapering to about 0-5 in. at the ends.
The opening between the branches is a regular oval, 2 inches across at the
widest point, and 1-5 in. at the open end. The shoe is thin (0-2 in.), and
strongly laminated. Each branch had three nails; the position of one of these
is scarcely visible, but one shows a complete head on one face of the shoe, and
most of the shank (Fig. 1 1) protruding below. The two visible nails are 2-4 in.
apart, centre to centre. The heads were probably square, and the section of the
nail rectangular, but they are too corroded for this to be quite certain. The
only head visible is 0-3 in. high, 0-7 in. long and 0-5 in. wide. The nail-hole
seems to be 0-25 in. by 0-35 in. at the lower face of the shoe.

The fragment is much corroded, but the nail-head which still stands proud
of the shce is not appreciably worn. It ma}^ be taken therefore that the shoe,
although thin, was never much, if at all, thicker. The Clandon shoe (see
below), which is not corroded, is even thinner. This is in sharp contrast to
later shoes.

Horseshoes have been classified, by Gordon Ward, 39 into four groups: — -

1. Celtic and Romano-British: these have edges bulging out round each
nail-hole, and fiddle-key nails (the wavy edge is found until the
thirteenth century) ;

2. Medieval and Packhorse ^to mid-sixteenth century or later) : these have
no countersinking, fullering (the groove in which the nails are sunk) or
clips (the sharp point rising in front of the hoof) ;

3. Renaissance and Key-hole (1550-1800) : these have fullering, but no clips;

4. Mo^e^'w .■ these have clips.

Later shoes do not generally taper so much along the branches, and
eighteenth-century shoes often have keyhole openings.

The Blunden's Wood shoe is not unlike, in shape, size and number
of nails, that from Tutbury (Staffs), which is dated to 1322.4°

39 Hull Museum Publications, No. 205 (1939).

4° Fleming: Horseshoes and Horseshoeing (1869); more accessiblv in R. W.
Murray: Dating old Enghsh Horseshoes [J.B.A.A., 3 ser. II (1937), 133, Fig. 1).
In this paper a similar shoe with 3 nails each side (Fig. 3) is shown as fifteenth
century, one with 4 (Fig. 4) as sixteenth century'; cf. also G. Ward, op. cit..
Figs. 10, 11, 13, 14. 75.

A MEDIEVAL GLASSHOUSE AT BLUNDEN S WOOD

Gordon Ward ascribes this to a 'River Dove' type; the Winchelsea
type'*^ is also very similar. The nail-holes seem usually to be
rectangular, but some are round. The Blimden's Wood shoe can
also be compared to that in Guildford Museum from Temple Court,
Clandon.42 This came from a wall built probably not later than 1278 ;
and, in any case, could not have post-dated the suppression of the
Templars in 1312.

There are thus close parallels of comparable age. The Blunden's
Wood shoe indeed fits squarely into the Medieval and Packhorse
group. It can be safely regarded as contemporary with the kiln, and
not a later, fortuitous, intrusion.

Both the shovel and horseshoe were treated and preserved in Mr.
Hodges' laboratory at the University of London Institute of
Archaeology.

Tools. No glassmakers' tools were foimd, except the shovel dealt
with above. Watch was kept for flints used for scoring, etc., 43 but
none was fomid.

THE POTTERY

158 sherds representing nine vessels were recovered, mostly from Kilns B
and C and their vicinity, but a few from Kiln A. These are: —

1. Cheam ware** (33 sherds). Pinkish outside, white inside. Hard, rough,
gritty ware. 0-2 in. thick. Red band pattern 0-5 in. wide (now faded to
brown) ; no pattern can be reconstructed from the sherds recovered, except
for a broad horizontal band, and some uprights. Two pieces of rim with
square lip projecting 0-1 in., and flat top nearly 0-5 in. wide; bulge inside
for 0-5 in. down. The rim betokens a vessel about 5 inches diameter at the
mouth. Inner surface has deeply marked wheel-turnings, almost ribs.
(Fig. 12, D, E, H.)

2. Cheam ware (5 sherds). Pink ware, white pattern of parallel lines, irregular,
0-2 in. to over 0-5 in. wide. 0-2 in. thick. (Fig. 12, G.)

Fig. 12. — Pottery. A, Base of Jug, Section; B, Base of Jug, Thumbing;

C, Slashed Handle of Jug; D, Cheam Ware; E, Cheam Ware Rim (of D) ;

F, Gritty Grey Ware, Rim ; G, Cheam Ware, Vertical Pattern ; H, Cheam

Ware, Horizontal Band. (J)

41 G. Ward, op. cit., 155.

42 No. 1036; G. Ward, op. cit., 155, Fig. 66.

43 See Soc. Brit. Master Glass Painters. I (1924), 11.

44 Sy.A.C, XXXV (1924), 79.

76 A MEDIEVAL GLASSHOUSE AT BLUNDEN'S WOOD

3. Large pitcher (63 sherds). The colour varies frcm buff to pink, sometimes
on the same sherd. 0-15 in. to 0-3 in. thick. Pale green glaze, some thick on
white ground. Six sherds are part of the base, which has thumbed 'piecrust'
all round, o\'erhanging a sagging base about O-I in. 45 Diameter of base
about 8-5 in. Most of the handle survives — this is a strap, of thin oval
section, deeply slashed with 2, 2 and 3 strokes, just over 1 inch long; the
handle is at least 3 inches long, 1-75 in. wide and 0-5 in. thick. The pitcher
is curved sharply away from the neck. No rim survives. The shape is
probably of the bulging squat form verj^ common in the fourteenth
century. (Fig. 12, A, B, C.)

4. Soft pink 'bricky' ware (16 sherds). 0-2 in. thick, slightly grey in centre.
Deep scored lines, I inch apart, horizontal (0-6 in. apart on two sherds).
Pale green glaze.

5. Dark green glazed ware (31 sherds). Buff to whitish ware, whitish inside.
0-2 in. thick. Good quality thick glaze, bottom of pot unglazed.

6. Thick 'bricky' ware [5 sherds). Pink with bluish centre. 0-3 in. thick.

7. Brown ware (1 sherd). Pink underneath. 0-2 in. thick. Thin incised lines
0-25 in. apart.

8. Very thin brown ware (1 rim sherd). 0-05 in. thick. Rina rounded and
bulging.

9. Rough gritty grey ware (3 sherds). Rim hammer-shaped, like a crucible, with
square projection outside, and bulge inside (rim 0-5 in. wide at top).
Diameter of vessel about 5 inches. One of the sherds has a lug-like
projection pinched out on it. The third sherd has a piece of green glaze
adhering to it. It is just possible that this is a specialised crucible. (Fig. 12,
F-)

Date of the Pottery. There is no need to look far for parallels to these
wares; London and Surrey sites covering the late thirteenth and
early fourteenth centuries provide many.4*^

The assemblage has been kindly examined by Mr. G. C. Dunning,
F.S.A., and Mr. J. G. Hurst, F.S.A., who have assigned it confidently
to the first half of the fourteenth century. This is the crucial dating
evidence for the glasshouse as a whole, no other feature of the site
being capable of assignment to narrow limits. The traditional view
is that the painted ware (e.g. Cheam ware in Surrey) starts generally
about 1350, and that dark green glaze also begins about this date.
But the magnetic dating for Blunden's Wood suggests a slightly
earlier date for this assemblage, and might support the view that
painted ware began in Surrey earlier than elsewhere than was once
thought. Although the magnetic dating method has not reached
absolute certainty for the Middle Ages, the place of Blunden's Wood
in the scheme (see below) is firm enough to warrant a date in the
second quarter of the fourteenth century.47

45 Full thumbing occurs from at least the late thirteenth century; the
sagging base is found on Surrey-made pots of thirteenth/fourteenth centuries ;
green and brown glaze is common in fourteenth century (K. M. Kenyon:
Excavations in Southwark (Sy.A.S. Research Paper 5 (1959)).

46 e.g. for the jug, see also Bank of England (Antiq. Journ., XVII (1937),
414), and Abinger {Arch. J., CVII (1950), 38) ; for the cooking pots and bowls in
sandy buff, whitish, pink, grey, etc., ware, and green glaze, see these sites, also
Ashtead {Sy.A.C. XLVII (1941), 58), Pachenesham (P. Leatherhead L.H.S.
1947-9), and Northolt {A.N.L.. March 1951, 149).

47 The small number of the pots found suggests a short life for the glasshouse.

A MEDIEVAL GLASSHOUSE AT BLUNDEN'S WOOD 77

MAGNETIC DATING

The substantial structure of the large kiln (A) at Blunden's Wood,
and its undisturbed condition since its abandonment, offered a very
suitable opportunity for a magnetic dating test to be made.'^^ The
site was also of importance because it was medieval; data on
magnetic variations, from which a scale for dating sites could be
constructed, was available for Roman times, to a.d. 400 and again
from A.D. 1580. A dated site from the intervening period would thus
provide a fresh point on the scale.

The Oxford University Research Laboratory for Archaeology and
the History of Art kindly carried out this test, and the site was
visited for the purpose by Dr. M. J. Aitken, F.S.A., and Mr. M. R.
Harold. Sixteen samples were taken. Fifteen of these consisted of
red burned stone (rather than clay, which is more usual in magnetic
tests of kilns) from Kiln A, but were still found to be appreciably
magnetic. A wide range in the strengths of magnetization of the
samples (0T5-15 e.m.u.) was found, indicative of widely varying
maximum temperatures in the kiln when in use. The results were
very consistent. Dr. Aitken reports that:—

The average values found for Declination (D) and Angle of Dip (I)
were :

D = 3-0°W., 1 = 54-0°.

The individual directions spread from 12°W. to 2°E. in Declination and
45° to 59° in Angle of Dip. The Fisher index for the average value at the
80% level of confidence was calculated to be 1-1°. Subsequent storage
tests on five of the samples showed that any viscous component was less
than 3% of the total magnetization.

There was a 95% probability of the true directions lying within the
limits determined. The scatter of the results was slightly better than
in similar tests, and these figures can be regarded as highly reliable.
The inclination is one of the lowest yet recorded for Britain during
historical times, and compares with the present-day values of
1=67°, D=9°W.

Dr. Aitken further states that : —

'the magnetic results obtained from this kiln have been of great value in
establishing the contemporary geomagnetic direction. Two other
structures of comparable date have now been sampled and given reliable
results. These are a pottery kiln at Toynton-all-Saints (Lines) and a
tile-kiln at Boston (Lines). The results for Blunden's Wood lie midway
between these two and this is not in disagreement with pottery dating.
The magnetic results suggest, however, that Blunden's Wood is perhaps
earlier than the Boston tile-kiln. These, and other archaeomagnetic
results, are discussed elsewhere. '^9

The three sites mentioned — Toynton-all-Saints, Blunden's Wood
and Boston — are sufficiently reliable to give a group of firm figures,

48 The principles and method are described in ArchcBometry I, II and III
(1959, 1960, 1961).

''9 M. J. Aitken and G. H. Weaver: Some Archaeomagnetic Measurements in
Britain, and J. G. Hurst: Post- Roman Archasological Dating and its
Correlation with Archaeomagnetic Results {Archczometry, 5 (1962)).

78 A MEDIEVAL GLASSHOUSE AT BLUNDEN'S WOOD

for the early fourteenth century, which contribute positively to the
building-up of curves of magnetic movements. We are not here
concerned with the problems raised by the curves themselves, which
imply complicated movements between the Roman period and
modem times.

Discussion mth Mr. Hurst since the papers in Archceometry 5
were published, revealed that Toynton can now be dated firmly very
early in the fourteenth century, on the evidence of a coin of 1307.
Boston can be placed in the neighbomrhood of 1350. Blunden's
Wood, midway between them on the magnetic curve, is therefore
to be thought of as c. 1330. This is not inconsistent with the evidence
of the pottery, and indeed the agreement is striking.

SURREY GLASSHOUSE SITES

It may be of interest, as a pendant, to have a list of the known
glasshouses in Surrey. This has been drawn up by Mr. Kenyon, and
supplements that given in Winbolt.5° There are 16 known and
probable sites in Surrey and 2 possibles. Twelve of the 18 are in
Winbolt.

C kidding fold Parish.

1. Bowbrooks. Possibly W.G. No. 14.

2. Broomfield hanger. Early. W^.G. No. 15. Found 1911.

3. Chaleshurst. Upper. Early. W.G. No. 10. Found 1916.

4. Chaleshurst. Lower. Late. W.G. No. 11. Found 1916.

5. Fromes. Early. W.G. No. 7. Found 1921.

6. Gostrode IL Early (p). W.G. No. 5. Found c. 1916.

7. Hazelbridge hanger. Early (p). W.G. No. 6. Found 1912.

8. Imbhams. Late (p). Not in Pt^.G. Found 1961.

9. Pickhurst. Late (p). Not in PF.G. ? Refound 1951.

10. Prestwick Manor. Early. W.G. No. 4. Found by Cooper, date unknown.

11. Redwood. Early (p). PT.G. No. 9. Probably found before 1914.

Hambledon Parish.

12. Blunden's Wood. Early, c. 1330. Not in W.G. Found 1960. Present

paper.

13. Gunter's Wood. Early. Not in W.G. Found 1959.

14. Vann (Burgate). Late (p). W.G. No. 2. Found 1931.

Ewhurst Parish

15. Ellen's Green. Late. Not in W.G. See Sx. County Mag., May 1940.

Found 1937.

16. Somersbury. Late. W.G. No. 18. Found 19 c, see Sy.A.C. VI.

Alfold Parish

17. Sidney Wood. Late. W^.G. No. 17. Found c. 1923.

18. Knightons. Late. Not in W.G. Found 1965.

Italics : possible sites, (p) : provisional date. W.G. : Wealden Glass, Winbolt,
1933. Early: pre-1567. Late: post 1567.

There are another seven reputed glasshouse sites in Chiddingfold for which
no evidence can be found.

5° Details of all these sites will be given in Mr. G. H. Kenyon's forth-
coming book on the Wealden Glass Industry. The list reflects the position in
March 1965.

A MEDIEVAL GLASSHOUSE AT BLUNDEN'S WOOD 79

Nos. 4, 9 and 12 no longer exist. The exact sites of Nos. 6, 10 and 1 1 are not
known today, but from the Cooper evidence, they did exist.

No. 1 is just a possibility, only a field name plus a hint from Cooper.

Nos. 13 and 15 are in gardens, the latter had better evidence of furnace
remains, and is more than a possibilit^^

All the pre-1930 (Cooper) sites were re-examined by Winbolt and Kenyon.

SUMMARY

This paper describes the results of excavation of a hitherto
unknown glasshouse at Blun den's Wood, Hambledon, Surrey. This
consisted of a group of three kilns, with a working floor and store of
cullet. It is dated by associated pottery (supported by magnetic
dating) to the second quarter of the fourteenth century a.d. Its
products were crowii glass and probably vessel as well. It has certain
imusual features, and is in any case of interest as being one of the
few imdisturbed and relatively complete glasshouses so far
discovered.

The material is in Guildford Museum.

Acktiowledgejnents

I am deeply grateful to Mr. G. H. Kenyon, F.S. A., for reading the manuscript
of this paper, and for much correspondence and valuable discussions of its
contents. His great experience has illuminated the subject for me, and much
of the paper could hardly have been \vTitten without him. He is, of course, not
bound by my conclusions. I am also indebted to all those who have patiently
answered questions, given advice or helped in other ways. These are mentioned
in their places in the text. The line-drawings were made by Mr. F. Holling.
The plates were selected fiom a series of record photographs taken by Mr. N. P.
Thompson and Mr. K. W. E. Gravett.

ADDENDUM ON THE HORSESHOE

Since the account on page 74 was \vritten, a previously unnoticed fragment
of the horseshoe came to light. This was about 0-75 inches long, and fitted on to
the already broken branch, but without completing it. It does however enable
a truer idea to be gained of the original shape of the shoe. Moreover, it contains
the remains of a square-headed nail (nearly 0-5 inches across), corresponding
to the larger nail on the other branch. The revision entailed by this brings the
nail nearest the bow to the bow itself, and the shoe is now seen to be wider than
at first thought, about 2-5 inches across the open end. It is not impossible
that there were only three nails originally, one at the bow, and a larger one in
the middle of each branch. The dating is unaffected, but the interest of the
shoe is rather enhanced than otherwise.

THE NORTH DOWNS TRACKWAY IN SURREY

SOME FURTHER COMMENTS
BY

IVAN D. MARGARY. m.a.(oxon), f.s.a.

THE interesting paper by Father H. W. R. Lillie, S.J., in the
last volume of our Collections throws useful light on some local
details of this early trackway but there are certain comments
which it seems desirable to add here.

Firstly, with trackways one must bear in mind that, unlike
Roman roads which have a definite made track, a trackway is free
to wander and have alternative paths where difficulties intervene,
and may often do so. The process can be well seen in miniature on
footpaths across any open heath, and all the variations are equally
part of 'the trackway.' Some rivers do much the same in parts of
their courses and the process is referred to by geographers as
'braiding,' a usefully expressive term that we might well adopt for
tracks.

Secondly, in assessing Hart's observations we should remember
that he was dealing with the course of the Pilgrims' Way (PW.)
rather than the prehistoric trackway, and thus was concerned to
link up the various sectors possessing the PW. tradition, sometimes
on the Ridgeway (RW.) and elsewhere on the Terrace-way (TW.).
It is wrong therefore to blame him for appearing to overlook certain
sectors of TW. or RW. with which, for his purpose, he had no reason
to be concerned. This applies particularly in the Merstham-
Godstone sector with which as a resident of New Hextalls, right on
the TW. there, he was obviously acquainted very intimately.

It will be convenient if I add my owai comments in order from
west to east, and to avoid confusion with Lillie's numbered sections
I have therefore lettered mine since the two series do not exactly
correspond.

a. Hog's Back Sector. The TW. is agreed as a possible alternative
despite the steepness of the chalk escarpment, but its value is
minimized by the Sand RW. nearby throughout.

b. Pewley Hill-St. Catherine's Ferry. A branch linkway from RW.
to Sand RW. is quite likely.

c. The Mole Crossings. It is agreed that there were several crossings
here and that RW. and TW. both exist on each side of the crossing
area, very much as occurs at the Medway crossings in Kent. It is
agreed that both TW. and RW. may have used the 'Island' ford
together, but Hart's ford at Pixham Firs is also quite possible and
would have been a shorter route for the TW. in suitable w^eather
when the low ground was not too wet. The original RW. almost
certainly used the precipitous ascent of the nose of Box Hill (as is

THE NORTH DOWNS TRACKWAY IN SURREY 81

normal with RW.'s). Any use of the route by Burford (Bridge)
would have come much later as being very circuitous.

d. Dorking [Box Hill)-Reigate. My survey for the Ordnance Survey
made plain that the TW. as well as the RW. exist all along this
sector and into Gatton Park where they join just east of Wray Lane.
This was shown in the map, Fig. 5, on p. 44 of my paper in Arch. J.,
CIX.

e. Reigate {Colley Hill)-Merstham Down. A RW. along the higher
chalk ridge to the north of Gatton Bottom is indeed possible. It
would leave the accepted RW. on Colley Hill and follow the brow
of the escarpment along the south side of Upper Gatton Park, as
Lillie describes. East of the park its course is now uncertain, but
beyond the valley of the Brighton Road at Harps Oak there is a
further indication leading up to Alderstead reservoir and old fort,
thence to rejoin the obvious RW. near Tollsworth Farm. An
alternative, and higher, but more circuitous route.

f. Merstham Down-Foster Down, Caterham. It is agreed that the
TW. is well shown in much of this sector, once it was recognized as
such, but in parts, notably below Foster Down, it seems little
marked and hardly more than the edge of cultivation below.
Probably the re-entrants in the hills and the steepness of the
escarpment caused it to be little used as a track. Lillie notes (p. 20,
note 4) what seems an uncertainty in my earlier references to the
TW. here. The papers referred to were not indeed written simulta-
neously and that in Arch. J., CIX was the later, by which time more
knowledge of the TW. existed here, at least as far east as The
Roughets. As mentioned earlier. Hart was concerned with linking
up the traditional sectors of the PW. and in this sector he was
dealing with the PW. at a higher level than the TW. which he
therefore ignored, although as a resident upon it he must have been
very well aware of its existence. It is particularly plain at Quarry
Hangers, a little to the west, and also appears as a line of lynchets
covered with yews and bushes between there and Greystone Quarry.

g. Foster Down, Caterham-Tandridge Hill. This is a difficult sector
topographically owing to the indented spurs in the main escarpment
and the crossing of the Caterham wind-gap. It is agreed that a
possible route for the TW. is traceable below Foster Down, passing
Freer Mink Farm and crossing Godstone Hill to the Saw Mills at
Dialbank Wood, though it is not very clear in parts ; also that it is
shown more clearly, passing below the South Lodge of Marden Park
and continuing round the spur below Gangers Hill to join the
undoubted TW. at Laundry Cottage in Tandridge Hill Lane. In
this part it would form an alternative route to that of Hart for the
TW. over Gangers Hill. Meanwhile, higher up, the RW. is shown to
follow the ridge above Gangers Hill to a steep descent upon South
Lodge from above, followed by a climb over Winders Hill to Ockley
Wood and so down again to cross Caterham Valley up to Foster

82 THE NORTH DOWNS TRACKWAY IN SURREY

Down. Winders Hill is the southward nose of a high north-south
ridge between ]\Iarden Park and Caterham Valley ; it seems a needless
climb for the RW. which could be avoided very easily by a link-way
(the present road) from the South Lodge to the TW. just below, and
so past the high nose to the Saw Mills and Dialbank Wood where
Hart's link by an older road to Foster Dowti would connect with the
RW. again. Such hnk-ways between RW. and T\Y. are to be
expected in a complex situation like this, and it is likely that we
have them here at Gravelly Hill, Dialbank Wood, South Lodge,
Gangers Hill and Hanging Wood.

Thus, in general, these additional sections represent alternative
routes of the trackway, some useful and others for topographical
reasons less convenient, but all should be regarded as integral parts
of the ancient trackway complex.

THE CHASE OF HAMPTON COURT

T. E. C. WALKER, F.S.A.

UNPUBLISHED fencing accounts among the Loseley MSS.^ at
Guildford Muniment Room have been used in the compilation
of the following notes.
A short account of the Chase is in the Victoria County History of
Middlesex, Vol. II, p. 323. The Chase was entirely in Surrey, but
from Marlow in Buckinghamshire and Water Oakley near Bray in
Berkshire much fencing timber was taken to Ditton Mead and
Weybridge. The Act creating the Honour of Hampton Court (of
which the Chase formed a part) has been printed twice. It is
convenient to quote it from The Statutes of the Realm (1817), Vol. Ill,
p. 721:—

A.D. 1539. 31 Hen. VIII. c. 5. Chapter V. An Acte wherby the Manor
of Hampton Courte is made an Honour.

Forasmuche as it hatha pleased the Kinge our moste excellent and most
dread Sovereigne Lorde of late to erecte buylde and make a goodlie
sumptuous beautifull and princelie Mannor, decent and convenient for a
Kinge

he has

assigned and lymitted a certain territory or grounde for a chace thereof to be
made for norisshinge generacion and feeding of beasts of venery and fowles
of Warren, And for furniture and perfection therof, the Kinge's Majestie by
Indenture made betwene his Grace on the one parte, and Sir Richard Page
Knight, Thomas Hennage Esquier, John Carleton, John Agmondesham,
Thomas A Dcwne Gentilmen, Robert Alcetour, Robert Hamond, and
divers other honest and substanciall men named in the said Indenture . . .
for and in the name of all the free tenantes havinge anye estate of
inheritaunce, and in the name of all custumarie tenantes havinge any estate
of inheritaunce by custome of and in anye landes or tenements within the
Lcrdshippes Manners Townes and Villages of Estmulsey West Mulsey
Walton Essher Weybridge and parte of Cobham, and ether parishes
villages and hameletts whatsoever they be within the lymitts of the Chace
that is named to be called Hampton Courte Chace, of thother parte;
Witnesseth, That whereas our saide Soveraigne Lorde the Kinge hathe of
late erected builded and made within the Countie of Middlesex a goodly
sumptuous House beautifull and princely Manour mete and convenient for
a Kinge, and the same endewed with Parkes, Orchards Gardeyns and other
great commodities and pleasures thereunto adjoynynge and belonginge,
and his Grace intending the prosperous contynuance and preservacion
aswell of his most royale parson as for the furnyshinge of the manoure withe
manyfolde things of pleasure for the disporte pastyme comforte and
consolacion of his Highnes his heires and successors; His Graces pleasure is
to erecte and make a Chace aboute the said manour for thencrease of
Venery and Fowle of Warren, which Chace shalbe called Hampton Courte
Chace, and that the saide Lordeshippes Manours Townes and Villages of
Est Mulsey West Mulsey Walton Essher Weybridge and parte of the Towne
or Village of Cobham in the Countie of Surrie, and all lands tenements
meadowes leasues woods and pastures lienge and beinge within the lymitts

"■ Loseley MSS. 718. 719, 721.
83

84 THE CHASE OF HAMPTON COURT

metes and bounds hereafter declared, shalbe had reputed and taken within
the saide Chace, and to be parcell therof to all intentes and purposes, which
metes and boundes are lymitted appoynted and doe extend as followethe.
That is to witte ; Att and from the Themmys side on the southe side of the
Mant)ur of Hampton Courte directlie as the Pale shalbe newlie erected made
and sett to Cobham and so forth, as the Pale shall lead and be sett aboute
Cobham Parke pale of Byslett Parke and from thence fcllowinge the same
pale to the water of Wey, and so forth by the south side of the river of Wey
and the river of Themmes unto the firste commensment and bcginninge of
the saide Pale.

Forest law was to prevail in the Chase. Freeholders might cut
down timber without licence, and could

make the hedges and fences aboute their come growinge uppon their owne
grounde ... at their owne will and pleasure, to kepe out the Dere . . .
duringe all suche tyme onlye as the Ccrne shall growe uppon the same
grounde, . . . and after every suche tyme as the Corne shalbe severed and
carried away, it shalbe lawfull to the Officers of the said Chace to make Dere
lepes and brekes in the said hedges and fences, for and to thentent that the
Dere may have course and recourse into the grounde where the Corne was
sowen, for their feedinge, duringe all such tyme as the same landes shalbe
and remayne unsowen; And in consideracion therof

the officers of the Chase shall at every yearly payment

defalke allowe and deducte the thirde parte of the fre rent that everie
freholder ought to pay.

E\'ery copyholder was to pay half the usual fine on inheriting.

The principal accounts are in six monthly books and a summary
roll. Anticipating the Act, they extend from Simday 17 September
1537 to 10 March 1538. Control was by the Court of Augmentations
through Thomas Carden, later to become Master of the Revels and
recipient of a knighthood. -

The timber for the pale appears to have been already royal
property, with payments for felUng and quartering but none to
sellers of trees. Up-river sources of supply were the King's Wood at
Great Marlow, suppressed lands at M^Tich^'ug Marlow and hedgerows
there, suppressed lands at Medmenham, the Queen's Wood called
Altwood and hedgerows there, Bra\^ Wood, Bray Yath or Aytthe,
and Hasell and Hadnest (perhaps Great Hazes at Binfield). Carriers
to the waterside included Thomas Ball of Warfield, John Noke of
Tothend (Touchen-end) , Thomas Noke of Shottesbrook, and Thomas
Palmer of Wokingham. Transport down the Thames started at
Water Ottley (Water Oakley), near Bray, and at ]\larlow. The
wharfage charge at Marlow was a halfpenny a load, and the charge
of the bargemen from there was 23s.4d. the 'fare' 'to ditton mede
ayent Hampton Courte there begynnyng to pale.'

In Surrey timber appears to have been cut and carried, all at 2d.
a mile, from Ashtead Common; Barwell at Chessington; Chessington
Park (to Fairmile and Cobham) ; Bisley ; Bookham Common (to
Cobham Park and Common, Chargate Hill, Sandown, and
Wintersdown) ; the Nockett, at Eastwick Park, Bookham (to
Sandown) ; Brownsdown otherwise Homesbush (to Cobham Fold) ;
Cannon Court at Fetcham (to Chargate) ; Claygate Common (to

- Sy.A.C, XXVIII (1915), 7-28.

THE CHASE OF HAMPTON COURT 85

Westoh, Fairmile, and Wintersdown) ; Cobham Park and Common
(to Fairmile, Chargate, Sandown, and Esher) ; Ditton and Ditton
Hall (to Weston Common) ; Dorking (to Hamsgate) ; Durrans,
probably Durdans at Epsom (to Homesbush, Cobham, and
Bookham) ; Epsom Park and Common (to Fairmile and Chargate) ;
Effingham, the Princes Hold (to Wisley); Fairmile Common;
Ganghill, near Guildford (to Pyrford) ; Horsley Common ; the Bishop
of London's wood called Kingswood, probably at Stoke-by-
Guildford (to Wintersdown) ; Leatherhead Common (to Chargate) ;
Mickleham (to Wintersdown) ; Northwood within the Chase ;
Southwood within the Chase, in Walton-on-Thames (to Sandown) ;
Court Ockham (to Ockham Park) ; Stokesheath, near Oxshott (to
Fairmile and Cobham Fold and Heath) ; Stoke Woods ; Weston ;
Wormsten, perhaps Worplesdon.

Chargate Hill was probably near Claremont, but the site of
Hamsgate appears to be as yet unknown. Brownsdown, otherwise
Homesbush, seems to have been Birdshill at Oxshott, since
'Homesbush' and a little representation of a tree appear on
'Birdshiir in Nicholas Lane's plan of Oxdownes made in 1618, and
now at Croydon Library. Since hollies are long-lived the tree could
just possibly be the one the Ordnance Surveyors used as a landmark
in 1800.3 Cobham Fold is probably the 'fauldagium' mentioned in
Ralph Agas's survey of Cobham, dated 1598, now in Guildford
Mimiment Room. It then belonged to Francis Gavell who 'habet in
manibus unum le Shepescourse super le Heathe,' i.e. on Fairmile
Common.

At Ganghill, Horsley, Bisley, Wormsten, and Effingham 622 loads
of timber were 'spoiled' into post, pale, rail, and shore, at 2d. the
load. In another part of the accounts we read of cleaving and auger
holing the posts, and double mortising them for double rails to rest
in. The rails were bored with auger holes ready for palers to fasten
and pin with the pale. There was double shoring (outside and
inside), and earth was set against the posts to strengthen them.
This was after furze and brushwood had been cut down, and the
ground had been 'planed' where the pale was to stand. On the front
or outside of the pale was a dry ditch, some of it 5| feet broad and
4 feet deep, and other parts 5 feet broad and 3 feet deep. From
Wintersdown (on the Esher-Cobham parish boundary) to Fairmile
Gate the space between the fence and the ditch was planted with
932 quicksets, and acorns and haws were put in. There was feUing
and laying of bushes to safeguard the quicksets. There were
six 'sawtres' or deerleaps in the fence, three between Esher and
Redhill, and three between the south-west corner of Byfleet Park
pale and the south-east comer of Woking Park pale. They were
made with poles, posts, pale, rail, and shore, and were filled with
earth and sand. Presumably deer might jump from outside the pale
over a low length of fence into a sunk area of soft ground, the same
arrangement preventing deer from escaping out of the Chase. There

5 Sv.A.C, LVIII (1961), 77.

86 THE CHASE OF HAMPTON COURT

were also gates for horses and carts to pass through, 29 being made
by task at various prices at a total cost of £3 8s. 8d. Seven old gates
were repaired with three loads of posts, and pales were also made to
fasten to gates. A postern gate was made in Cobham Fold, and
another at Black Hill into By fleet Park. There were also stiles in the
pale for passage of men through the Chase.

Special problems arose where water met the pale. Opposite
Hampton Court some pale 'flotyd awaye' by a 'flud' was brought
back again, and John Webster conveyed two loads of short pale
from Stoke Wood to Ditton Mead for water to void under. There
was new posting and railing with three rails beneath. The pale must
have crossed the Mole below Downside Mill, first the river proper,
and then the millstream. Richard Sutton carried six loads of timber
from Cobham Common to the waterwork at Cobham Park at 5d. a
load. Water workers were paid £7 lls.6d. for driving piles at
Christmas time into Cobham River for keeping the deer out of the
same, and also for making two foot bridges upon the same.
Repairing a boat that was broken in the water work cost 3s. 4d., and
a rope broken there cost 8d. There is also mention of 30 rods of pole,
post, rail, and shore waterwork in the mead from against Wisley, no
doubt Townslow Meadow opposite Wisley Gardens.

The Clerk Maker of the Works, or Clerk Keeper of all the reckoning
and maker of the books for his wages, was William Johnson who
received 6d. a day. The purveyors were Edmond Jaques at 6d. a day,
and Thomas Spenser (later Thomas Spong) who got 2d. extra for his
horse. They had to provide carts for bringing in pale timber, and
had to see them laden. They also had to provide workmen when
need required. There were tailors of carriage at 4d. a day for tahng
the loads of timber coming in, and for overseeing the palers at work.
The usual rate was 5d. a day for ditchers and fellers, and 4d. a day
for quicksetters and diggers and borers of holes. There is mention of
carriage of 16 loads of heath and furze for making a way for carts to
pass on with pale timber. Various payments of Is. a day are for carts
following the palers out of Ditton Mead, and one is to 'Robert A
Downes for carriage of pale tymber with his cartt xxiij dayes from the
water syd alongst after where palers shall work redy for them.'
This is probably the Robert Adown of Cobham who supplied timber
for Nonsuch. 4 Cobham Park (Downside Common), Bookham
Common, Epsom Common, Ashtead, Chessington, Ditton, and
Southwood all supplied timber for Nonsuch as well as the Chase.

The total cost was £644 18s.l0|d. Surplus pale board was sent
to Oatlands, 140 loads, and to Esher, 48 loads.

The exact route of this ephemeral fence is difficult to determine.
From its beginning opposite Hampton Court it probably passed near
the site of Claremont, then across Fairmile Common to the Mole
below Ashford near Cobham station. It would have touched the
original Cobham Park and have crossed the Wey above Wisley
church to join up with the south-west comer of Byfleet Park. Then

4 J. Dent, The Quest for Nonsuch, 1962, p. 275.

THE CHASE OF HAMPTON COURT 87

connection was made with the south-east corner of Woking Park.
On the other side of Bj^fieet were Oatlands and the Thames.

Another set of accounts (Loseley MS. 707), from Midsummer 1537
to Michelmas 1539, deals with the half-dozen or so keepers and pale-
walkers who were under the control of Thomas Garden at Oatlands.
The keepers received 4d. a day, and the palewalkers, who had to
knock up pales, got only Id. In the first year they received 18 yards
of green 'fryesado' at 2s. 6d. a yard for their summer livery, and in
addition William Rygbe was rewarded with 3s. 4d. towards making
him a 'Fryes Coett.' Another reward was paid to two poor men of
Shepperton who returned a 'broket', a hart of the third year,
'whych bracke owet of the chaes'. Two red deer were brought to
Oatlands from Charterhouse in London at a cost of 6s. 8d. Six
quarters of acorns were bought for the deer, and sowings of great
and small oats, peas, and tares were made at spots such as Cobham
Park, Redhill, Hersham, and Norwood, at which latter place was
made a gated enclosure with 94 rods of ditch five feet in breadth.

The above is something of what the Loseley MSS. tell us, to which
may be added the following notes.

On 14 December 1538 Sir Francis Bryan was paid £33 6s. 8d. 'for
taking of 120 quick deer, and 80 quick deer of antelere, within his
Highness' chase of Ahce Holt, and for conveying them to his park
of Asshere towards the replenishing of the same, after the rate of
3s. 4d. a piece's

On 13 April 1545 the following proclamation was issued:

Whereas our most dread Sovereigne Lord the Kinges Majesty is readily
informed that a good number of his Redd Deere, bredd in his Chase of
Hampton Court, and alsoe certaine Fallow deere of his parkes thereabout
be strayed abroade and lye at this present in his graces Woods and bushes,
betweene London and Chobham, and specially at or about a place called
Combe parke, between London and Kingston upon Thames; his majestie
much desiring to have the same Deere preserved and kept for his owne disport
and pastime, doth straightlie charge and Comaund all and singular his sub-
iects of what state or degree soever they be, that they nor any of them do in
any wise chase hunt or kill any deere lying abroad in any place betweene
London and Chobham aforesaid, but suffer the same deere either to remayne
for his graces owne pastime, or to returne to his said Chase and parkes
againe, at their liberteis, upon paine of ymprisonment of their bodies and
further to be punished at his graces will and pleasure. 6

A successful petition for removal of the fence was made after the
death of Henry VIII, ^ but the Victoria County History warns us that
the area formerly enclosed is 'still technically a royal chase, and the
paramount authority over all game within its limits is vested in the
Crown.'

5 B.M. Arundel MS., No. 97, f. 48d.

6 B.M. Harl. MS., No. 442, f. 217d; Soc. of Ants., Prod. II, 149. The latter
has Cobham for Chobham.

7 Sy.A.C. LVIII (1961), 69-70.

THE 'BIG HOUSE' IN OCKHAM PARK

R. N. BLOXAM

THE following pages were originally written some years ago.
I believe my account to be correct, and hope that it will serve
to correct the palpably inaccurate account given by Pevsner
and Nairn in the Surrey volume of the Penguin series The Buildings
of England.

It is not always realised that houses, other than castles and
palaces, had no names as such in old days ; it was the land that was
named, and if there was a house on it that normally bore the same
name as the land.

The house that came to be called 'Ockham Park' in the nineteenth
century was in old documents simply the 'mansion house' of
whichever member of the Weston family was concerned. In the Act
of 1710/11 by which John Weston was enabled to break the entail
and sell the house and most of the land to Sir Peter, afterwards
Lord Chancellor and Baron King, it was called Mr. Weston's house
'at Poolhead,' the pool being one that formerly lay between house
and church. BashalP says

The house is called Pondhead [^sic] House in eld records and maps [what
maps?], and at one time no doubt a fish-pond or stew existed between the
house and the church. A few years ago, while some men were preparing for
the fence that has now been put up, I saw the remains of a culvert no doubt
constructed to let away the water.

In the early part of the nineteenth centur}^- the house was still
called 'Poolhead' or 'Poole Head.' At least as late as the above-
mentioned Act the name 'Ockham Park' still had its medieval
application to the demesne lands of the manor between the main
road and Ockham Mill. The late Lady Lovelace, whose husband was
a descendant of Lord King, used, by the way, to recall with dehght
how, when she gave her address to a London shop assistant, the
latter enquired 'What number, please?'

The house, of which the main block was destroyed by fire in the
autumn of 1948,^ stood on a site probably occupied since Ockham
received its first settlement ; it is said, by a tradition that there is no
reason to doubt, that it was rebuilt by the Henry Weston who
bought the manor in 1620/1 from Sir Richard Weston of Sutton
Place, whose family bore no relationship whatsoever to the Westons
of Ockham. The latter had been there since at least c. 1406.'* The
main part of the house, reduced to a shell by the lire, contained
the core of Henry Weston's house, but so much altered that one
could only guess at its original appearance, were it not for the

1 The Oak Hamlet, privately printed 1900, p. 32.

2 Land Tax Books, Sy.R.O.

3 Not 1959 as stated in the Penguin Book.

4 P.R.O. Feet of Fines, Surrey, C.P.25 (l)/231/67. No. 17 (old No. 17).

THE 'big house' IN OCKHAM PARK 89

drawing of it (here reproduced, PL VI 1(b)) on the estate map of 1706.
(I cannot find the whereabouts of the original map, but I had a
photocopy made of it, by kind permission of the late Lady
Wentworth, while it was still at the Ockham Estate Office.) The
map is by no means uniformly accurate, some details having been
inserted from memory or rough notes; two houses, for instance, are
clumsily placed on a road, while it is clear that most of the houses,
etc., are represented more or less conventionally; the cartographer
has remembered the trees at West Down (now Bridgefoot Farm),
and the avenue to Dunsboro' in Ripley is no doubt a genuine feature
that once existed. But the houses, invariably gabled, are too much
alike to be true, though the positions and relative sizes are probably
roughly correct. The map, after all, was made with a view to a sale,
and such things were unimportant.

The 'big house' itself was a different matter, and, allowing for
difference in scale, the little drawing on the map itself corresponds
closely to the larger one on the border, with the addition in the
former of a pretty touch of red for the chimneys. The larger
drawing, at least as regards the main block, is carefully executed,
and is no doubt in the main a pretty accurate representation. The
main block shews a straight-on view of the east front, with a middle
portion having a steep-sided gable with a clock-face; on either side
are two gabled wings en echelon, so that the front had a pleasing line
of five gables. (Owing to the absence of shading, it is possible to look
at the drawing as if the middle portion projected and the others
were recessed, but this is only an optical illusion!) There are five
brick chimneys with a zig-zag pattern, and a bell-cote on the
southernmost gable. Behind, on each of the north and south fronts,
can be seen a single gable : perhaps there were two on each of these
fronts and five again on the west front. The house was of three
stories, as it remained, and in each stage in each of the five divisions
was a muUioned window of four or five lights and with one or two
transoms, except that in the top stories of all but the two outer
wings they were of two lights without transoms. The tiling of the
roof and the brickwork below are indicated, and, in many cases, the
glass in the windows: the draughtsman has even indicated which
parts of the windows could be opened. No lights are shewn in the
north and south faces of the wings. Between the top storey and the
next is a band of little ornaments, each a trilobe on a stalk, but this
is not shewn on the sides of the wings, though the brickwork and
the courses that divide the stories are.

In front is a walled court, of which the north and south sides are
of necessity awkwardly shewn: in the east wall is a double gate
between round pillars with conical tops; on each point a ball is
precariously perched. To the right of the gate is a 'gazebo' with one
window, conical roof, and a vane. A path leads up (through what
appears to be another wall) to the house, where there are four
curved steps in the middle of a paved area. But the odd thing is
that no door is shewn, the steps merely stopping against the wall
below the window. It is unbelievable that there was no door here,.

90 THE 'big house' IN OCKHAM PARK

and the draughtsman, in finishing the drawing at his office, must
have made a bloomer!

Against the north wall of the block is a continuous range of
outbuildings, though the draughtsman has probably monkeyed
about a bit with the lay-out in order to shew as much as possible.
First we have a gabled building of two stories, with two windows in
the gable end and two in the side wall adjoining the main block;
beliind, a very tall chimney, again with zig-zags, rises above the
level of the adjoining gable of the main block. Next is a two-storied
but lower building having two gables and two windows in each
gable-front; there is a double chimney on the more northerly.
Touching this is the gate-house, the drawing of which gives a
straight-on view which is an artistic loss, giving, as does that of the
house, a diagrammatic effect. On the left of a lofty round-headed
arch are two windows in the wall: the upper is not immediately
above the lower, which suggests that they lit a staircase; on the
other side is a single two-hght window on the ground floor. In the
upper stage, above a moulded string, are three smaU square
windows. The tiled roof is steeply pitched, the ridge running at
right angles to the axis through the arch; there are two cupolas,
presumably for bells. On the other side of the gate-house is a gabled
building with a two-hght window, and next to it one similar but
lower, also with a two-light window.

B. & B. (vol. ii, pt. 1, p. 118) say that the house was altered by
the first Lord King 'and still more completely Italianized by the
late Lord King [Peter, 7th Baron].' This does not mean that the
first lord's alterations were Italian in style, and I had always
assumed that his chief work was to raise the main block, eliminating
the gables, so that it became a full three-storied house with a flat
roof; also that it was probably he who built a wall, the full height
of the house, so as to enclose the space between the middle portion
of the east front and the adjoining wings, thus leaving only two
projecting wings, the outer ones. This would produce much the
appearance of the recently destroyed house.

The above views were confirmed in a most interesting way after
the fire of 1948. After Lady Lovelace's death in 1941 the house was
occupied by various militar}^ units ; at the time of the fire it was in
process of conversion into fiats. The fire, of unexplained origin,
started during the night, and no one was aware of it till about half-
past-six in the morning; although seven fire-brigades were
summoned, the flames had won too great a hold for anything to be
done other than to save them spreading to the kitchen block. I have
always regretted that I did not visit the site at once; one Sunday
some weeks later I set out with that intent, but the crowd
approaching the site was too much for me and I retreated!

However, it so happened that at about this time Mr. Rupert
Gunnis bought second-hand in London a bound volume entitled
Repairs Wanted at Ockham, February 7, 1728J9. N.H., and
containing various annotated plans and dra\vings connected with
the rebuilding of the house, including designs by Nicholas

THE 'big house' IN OCKHAM PARK 91

Hawksmoor, the well-known architect and a personal friend of the
first Lord King. This book had originally come, I imagine, from the
library at Horsley Towers, as did my copy of the 1710/11 Act. It
seems that Hawksmoor was first consulted early in 1724, and the
first idea was to remodel the house completely in two stories, in a
grandiose style. Lord King, however, was unwilling to face the cost
involved, and early in 1729 Hawksmoor 's immediate task had been
defined: to remodel the hall and reface the entrance front of the
existing Jacobean house. 5 He built a pillared porch and 'refaced
the front in red brick with stone dressings, and introduced stone
bay windows with unorthodox centre mullions, which survived
until the recent fire.' The pillars are seen in a view of the east front^ —
engraved in 1827 by J[ohn] P[reston] Neale from a drawing by
H. Bond — which is inserted in the extra-illustrated copy of M. & B.
at the British Museum.

Mr. Gunnis lent the book to Mr. Lawrence Whistler, an authority
on Hawksmoor and his age, and it is from Mr. Whistler's article in
Country Life, 29 December 1950 that I have quoted. On 6 February
1953 a letter appeared in Country Life from Miss Dorothy Stroud,
giving some details of eleven further plans and elevations in the
Minet Library, Camberwell, and 'obviously related to this [Mr.
Gunnis's] set', one sheet having Hawksmoor's signature. The letter
is accompanied by photographs of two of the elevations, shewing
designs for the great hall. Another drawing, it seems, was an
'alternative design for the great hall, with a gallery at first-floor
level carrying an elaborate iron raihng.' I had visited the site with
Mr. Whistler in May 1949, when the demolition of the remains was
nearly completed ; but the two pillars from the porch — some 20 feet
high and with shallow grooves— were still lying on a heap of rubbish ;
these had been built into a wall that had still further reduced the
projection of the wings; it was probably built by the seventh lord,
who does not seem to have otherwise done much to the main block,
except that I think it must have been he who enclosed the open
space left by Hawksmoor between the outer wings on the west or
garden front, thus forming the fine salon that existed till the fire or
shortly before it. However, according to Fig. 6 in Mr. Whistler's
article this open space existed before his modifications and was a
feature of the Jacobean house.

The builder also found two deeply grooved columns from the
south porch, and pennies of 1620 and 1624. Most interesting of all
was the information that during the process of conversion the middle
gable had been found in situ, but built up on either side in the way
I had suggested.

The square kitchen-block of red brick had been built before
Hawksmoor came upon the scene, and Mr. Whistler gives reasons
for thinking it may have been designed by Sir James Thomhill, best
known as a painter, though Hawksmoor completed it with a lantern.
This is shewn in a view of the south [really west] front drawn by

5 The Penguin Book says bleakly : 'Ockham Park was built by Hawksmoor
in 1725.'

92 THE 'big house' in ockham park

G. F. Prosser and inserted in the B.M. copy of M. & B. This view
of Prosser's is referred to b}' Mr. Whistler, and the lantern is to be
seen in Hawksmoor's sketch {Country Life, Fig. 2). The lantern was
replaced c. 1830 by an Italianate tower, at the same time as other
modifications were made to this block. (Thomas Allen^ remarks:
'The grounds have lateh' been much improved, the piece of water
enlarged and the whole adapted to the modem taste.') It is stated
in Mr. Whistler's article that it was Thornhill who designed the
north front of the main block, not yet fully joined to the kitchen one ;
this front was later altered, probably c. 1830. The kitchen block has
been converted into flats, as has the beautiful orangery in the
garden, where Lady Lovelace kept her parrots; it is not mentioned
by Mr. Whistler in his article, but I gathered from him in
conversation that he thought it might well have been the work of
Hawksmoor.

The M. S- B. volume already referred to contains a delightful
engraving of this 'Conservatory.' The accompanying letter-press, of
whose provenance I am ignorant, speaks of the park extending
south [really south-east] from the Portsmouth road, and John
Weston [who sold the manor] is said to have been a descendant of
the Westons of Sutton [Park], to whom, as we have seen, he was in
no way related.

The present mansion was originally built by Henry Weston . . . but was
considerably repaired and altered by the first Lord King. The present [7th]
lord has also much improved it, particularly on the south [? west] front. The
structure is of brick. . . . On the north [really 'east'] front is a doric entrance,
opening to a hall enriched with marble statues [I think I have seen these]
of the Apollo, Gladiator, etc., and many excellent busts. The south front
is environed by a flower-garden7. . . . The effect of the whole is much
heightened by the neatness and order which here prevail.

In Country Life for 13 August 1959 appeared an article on
'Canaletto's Work in England' in which it is remarked that 'His
ability to strike a fresh note comes over, too, in his Capriccios based
on Ockham Park, one of which contains figures in the Chinese taste.'
The date of these is apparently c. 1750, i.e. in the time of Thomas,
fifth baron. Mr. Whistler did not think that the stable block shewed
Hawksmoor's hand, but I think myself it must have been rebuilt in
the Chancellor's (Lord King's) time. The main arch is round-headed
like the one on the map, but the roof-ridge runs at right angles to
that in the drawing, and other details differ; as we have seen, the
map is by no means invariably accurate. The hinges for a door
remain in the northern arch. Two leaden pipe-heads bear the date
'1724.' Between the '7' and the '2' is the letter 'K' for 'King';
below the 'K' is a small female head, with 'P' for 'Peter' on one side,
and 'A' for 'Anne' on the other, the Christian names respectively of
the first lord (the chancellor) and his wife. A pump-box near by
bears the date '1827'; it is of Renaissance design reproducing on a
smaller scale the design on a stone that formed a part of the south

6 History of Surrey and Sussex. 1830, \'ol. II, p. 151.

7 There is a charming engraving of the house and garden in Walford's
History of Surrey (1878), Vol. I, opp. p. 310.

THE 'big house' IN OCKHAM PARK 93

porch of the house, perhaps itself added in 1827. The whole gate-
house group with its mellow red brick is most charming: it is
fortunate that it survived the fire. It too has been converted into
flats.

Despite the Italian character of certain of the nineteenth-century
alterations, the statement in the local press at the time of the fire
that the house was one of the best examples of the Italian style in
the country was as inaccurate as most of their statements about it,
such as the mention of 'Chinese wallpapers,' which, apart from a
small area in one room, was pure fiction; the writer was probably
thinking of Clandon Park! The date 'c. 1705' assigned to the house
in the List of Surrey Antiquities,^ though reference is made to Mr.
Whistler's article, is of course impossible.

There is not much to say about the interior. Figs. 6 and 8 in the
Country Life article purport to shew outlines of the original house,
but it is doubtful how far this applies to the interior arrangements.
Mr. Whistler implies that the kitchens had been a part of the main
block, but the buildings shewn in 1706 between this and the stables
might, one thinks, have accommodated them. In its last state the
house had handsome features, but no visible traces of antiquity;
the salon had wall-paintings executed by Lady Lovelace herself.
The eighteenth and nineteenth century topographers were much
more interested in the house than in the church, but apart from the
gate-house the gardens were really its chief charm ; Lady Monks well,
for instance, in her diary^ speaks more than once of their beauty,
and the park itself is delightful. They contain or contained some
fragments of classical architecture imported by the last Lord
Lovelace (descendant of the chancellor), but some were, I believe,
only of wood; some composite capitals have been removed to
Neward House, Ripley.

Of the three lodges, only that at Church End is old, but the
Buckingham and Ripley gates are handsome work dating, I believe,
from the time of the chancellor; the former got its name from the
stone lions, removed from Buckingham House when it was rebuilt
as Buckingham Palace. Just inside the farm-gate into the park at
the top of Lambert's Hill on the London Road is a little-known
object, an ice-house, which is marked on the latest edition of the
six-inch Ordnance Survey map. It had a post-medieval vaulted
roof, but the entrance is surrounded now by rank weeds, etc., which
make access now virtually impossible : it is anyhow ruinous.

The relative size of the old 'Weston's' may be judged by the
number of its hearths— 17 in 1662, 1664/5, 1673 and 1674, 16 in
1664 — compared with 44 in 1664 for the Manor House, East
Horsley, and 21 in the same year for West Horsley Place. '°

At the present time Mr. Felix Fenston, late of Braboeuf Manor,
is altering and adding to the old kitchen block to form a residence.

8 List of Surrey Antiquities (Surrey County Council, 1951).

9 A Victorian Diarist [Later Extracts), ed. Hon. E. F. C. Collier, 1946.

^° These figures are derived from the 'Hearth Tax Returns' printed by
Sy. Rec. Soc. (Nos. XLI, XLiI, 1940) and from unprinted hsts in P.R.O.

THE WEY NAVIGATION CLAIMS OF 1671

EDITED BY

HECTOR CARTER

IN 1963, three hundred and ten years after its construction, the
Guildford to Weybridge section of the Wey Navigation, the
system of artificial waterways linked with the River Wey and
stretching for about fifteen miles from Ciodalming to Weybridge,
was handed over by the owner, Mr. H. W. Stevens of Guildford, to
the National Trust. It is therefore perhaps a fitting occasion to
present some hitherto unpublished material relating to the under-
taking.

It is not the writer's intention to retell the troubled history' of this
project: it can be read in Manning and Bray's History of Surrey,
Vol. Ill, page liv (Appendix — Navigable Canals). It is sufficient for
the purpose of this article to say that although the main portion of
the Navigation, from Guildford to Weybridge, was completed in the
surprisingly short time of less than three years, the 'undertakers'
found themselves in financial difficulties, and in 1671, by a statute
of 23 Chas. II, trustees were appointed with power to settle claims
for payment. It is these claims which are the subject of this article.

The Wey Navigation Claims (Public Record Office ref. E 177/1)
are eighty-seven in number, wTitten on sheets of parchment or
paper of various sizes, and all but one — No. 5, which has suffered
considerable rubbing owing to its length — completely legible.
They are sewn up in four batches and rolled into an untidy bundle.
The claimants are of all social classes from lords to labourers;
landowners and farmers claiming compensation for damage to their
lands; shareholders claiming arrears of dividends; tradesmen
claiming payment for work done or materials supplied. There are
field-names for the topographer and material for the genealogist and
family historian ; in fact these documents constitute a useful source
of seventeenth-century history for this part of the count3^

Since mvich of each claim is inessential verbiage, only one — No.
21 — has been transcribed in full, the rest being abstracts. These
abstracts should be sufficient to indicate the nature of the claim,
but since the editor has had no legal training some of them ma}' not
seem to make sense owing to a wrong interpretation of legal terms.
In case of doubt, interested readers are advised to obtain a full
transcript of the relevant claim. The original spelling of both per-
sonal and place-names has been retained and therefore variants, e.g.
Purford, Pirford, Pyrford wdll be met.

For further unpublished material on the Navigation the reader is
referred to : —

(a) a pencilled transcript of a law-suit between Sir Richard
Weston, Kt., plaintiff, and Henry Wrothe, Esq., Jane his wife, and

THE WEY NAVIGATION CLAIMS OF 1671 95

Mary WoUey, defendants, dated 17 June 1631, in the Society's
library (MS. 102) ;

{b) several deeds in the Guildford Muniment Room (some from
the Loseley MSS.) ranging in date from 1618 to 1832 (see Subject
Index under 'Transport — Wey Navigation') ;

(c) a series of wharf and lock diaries and account books, 1767-
1926, at the offices of the Wey Navigation, Guildford Wharf (by
the time this is printed they may have been deposited elsewhere) ;

(d) a map of the River Wey and Navigation drawn in 1914 by
Mr. Harry W. Stevens, the donor to the National Trust. (G.25.)

1. Richard Blackwall Esq., deceased 'is Debitor to his Ma*'^
in a hundred thousand pounds for disbursements' in making the
navigation. Claims £6,550. Signed: Dorsett, Craven (?), F. Osborne,
John Kirke. 8 August 1671.

2. Arthur Onslow Esq. and George Evelyn Esq. are owners of
land, part of the manor of Sutton, called Brewhouse Mead, the
Twelve Oakes, Noemans Land and Paynes Meade. There is a
towpath on Brewhouse Mead from Bower's Lock to New Bridge and
the land is often flooded ; they claim £150. They also claim £150 for
land cut away from Noemans Land, Twelve Oakes and Paynes
Meade. Signed Arthur Onslow.

3. John Weston Esq. claims £100 for land cut through in the
manor of Sutton and £900 for trees cut down and used in the
construction. Signed Jo : Weston.

4. Richard Weston of Sutton, gent. Lands leased by him. Sir
Robert Parkhurst, William Dickinson Esq. and others about 15
Chas. II to Richard Halford. Amount of claim to be determined.

5. Sir Nicholas Stoughton of Stoughton in the parish of Stoke-
next-Guildford, Bart. Owns three com mills, one fulling mill and
two paper mills in Stoke on the River Wey between Woodbridge
and Stoke Lock. Claims £800 for damage to land called Mill Mead,
Garston Mead, Inner North Mead, Outer North Mead, Gardners
Mead, Chagden Mead, Lady Mead, land along the river between
Woodbridge and Stoke Lock, and from Go wens Osier Piatt to his
mills. Claims £60 for the dividing up of Coney Close in Stoke, in
George Edmead's occupation; another Coney Close in Widow
Flood's occupation ; a close of three acres next to a bridge in Stoke
formerly called the Drawe Bridge. Claims six shillings arrears of
rent for a footway or passage leased to William Ball for 41 years
from Michaelmas 1663 through land then in the occupation of John
Staunton, Richard Flood, and Thomas Newton, gent. Claims £50
for damage to land from Stoke Lock to Burgham Bridge by
Burgham Court, and High Eaves purchased from Sir John Wyrley
and Dame Mary his wife. [Rest of parchment nearly illegible.]

96 THE WEY NAVIGATION CLAIMS OF 1671

6. Anne Flood of Stoke-next-Guildford, widow and admin-
istratrix of her late husband Richard Flood, claims £500 for water
taken away from Stoke com mills, leased to her by Sir Nicholas
Stoughton, and £250 for water to be taken away during the
remaining seven years of the lease. Also claims £25 for water taken
away from Stoke fulling mill, leased to her and Abraham Barnard
by Sir Nicholas Stoughton, and £40 for water to be taken away
during the remaining eighteen years of the lease. Also claims £10
per annum for the last fifteen years for water run to waste away
from her mills for want of repairs to Stoke Lock. Anne Flood makes
her mark.

7. Abraham Barnard of Stoke-next-Guildford, papermaker.
Claims £200 for water taken away from his paper mills in Stoke,
leased to him by Sir Nicholas Stoughton, and £100 for water to be
taken away during the remaining seven years of the lease. Also
claims £25 for water taken away from Stoke fulling mill, leased to
him and Anne Flood, widow, by Sir Nicholas Stoughton, and £40
for water to be taken away during the remaining eighteen years of
the lease. Also claims £5 per annum for the last fifteen years for
water run to waste away from his mills for want of repairs to Stoke
Lock. Abraham Barnard makes his mark.

8. Thomas Nason, citizen and vintner of London, claims the
profit on six shares in the Navigation conveyed to him by James
Pitson of Stoke-next-Guildford, Esq., by deed dated 14 January
1657.

9. Henry Elwes of Grove House, Fulham, Middlesex, Esq., holds
one twenty-fourth share in the river. 'Hath paid and expended and
is dampnified above Eight Hundred pounds.' Signed Hen: Elwes.

10. Katharine Weston, widow, and John Weston son and heir
of Henry Weston, Esq., deceased, and Thomas Vernon of London,
merchant, and William Inwood of Cobham, Surrey, gent.,
executors of the said Henry Weston who died in October 1666,
claim £11 per annum since 2 IVIay 1662 for damage by flooding to
land owned by Henry Weston called Paper Court Wood, Paper
Court Brooks, Speare Meade, Broademeade, Neights, in the parishes
of Send, Ockham and Purford. Further damage to Neights meadow
has cost £7.18.0 plus £2.10.0. Also claim five shillings per annum
since 1650 for a towing path.

11. John Launder of Mortlake, gent., claims profits on two shares
conveyed to him by James Pitson, Esq., by deed dated 4 August
1657.

12. James Pitson of Stoke-next-Guildford, Esq., 'the first under-
taker and maker of the River Wye in the County of Surrey
Navigable,' claims to have spent over £14,000 in making the river
navigable. Land purchased from Sir Robert Parkhurst. Claims
arrears of profits on sixteen out of twenty-four shares. Claims the

THE WEY NAVIGATION CLAIMS OF 1671 97

manor of Sutton mortgaged to him by Sir Richard Weston, Kt., for
1,000 years as security for making the river navigable. Estates of
James Pitson and Windsor Sandys, Esq., conveyed on 14
November 1670 to Thomas Cressey and Thomas Tyndall, Esqrs.
Claims £50 per annum under an agreement with the two latter.
Claims £60 disbursed by John Knight, surveyor of the river in 1659.
Claims £"40 residue of £820 to be paid by Thomas Cressey and
Thomas Tyndall to John Impey, which should be paid to James
Pitson or to his daugliter Johanna Pitson. Claims £10.15.4 paid to
John Bonner in 1659 for looking after the locks. Signed Ja: Pitson.

13. Thomas Cressey and Thomas Tyndale, Esqrs., claim profits
on sixteen shares out of twenty-four, conveyed to them by James
Pitson, Esq., and Windsor Sandys, Esq. Also claim profits of a
towing-path, three feet wide, on the banks of the river, on the land
of Lord Viscount Mountague in the manors of Ripley and Send.
Also claim £500 for damage to Viscount Mountague's land 'with a
right of haveing satisfac'on for the same by the said Lord Mountague
amongst other things for valueable considerac'ons Assigned over to
the said Claymants.' They also claim a wharf called 'Dapdum
Wharf e' leased to them in 1670/1 by Thomas Delmahoy, Esq., at a
rent of £20 per annum and four-pence on every load carried. Signed
Tho: Cressy, Tho: Tyndale.

14. Thomas Cressey, Esq. on behalf of himself and the children
of John Ratcliffe, Esq., claims the moiety of 3J acres of land in
Sandyfeild, Upper East Croft and Lower East Croft in Burgham
[Burpham] in the parish of Worplesdon, through which the river
now runs. These 3^ acres were conveyed by Sir John Wirely, Kt.,
and Dame Mary his wife to Richard Forebench and John Impey, and
the moiety thereof by Richard Forebench to Thomas Cressey. Also
claims four-fifth parts of the river and navigable passage; one-fifth
granted him by John Ratcliffe, Esq., deceased, in 1664, and three-
fifths granted him by John Ratcliffe and Richard Scarvill in 1664.
Claims £2,000 'and upwards' for expenses already paid in connexion
with the river. Claims £300 per annum as a conservator of the river.
Also claims the benefit of two judgments, one of £2,500 obtained bj^
Richard Forbench against James Pitson in Trinity Term, 1659, in
the Court of Common Pleas, and the other of £800 obtained by
Richard Damelli against James Pitson in Easter Term, 1657, in the
same court. Also claims Bowers Lock which he bought from Sir
John Wirley and Dame Mary his wife and Thomas Bower. Claims a
wharf called 'Dapdam Wharf e.' Claims copyhold lands in the
manors of Byfleet, Send, Ripley, Sutton and Purford through which
the river runs. Owners or copyholders John Wheatley, William
Mills 'and others.' Claims a rent of eight pounds per annum by lease
to Richard Halford. Signed Tho : Cressy.

15. Doctor Timothy Clarke, Physician in Ordinary to the King's
Majesty, and George Walsh of Clerkenwell, Middlesex, Esq.,
claim the profits and arrears on seven shares, six of them previously

98 THE \VEY NAVIGATION CLAIMS OF 1671

belonging to Richard Blackwall, Esq., later 'extended into his
Ma'ties hands' for a debt of £13,000, then granted to John, Earl of
Crawford and L\Tidsey, who assigned them to Dr. Timothy Clarke
and George Walsh. 'And the benefit of the said Extent granted to
Andrew Cole Esq. att the nomination of the said Earle.' The other
one share was conveyed to them by John Impey, citizen and draper
of London, who had it from Scotcher, one of the first undertakers of
the river. Also claim the moiety of 3| acres of land in Sandy Feild,
Upper East Croft and Low East Croft in Burgham in the parish of
Worplesdon, which were sold by Sir John Wirely and Dame Mary
his wife to Richard Forebench and John Impey, and the moiety by
John Impey to them. Signed George \\'alsh, Timoth}^ Clarke.

16. Thomas Tyndall of Westminster, Esq., claims profits on two
shares out of five previously belonging to John Ratcliffe, Esq.,
deceased. Also claims, jointly with Thomas Cressey, Esq., benefit
of two judgments [see No. 14.] Signed Tho: Tyndale.

17. William Yowell of Chertsey, husbandman, claims £12 for
work done on the construction. [In one place called Henry Yowell.']

18. John Slifeild the younger, of Pirford, yeoman, claims £36,
being two pounds per annum for the past eighteen \ears for damage
to his land. Claims a further six pounds because the river had
overflowed onto his land bringing 'dirt and filth uppon the same.'
Claims two pounds spent on materials for repairs.

19. John Bristowe of Sutton, yeoman, claims £28 for the past
fourteen years and £50 for the total spoiling of his meadowland in
Broad Mead.

20. John Trigg of Sutton, yeoman, claims £5.13.0 for work done
on the construction in 1655.

21. To the right hon^e S^ Mathewe Hale Knight Lord Cheife
Justice of his Ma*'^^ Court of Kings Bench S"^ John Vaughan knight
Lord Cheife Justice of his Ma^i^^ Court of Common Pleas and S"^
Edward Turner Knight Lord Cheife Baron of his Ma*'^* Court of
Excheq'.

In p'sueance of an Act of Parliam* lately made intituled an Act
for the p'serveing and setling the navigation of the river Wey in the
County of Surrey Wee S"" John Wyrlej' of Hampstead in the County
of Stafford Knight and dame ]\Iary my wife doe exhibit to yo''
Lordshipps our claymes concerning the same in manner as is here-
after mencioned And wee humbly pray satisfaction and recompence
for the same in such manner as yo"^ Lopp^ by vertue of the said Act
shall be pleased to allott and appoint.

Whereas heretofore for the makeing the said river na\'igable a
Cutt or passage was made through the Lands of us the said S^ John
Wyrley and Dame Mary my said wife in the parish of Worplesdon
in the said County of Surrey containing N;yTiety roddes in length or
thereabouts and seaven roddes in bredth or thereabouts in the whole

THE WEY NAVIGATION CLAIMS OF 1671 99

Power acres of Land or thereabouts which is nowe made vse of for
the said navigation being of the value and to our damadge of
Eighty pounds or thereabouts of Lawfull money of England,
whereupon wee the said S"^ John Wyrley and Dame Mary doe
exhibitt to yo"^ Lopp^ our claymes for the said Lands and grounds
through which the said river is cutt and the water there running
and to runne for ever and for the banckes of the said river near
adioyneing thereto within our said Lands and the ground and soyle
thereof to us the said S"^ John Wyrley and Dame Mary and the
heires and assigns of the said Dame Mary belonging and wee humbly
pray satisfaction and recompence for the same in such manner as yo'
Lordships shall bee pleased to allott and appoint.

Whereas for the makeing the said river navigable a Tumbling
Bay was heretofore made and sett vpp vpon the Lands and grounds
of vs the said S"^ John Wyrley and Dame Mary my wife in
Worplesdon and Stoke next Guldeford or one of them in the said
County of Surrey By reason whereof the Lands of vs the said S"^
John Wyrley and Dame Mary are already dampnifyed Thirty
pounds of Lawfull money of England and will be dampnifyed by
reason thereof in the tjrnie to come the summe of Thirty pounds of
Lawfull english money and by reason of the penning the water of the
Tumbleing Bay belonging to the said river Wey the water over-
fioweth and hath spoyled one acre of meadowe ground of us the
said S'' John Wyrley and Dame Mary lyeing in a meadowe called
Little Chagdon mead of the value and to our damadge of Thirty
pounds of Lawfull money of England and for the tyme to come is
like to p'iudice much more of the said meadowe called Little
Chagdon meadowe to a greate value whereupon wee the said S^
John Wyrley and Dame Mary do exhibitt to yo"" Lordshipps our
claymes for the said Tumbleing Bay with the appurtenances being
within our said Lands as aforesaid and the ground and soyle thereof
to us the said S"" John Wyrley and Dame Mary and the heires of the
said Dame Mary belonging And we humbly pray satisfaction and
recompence for the same and for the damadge and spoyle aforesaid
in such manner as yo'' Lordships shall bee pleased to allott and
appoint.

And whereas the bargemen and their horses by reason of the
said river and the navigation thereof have passed and doe passe and
repasse throughe part of the Lands of us the said S"^ John Wyrley
and Dame Mary my wife in Hooke mead in Stoke aforesaid and in
the meadow aforesaid called Little Chagden meade By reason
whereof wee have sustained damadge for the tyme past to the value
of Threescore pounds of Lawfull money of England And our said
Lands p'cell of Hooke mead and Chagden mead will continue for
ever the worse by reason of the said bargemen and theire horses
and the said river and the navigation thereof the yearly summe of
Fifty shiUings of Lawfull money of England one yeare with another
whereupon wee the said S"" John Wyrley and Dame Mary doe hereby
exhibitt to your Lordships our Claymes for the said damadges in
manner as aforesaid And we humbly pray satisfaction and

100 THE WEY NAVIGATION CLAIMS OF 1671

recompence for the same in such manner as yo'' Lopp^ shah be
pleased to allott and appoint.

Exhibited by John Childe entrusted by the said S'' John Wyrley
and Dame Mary the xxxi''^ day of October Anno d'm' 1671 coram
me. Endorsed Jo: \^aughan.

22. James Read of Stoke-next-Guildford, yeoman, claims 51s.
for three loads of lime and 18s. for the carriage of two loads of
timber, used in the construction of the navigation in 1654.

23. Thomas Roker of Woadham, husbandman, claims twelve
pounds for work done.

24. James Zouch of Woking, Esq., claims /400 for loss of water to
his com mills in Woking leased to James Collyer of Woking. Owns
land in Send and \\'oking Broadmead and claims ;^300 for past
damage and /20 per annum for future damage to his land by barge-
men and horses passing and repassing.

25. Anne Lintott of Guildford, widow and executrix of the will
of her late husband Nicholas Lintott of Guildford, claims /90 for
sixty loads of timber delivered by her late husband in 1656. Also
claims repayment of a loan of ^25.

26. Henry Ellyott of Pirford, husbandman, claims /9.6.0 for
work done and materials used.

27. John Butt and Timothy Butt the younger; John Heather
and Margaret his wife; Thomas Boxall and Sarah his wife.
John and Timothy Butt, Margaret Heather and Sarah Boxall are
executors of the wills of Richard West, deceased, and of Nicholas
West, deceased. They claim ;^8.15.4 for work done by Richard
West in 1653, and £15.7.6 for work done by Nicholas West about
the same time.

28. Henry Roker the elder of Witley, yeoman, claims £250 for
150 loads of timber and twenty loads of planks.

29. Arthur Onslow of West Clandon, Esq . , claims £40 for damage
to two acres of land in Woking Broadmeade now in the occupation
of Thomas Mascall, gent. Claims 30s. per annum for damage done
by bargemen and horses to three acres of land called Send Meade
also in the occupation of Thomas Mascall. Also claims /5 per annum
for the past twenty years for damage to Chagdon Meades.

30. John Payne of Stoke-next-Guildford, timber merchant,
claims £10 for several loads of timber delivered about twelve years
ago.

31. Thomas Mascall of Send, gent., claims £20 for past damage
and one pound per annum for future damage to two acres in \\^oking
Broadmead which he has owned for the past twenty years. Also
claims £30 for the past twenty years and 30s. per annum for future
damage to three acres in Send Mead by bargemen and horses.

THE WEY NAVIGATION CLAIMS OF 1671 101

32. Dame Margaret Herbert of Weybridge, widow, claims £10
for past damage and £5 per annum for future damage to her land
called Hones closes and Honesmead in Chertsey which she has
owned for ten years. Also claims £120 for past damage and £12 per
annum for future damage to her land called Milletts Mead and
Gaston Mead in Weybridge, which she has owned for ten years.

33. James Collyer of Woking, miller, works com mills leased to
him by James Zouch, Esq., on 22 July 1663. Claims £400 for loss
of water during past eight years and £50 per annum until the expiry
of his lease in 13 years.

34. Thomas Devens of Guildford, husbandman, claims 40s. for
work done.

35. John Marter of Guildford, gent., claims £3,550 disbursed in
buying and providing timber and materials, paying workmen, and
collecting profits, for the last 4| years; and £450 for his labour,
expenses and care.

36. William Bowell of Send, yeoman, claims £100 for damage to
his land called Prewes in Send, and Sendmead.

37. John Warwick of London, carpenter, claims £120 for work,
materials and wages.

38. John Rutland of Ripley, yeoman, claims £40 for damage to
land in Newarke mead in Send by flooding.

39. Richard Hale of Send, yeoman, and James Atfeild of Send,
yeoman, claim £25 for damage to their land by flooding.

40. James Atfeild of Send, yeoman, claims £10 for damage to
meadow at Newark in Send by flooding.

41. George Mann of Send, husbandman, claims £20 for damage
to meadow by flooding.

42. William Colton of Ripley, yeoman, and Jane Wood of
Ripley, widow, claim £7 for damage to land.

43. Robert Colton of Send, husbandman, claims £10 for damage
to meadows at Newarke in Send.

44. William Ryde of Send, yeoman, claims £150 for damage to
meadows.

45. Francis Parmefoy of Woking, husbandman, claims £2.6.10
for work and materials.

46. Henry Dennyer of Worplesdon, husbandman, claims
£65.14.0 for work done looking after part of the river.

47. Henry Allen of Newarke in Send, miller, claims £33 for
labour in taking care of the tumbling-bay called Walsham Bay.

102 THE \VEY NAVIGATION CLAIMS OF 1671

48. Thomas Dalmahoy of the Fryery near Guildford, Esq., owns
that part of the river between Guildford Bridge and Woodbridge in
Stoke; Dapdune Wharf, and Middleton Bridge. Has agreements
with Wm. Dickenson, Esq., Thos. Cressey, gent., and Thos. Tyndall,
Esq. [see Nos. 13 & 14]. Claims fourpence per load carried on the
river; £20 per annum and arrears for Dapdune Wharf leased to
Richard Forbench ; £16 per annum rent for the New Wharf adjoining
Dapdune Wharf, and £300 for damage to his property done by
bargemen and others.

49. Richard Lee of Sutton next Woking, yeoman, claims £40
for damage to land in Sutton Broadmead in Woking.

50. The Mayor and Approved Men of Guildford claim as
much of the river as is within the liberties of Guildford and within
the manor of Poyle next Guildford; and also one penny for every
load of goods carried upon it, according to agreement dated 7 March
1670/1 between Thos. Cressey, gent, and Thos. Tyndale, Esq. on the
one part and Arthur Onslow, Esq., Thos. Dalmahoy, Esq., Sir
Edward Thurland, Kt. and Roger Duncumb, Esq., trustees for the
town, on the other part.

51. Daniel Rutland of Ripley in the parish of Send, yeoman,
claims £80 for damage to land in Broadmead in Send.

52. John Freeland of Woking, husbandman, claims 20s. Id. for
labour in looking after part of the river.

53. John Miller of Rat cliff e, Middlesex, mariner, claims profits
and arrears on two shares bought from Richard Scotcher of
Guildford, gent., one of the principal undertakers and makers of
the river, in 1654 for £600. Also claims £100 'by him expended in
Partnership towards effecting the said Navigac'on.'

54. Mary Wildbore, widow of Nicholas Wildbore of London,
draper; Mary and Elizabeth their daughters; Nicholas, John,
Edward and Joseph their sons. Mary Wildbore claims one share
granted to Nicholas W. and his heirs by James Pitson of Stoke-
next-Guildford, Esq., for £300 by indenture dated 31 August 1652.
Daughters Mary and Elizabeth claim the share on their mother's
death. The sons claim it in default of the daughters having issue.
Mar}' W. also claims £75 'by hir sd hu.sband expended in p'tnership
towards y*^ effecting y^ Sd navigac'on' and all the arrears.

55. John Worsfold of Send, husbandman, claims £60 for work
done in repairing the banks of the river, at the rate of five shillings
per week. Makes his mark.

56. James Tichborne of Send, vicar, claims £6 for damage to
his glebe lands by wearing away of the soil by the towing of barges
and other vessels. Part of the land is 5 acres of meadow in Scend
meade in the parish of Send near Triggs Lock.

THE WEY NAVIGATION CLAIMS OF 1671 103

57. LioNELL Rawlins of Woking, gent., owns seven rods of
meadow in Broadmead, Send. Claims £20 for damage to his meadow
by flooding, and about £400 advanced to James Pitson, gent., one
of the proprietors of the river.

58. Thomas Crosse of Send, gent., claims £20 for carrying several
loads of timber to make locks.

59. Sarah Tichborne in the county of Surrey [sic], widow, owns
five rods in Broadmeade, Send, and two acres in the lower end of
the Lower Broadmeade. Claims £30 for damage by flooding.

60. John Cathringham of Send, yeoman, owns five rods in
Broadmeade, Send. Claims £15 for damage by flooding.

61. Thomas Parkhurst of Woking, yeoman, owns one acre in
Broadmeade, Send. Claims £10 for damage by wearing away of the
soil, flooding, and stopping up of a way.

62. Robert Cooke of Woking, labourer, claims £30 for work done
in repairing banks and locks.

63. Charles Dethicke, gent., owns a messuage in Weybridge,
also a wharf and piece of ground there of the value of about £100
per annum. Claims 'reasonable satisfaction and recompense' for the
loss of an ancient right of way between Chertsey and Weybridge
because of flooding.

64. Thomas Bald wine of Guildford, gent., has owned since 12
September 1661 a meadow in Stoke-next-Guildford containing about
two acres three rods adjoining the River Wey on the west and
north, a meadow belonging to the manor of Poyle in the east, and a
close of Richard Stoughton's used for a wharf on the south. Claims
£100 for damage to his gates, stiles, hedges, trees and grass.

65. John Skarvill, citizen and distiller of London, claims one
share of the profits made by one barge for nineteen years from 28
January 1664. The share was granted to him by John Ratcliffe,
Esq., for £200 and a further £125. Signs.

66. George Ayscue of Ham Court, Surrey, Kt., and his ancestors
have been lessees to the Dean and Chapter of Windsor of the manor
of Ham, and he was lessee in 1653. There is on his land, adjoining
the Thames, an ancient wharf called Ham Hawe Wharfe, which was
damaged by the new cutting of the river. Other land was damaged
by having a lock and tumbling-bay built on it, causing flooding.
Claims £3,000 for loss in the last eighteen years and at least £2,000
for future loss. Also claims one-fifth of the benefits of a lease made by
the land proprietors of the river Wey to Richard Halford dated 18
February 1662 for which he paid and secured in January 1665 the
sum of £450. Signs.

67. William Ross, Esq., claims one-third of two-fifths of a share
conveyed to him by the Rt. Hon. Henry Earle of St. Albans. Signs.

104 THE \VEY NAVIGATION CLAIMS OF 1671

68. William Wetton of Cheswick, Middlesex, Esq., holds five
shares conveyed to him by Richard Damelly, Richard Scotchier,
and James Pitson and for which he paid £1,580. Also holds another
share conveyed to him by Wm. Mills, and another three shares in the
wharves and wharfage assigned to him by Pitson. Claims, as
administrator to Richard Scotchier and Alice his wife, deceased,
/5,530 paid by Richard Scotchier in making the river navigable.
Also claims ;£3,940 for charges incidental to the management of the
work which were paid by him by virtue of a deed dated 10 August
1654 appointing him sole manager of the works. Also claims £1,000
paid for repairs and £400 for disbursements in law-suits about the
river. Also claims an interest in leases made about February 1662
to Richard Halford and Wm. Ball. Signs.

69. William Dickenson of the Middle Temple, London, Esq.,
claims on behalf of himself and others an interest in many parcels of
land along the River Wey from Guildford to the Thames. Names
and places mentioned: Guildford Bridge, Woodbridge, Thomas
Dalmahoy, Esq., Stoke Bridge, Sir Nicholas Stoughton, Sir John
Wirley and Dame Mary his wife, Mr. Bower, Mr. Impey, Sutton
Broad Mead, Lady Weston, Trigg's Lock, Richard Child, John
Bullin, Mary Lee, Henry Trigge, John Bristow, Nicholas Wisdome,
John Worsfeild's Lock, Mr. Zouch, Worsfeilds Bridge at Seans
[P Seand=Send] Heath, John Jelly, Daniell Maybanke, Okeinge
[Woking] Broad Mead, Jane Bagford, Mr. Weston of Ockham,
Mr. John Bowell, Henry Stiles, Mr. Henry Weston, Ockham Mill,
Lord Mountague, Mr. Forebench, Walsam Bay, Sir Robert
Parkhurst, Purford Lock, Martin Bridge, Manor of Purford, John
Sale, George Hoane, John Slyfeild, Stapeley Heath, Manor of
Byfleet, Jeremy Mayland, Dr. Parker and his wife, Robert Sutton
and his wife, Robert Roydon, Robert Smith, The Wreath, Lord St.
Albans, Ham More Bridge, Hannah Gold, Sir George Ayscue at
Weybridge, Mr. Luke Elmer. WiUiam Dickenson paid William
Mills £1,493 for most of this land. Claims an interest in parcels of
land and in money expended on making the river navigable by
virtue of various deeds made by, among others, John Weston, Esq.,
eldest son of Sir Richard Weston, deceased; Richard Weston, gent.,
son and heir of the said John Weston; John Impey, William Mills
and George Duke, bearing dates 10, 12 and 13 July 1662. Also
claims an interest in wharves in Chertsey and Stoke Bridge,
Guildford. Claims £80 for loss of profits of a wharf in Guildford.
Also claims one-fifth part of the profits of a lease to Richard Halford,
merchant, in Feb. 1662, being his share of an assignment thereof
made 5 January 1665 by Henry Prescott to the Rt. Hon. the Earl
of St. Albans, the Rt. Hon. Sir Edward Turner, Kt., now Lord
Chief Baron, Sir John Denham, Kt., since deceased. Sir George
Ayscue, Kt., Sir Robert Parkhurst, Kt., for which they paid Henry
Prescott £2,290 odd by way of a fine. Also claims £2,000 expended
on the maintenance of the work and on law-suits. Also claims his
share of the arrears since the 12 October 1666 'to the end hee may

THE WEY NAVIGATION CLAIMS OF 1671 105

bee answeared the Rent of 300'' a yeare reserued payable to John
Richmond Esq.,' also a rent of £40 a year payable to George Duke,
Esq. Signs.

70. Sir Robert Parkhurst of Purford, Kt. A cut was made
through his lands in the manors of Purford and Woodham ; another
cut from Walshambay to Purford Lock formerly disposed of to
Richard Dornelli, Richard Scother and James Pitson. Sir Robert
Parkhurst sold the same to William Dickenson, Esq., partly for
money and partly for £100 per annum out of the profits of the river
secured by a lease to Richard Halford dated 13 July 1662. Claims
at least £100 for damage to his land. Also claims one-fifth of the
benefits of Richard HaSord's lease, being the share allotted to him
by Henry Prescott, merchant, to the Rt. Hon. the Earl of St. Alban,
the Rt. Hon. Sir Edward Turner, Kt., now Lord Chief Baron, Sir
John Denham, Kt., since deceased. Sir George Ayscue, Kt., William
Dickenson, Esq., and himself, for which Sir Robt. Parkhurst paid
£612.6.11. Also claims £400 paid to workmen for timber and other
materials. Also claims arrears of profits since 12 October 1666.
Signs.

71. Henry Hasten, an infant, claiming through his guardian
Sir George Courthopp, Kt. John Johnson, Esq., Henry Haslen's
father-in-law, received the rents, issues and profits of petitioner's
estate to the value of £400. John Johnson has since died intestate,
having no other estate than his interest in the river ; Henry Haslen
claims a share of the dividends.

72. Anne Radcliffe, widow of Sir Alexander Radchffe, Kt., of
the honourable order of the Bath. Owned property in Manchester
to the value of £140 per annum, and about nine years previously
was induced by her son John Radchffe, Esq., to sell so that he could
buy shares in the River Wey, assuring her £1,000 out of his shares.
In December 1664 John R. obtained a grant from the King of his
title and interest in the river for 29 years from the previous
Michaelmas at a rent of £5 per annum. John died about three years
previously and Anne R. claims repayment of her £1,000 with
interest. Anne R. and Thomas Cressye, Esq., were executors of
John R.'s will but Thomas Cressye refused to join in the proving of
the will, which Anne proved in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury.
By this will Anne is entitled to John's share in the river. Also
claims 'several great sums of money' spent by John in repairing the
locks, etc. Signs.

73. Frances Wentworth, widow of Michael Wentworth, gent.,
and sister of John Radchffe late of Attlebury, Norfolk, Esq.
Obtained a judgment for £1,000 debt and £12 costs in the Court of
Common Pleas in Easter Term, 17 Chas. H, against John Radcliffe
to whom the King had granted, by letters patent dated December
1664, his title and interest in the river for 29 years at a rent of £5
per annum. John Radcliffe having since died, F. W. claims her
£1,000. Signs.

106 THE WEY NAVIGATION CLAIMS OF 1671

74. The Rt. Hon. Thomas Richardson, Baron of Craymond in the
Kingdom of Scotland, is administrator of the unadministered goods
and chattells of his father Sir Thomas Richardson, Kt., deceased.
His father stood security for debts of William Sandys, Esq., by an
obhgation dated June 1638, to Edward Bradby and Arthur Ruddle
of London, gent., and by an obligation dated December 1637 to
Richard Blackeston of the City of London, gent. William Sandys
was thus better enabled to obtain shares in the river. Sir Thomas
afterwards paid these debts amounting to over £1,000 but received
nothing from William Sandys, now dead. Claims repayment from
the profits of the Navigation.

75. Henry Stoughton of Stoke-next-Guildford, yeoman, owns
meadow called Woodbridge Mead in Stoke of about 3 acres and land
called Sandy Fields of about 3 acres now used as a wharf. Claims
£132 for the past six years and £22 per annum for the future. And
even if their use as a wharf be discontinued he claims £6 per annum
for damage by bargemen and their horses and by flooding. Also
claims £12 for damage to the orchard belonging to his dweUing-
house 'by reason of the penninge the water there', and £2 per annum
for future damage to it.

76. John Sayle of Pirford, gent. A cutting through his land in
Pirford causes him to make a detour of 1^ miles to reach part of his
land until a promised bridge is built. Claims £180 damages for the
past eighteen years and £10 per annum for the future. About 1660
the river broke its banks flooding his meadowland in Pirford called
Brushetts and bringing with it two hundred loads of gravel, sand
and mud. Claims £20 for past damage and £2 per annum for the
future. Also claims £24 and £4 per annum for damage caused by
another flooding in about 1664, and £2 for another flooding of
Brushetts mead 'about one halfe year since.'

77. Francis Viscount Mountague owns all that part of the river
flowing through his manors of Ripley and Send, about four miles
in length, and Newark Mill. Claims £1,000 for damage to his land,
flooding, and taking away water from his mill. Also claims £500
paid to tenants in Ripley and Send for damages by bargemen and
others. Also claims 2|d. for every 'Tunne, Chaldron or load' carried
on the Navigation by virtue of an agreement dated 7 March 1670
with Thos. Cressey, gent., and Thos. Tyndall, Esq.

78. Samuel Toole y of Radclifle, Middlesex, gent., was employed
for over three years buying and providing timber and other materials
and paying for maintenance work on the river, and defending law-
suits brought against bargemen on the river. Has disbursed
£44.3.4 for work and materials and £40.13.9 on law-suits, and
there is £150 due for three years' salary. Total £234.17.1.

79. John Wilkins of Stoke-next-Guildford, bargeman, was
emplo^'ed in buying timber, stone and other materials for building
and repairing locks, bays, bridges, banks and Dapdune Wharf, and
in paying workmen. Has disbursed £408. 11.1.

THE WEY NAVIGATION CLAIMS OF 1671 107

80. Nicholas Wallys of Guildford, tallow-chandler, was employed
as wharfinger of Dapdune Wharf, Stoke, from 11 June 1655 until
Michaelmas 1671. Claims £250.3.4 for salary and outpayments to
workmen and for materials.

81. William Gregory, Esq. and John Hoskins, Esq. claim £535,
the residue of a greater sum owing to them by Thos. Cressey and
Thos. Tjmdall, Esqrs., as the consideration for which Windsor
Sandys, Esq., sold to T. C. and T. T. all his estate, right and title in
the River Wey, which title was later assigned to the claimants
as security for £535.

82. Henry Elwes of Grovehouse, Middlesex, Esq., claims a share
of the profits of Dabdon Wharf, Stoke, Bowers Cutt, Stoke Lock
and lands in the manors of Sutton, Scean [Send], Purford, Byfleet
and Woodham, conveyed to him by John Johnson, Esq. Also
claims £1,000 for materials, digging, work and servants' wages paid
out by him. Signs.

83. Henry Goldwyer of Guildford, bargeman, and William
Bromfeild of Scean, Surrey, deceased, had entered into an
agreement with the Lord Chamberlain that no barges were to work
on the river other than theirs, but soon afterwards, by reason of an
order of sequestration, many more barges were allowed in, to the
damage of H. G. and W. B. of £800, which they claim. Henry
Goldwyer also claims, for himself and the executors of Wm.
Bromfeild, £200 disbursed on work, materials and wages. Also
claims for himself, John Goby of Stoke-next-Guildford, and the
executors of Wm. Bromfeild, that in 1664 they rented a piece of
land at Woodbridge, formerly a wharf, and employed one John
Crockford as wharfinger there, whereby were carried to London
nearly 4,000 loads of timber. They paid £21 per annum plus tithes
and taxes for the land and they claim £200 for this and the
wharfinger's wages. H. G. and John Goby make their marks.

84. Benjamin Wetton of Cheswick, Middlesex, gent. In February
1662 Sir Robert Parkhurst, Kt., Sir George Ayscue, Kt., William
Dickenson, Esq. and others conveyed the river to Richard Halford
of the City of London, merchant, for the term of 1,000 years. By
that lease, amongst other things, £80 per annum was payable to
William Mills of Weyb ridge, gent. In 1664 Wm. Mills conveyed this
to Benjamin Wetton for the remainder of the term, but it had not
been received, so claims. Signs.

85. John Wheately of Woodham in the parish of Chertsey,
yeoman, claims for damage to four acres of land now used as a wharf,
lying in Staplyheath in the parish of Chertsey and now in the
occupation of Thomas Atfeild. Also claims £293.10.0 paid out by
the order of Wilham Wetton of Cheswick, Middlesex, Esq., for
damages by flooding, to Richard White, Henry Staughton, Henry
Lee, Thomas Bayley, John Harris, Thomas Mellis, John Sayle,
John Trigge, George Slyfeild, Mr. Champian and Jane Cocke.
Signs.

108 THE WEY NAVIGATION CLAIMS OF 1671

86. John Brome, a minor, son and heir of Alexander Brome,
claims profits on four shares sold to Alexander Brome by Wm.
Wotton. Esq., on 23 July 1656 for over £550.

87. John Brome, a minor, son and heir of Alexander Brome,
claims profits on several shares sold to Alexander Brome by Richard
Blackwell, Esq., on 1 June 1663 for over £1,100.

THE CHURCH OF ST. PETER, NEWDIGATE

SURREY

JOYCE BANKS

Summary of Church History

THE earliest dateable features in the church are of c. 1200;
the church then consisted of chancel, nave and south aisle.
The south-west window in the chancel and the priest's door are
of c. 1250.

Early in the fourteenth century the south aisle was extended
eastwards to form the Cudworth chapel. The tower was probably
built early in the fifteenth century and at about the same time the
south arcade was rebuilt, retaining only the original central pier.

The north arcade and north aisle date from 1876-7, when the
porch was built and a small vestry added. The latter was enlarged
in 1906.

Early History of the Parish

Like many Wealden parishes, Newdigate has always had a
comparatively small population scattered over a large area. Its
name is probably a contraction from its old spelling of Newoodigate
from on-E wood-gate, i.e. the road to Ewood (situated in the north of
the parish). This road, leading from Reigate through Ewood to
Rusper and beyond, served as a link between the Surrey and Sussex
lands held by the Norman family of de Warrenne from the eleventh
century onwards. The church stands on a slight eminence adjoining
this same road, and because of its position, can be seen from many
outlying parts of the parish. Because of the difficulty of clearing the
dense woodlands here, land has been annexed as and when it was
fit for cultivation, and this rather haphazard settlement led to the
boundaries of the parish being ill-defined for a long time. It was
even divided between the hundreds of Copthome and Reigate. In a
community of isolated farmsteads, more or less self-sufficient, the
church was, and is, the only unifying factor, supplying both spiritual
and temporal needs.

Newdigate and its church are not mentioned in Domesday Book,
and it is presumed that this church, together with others in the
Weald, was a chapel dependent on Reigate, then called Cherchefelle,
and containing the seat of the de Warrennes at Reigate Castle. In
the earliest known document^ which mentions it individually by
name, it is referred to as Capella de Neudegat; this is a charter of
Hamelin de Warrenne confirming a previous grant of the living to
the Priory of St. Mary Overie, Southwark. (Plate IX(b).) The

I British Museum, Cotton MSS. Nero C III.
109

110 THE CHURCH OF ST. PETER, NEWDIGATE

probable date of this was 1163, the year in which HameUn acquired
his title and estates through his marriage; an earlier grant in 1106
of Reigate to St. Mary Overie probably included Newdigate.

The seat of the Newdigate family, who, according to John
Aubrey,- settled here in the reign of Henry I (1100-35) was about
1| miles to the south (now Home Farm), suggesting that there was
already a church or chapel on this site at the date of their arrival, or
it would have been built nearer their residence.

In the Taxation of Pope Nicholas, 1291, the living was valued at
;^8 and the tithe was 16 shillings. For a time the advowson was in
private hands (WiUiam de Newdigate held it in 1357), but by the
time of the Dissolution it had again passed to St. Mary Overie. In
the Valor Ecclesiasticus, 1535, the assessment of monastic property
on the eve of dissolution, the living was worth £8 18s. 4d. and the
tithes 17s. lOd. It then came into the hands of the Crown, where it
has remained, the present patron being the Lord Chancellor.

The inventories made in the reign of Edward VI (1547-53) give
some idea of the church and its goods in pre-Reformation times.
For example, there were ' Candy Isteckes of pewter which stood
before the rood-loft' , and of the two vestments hsted, one was 'Off
crimson satten off bridges [Bruges]' and the other 'Off grene satten.'
There was also a cope 'Off crymsyn damask.'

The Medieval Church (Fig. 1)

Although the upper parts of the east and south walls of the chancel
(and probably of the walls of the south aisle also) were rebuilt in
1876-7, the faculty then granted specified that the original material
should be re-used. Building stone is rare in this part of the Weald;
such small seams as exist are quickly exhausted. This accounts for
the use of a variety of stone, each kind in small quantity. The main
kinds are: Paludina Limestone or Sussex Marble, and Tilgate
Sandstone. The former was probably quarried near Stanhill,
Charlwood, and the latter about one mile east of the church. There
is also some Bargate Stone which outcrops near Halesbridge, and
some fragments of iron-pan from the plateau gravel at Henfold.
Reigate Stone was also used, and can be seen in the unrestored parts
of the south-west chancel window, the east window of the south
aisle and the quoins to the south of it. All these stones could have
been obtained within a radius of six miles. The east and south
windows of the chancel were heavily restored in 1876-7, using a
harder, brown stone, but the faculty stated that their original
design was to be followed. The triplet of lancets which form the
east window and the single, widely-splayed lancets to the north and
south of it may therefore be dated c. 1200. The original rear arches
and quoins can be seen inside. A piscina occupies part of the recess
of the south lancet, which has also been adapted as a simple seat
for the priest. To the west of it is a two-light window with a plain
circular light above of about 1250 and a priest's door of the same

2 Aubrey, John, Natural History and Antiquities of Surrey, IV (1718).

THE CHURCH OF ST. PETER, NEWDIGATE

111

date. The position of this window between the single lancet on the
east and the door to the west, with very little space left on either
side, suggests that it might have replaced an earlier, smaller window,
and that about 1200 the chancel was extended eastwards. The north
wall shows signs of disturbance and patching almost opposite, and
there could have been a window there also. According to John
Aubrey3 there were in the east window Three sharp escutcheons of
Warren.'

10 0

30 feet

Nave

South Aisle Chapel

Before 12 00
c. i.'OO

lk-W.«fJIII

I llh century
15 ih century
\t\l\udr l^no rebuilt kXXXJ 1876

C.l:i30 rebuilt

3 1906

Fig. 1 . — Newdigate Church. Ground Plan.

Before 1876 the chancel roof was constructed of trussed rafters; it
was replaced by the present one which differs only slightly in form.
On the exterior it was re-roofed in 1876-7 (as was the whole church)
with Horsham stone, 'Incorporating old material.' Before the
major restoration of that date, there were numerous inscribed
gravestones set in the floor. One of these is now under the tower
where it has been placed at the foot of the larger gravestone of
William de Newdigate. The indent of the brass plate (see Memorials
below) can easily be seen. The faculty of 1876 also provided for the
rebuilding of the chancel arch which was more rounded and a
little lower before that time.

Although the double-chamfered arches of the south arcade (Plate
XI) seem to be of fifteenth-century date, the stone of the massive
circular pier shows diagonal tooling which, together with its size and
shape, point to a date not later than that of the east end of the
chancel. The south aisle itself is narrow, and therefore early, so it
seems probable that the arcade was rebuilt with wider and higher
arches and new responds. The octagonal capital of the central pier

3 Aubrey, ibid, p. 263.

112

THE CHURCH OF ST. PETER, NEWDIGATE

dates from this remodelling, and probably the much smaller arch to
the east of the main arcade. The early-medieval nave roof of trussed
rafters with three tie-beams, one supporting a post imder the collar,
has been left exposed since the restoration of 1876-7. The tie-beam
at the west end is chamfered on the east side only, indicating that
the west wall was complete before the tower was added. Before 1876
the returned ends of this wall were very irregular in shape, and each
had a piece of timber, 20 inches wide and 9| inches thick, inset in it.
When the north aisle was added in 1877, the arcade was planned to
correspond with that on the south. Its building meant the
destruction of a late fifteenth-century wall-painting of St.
Christopher which faced the south door. This had been discovered
in 1859 by the Curate-in-Charge in the course of repairs to the
fabric ; when the Surrey Archaeological Society visited the church in
1872, it was stated to be 'Much obliterated by the injudicious,
though well-meant, use of an oil varnish. '+ A drawing of it appears
in the Surrey ArchcBological Collections^ and there is a copy under the
tower. The two north windows in the new aisle were copied from
those of late fourteenth-century date formerly in the north wall of
the nave. (Plate IX(a).)

S^^^j IrKIM ®1E.ILI1IE1II1 ms^ IFMIBIIMMBM

Fig. 2. — Newdigate Church. Wood-carving on Gallery Front.

The stone of the south pier has been deliberately flattened on its
south face, and there are deep holes for some kind of fixture. This
covdd have been an image or picture, or the holy-water stoup of
latten mentioned in the inventories of 1551. There are also various
incised marks, mostly crosses and compoimd crosses whose origin is
obscure. One at least approximates to the Templars Cross; the
Knights Templars held property here, and had an estabUshment at
Temple Elfold, in Capel, about two miles away. There are similar
marks on the exterior walls of the south aisle.

Until 1876 a gallery covered the west end of the nave, extending
as far as the south door. This was 'Builded by Henry Nicholson,
gent. Anno Dom. 1627,' according to the carved inscription on its
front which is preserved imder the tower against the south wall.
(Fig. 2.)

"* Surrey ArchcBological Collections, VI (1874), 57.
5 ibid., opposite p. 57.

THE CHURCH OF ST. PETER, NEWDIGATE 113

The original south aisle of thirteenth-century date has probably
been completely rebuilt in the course of time, though on the old
foundations. However, the eastern part which overlaps the chancel,
was added in the early fourteenth century by the de la Poyle family
(of Cudworth from at least 1298),'^ to serve as a chantry or family
chapel. The west jamb of the south door of the chancel has been cut
away, and the south pier of the chancel pierced, in order to make a
squint, thus opening up a view of the High Altar from this chapel.
Several bequests^ by the Newdigate family and others in the
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries show that there was once an altar
dedicated to St. Mary (Our Lady) which was presumably here. The
east window of two ogee-headed lights, and the piscina near it in the
south wall, belong to the Decorated style of the fourteenth century,
and the west window is about a century later. Both these windows,
especially the latter, have been much restored; those in the south
wall are completely modern. Aubrey refers to the Warrenne Arms
Tn a south window,' and according to the Heralds' Visitation of
Surrey in 1623,^ 'The chapel of Codford in Surrey' contained, among
others, 'The arms of de la Poyle repeated.'

Later records^ mention only 'The Cudworth Pew' or 'The seat
belonging to Cudworth,' and plans drawn just before the restoration
of 1876 show seats surrounding the former sanctuary on east, south
and west, thus obscuring the east wall and the piscina, and showing
that it was no longer in use as a chapel. Today (1965) it is again in
regular use.

The West Tower

The tower is the church's most distinctive feature (Plates VHI, X),
and that which gives it vernacular interest. Only one other tower in
Surrey, built wholly of timber, retains its original plan — that at
Burstow. This one bears a strong resemblance to that at Great
Greenford, Middlesex, where another branch of the Newdigate
family owned the neighbouring manor of Harefield from about 1350
to 1585.

It consists of three square storeys surmounted by an octagonal
spire ;'° its main weight being carried by four great oak timbers
16-17 inches square and 11 feet apart which stand on massive slabs
of wood. The aisle which runs outside them serves as a buttress, and
between the main posts is an elaborate system of cross-bracing. The
smaller upright timbers surrounding the ground floor are set close
together, 6-7 inches apart. This lowest section is covered externally
with weather-boarding, the sloping section above it with oak

6 Inquisition Post Mortem 27 Ed. I.

7 e.g. William Manne 1489, who also requests burial in the churchyard of
SS. Peter and Paul. Archdeaconry of Surrey. Spage register, 315. Also
Thomas Newdigate 1516; Alice Newdigate 1533.

8 The Visitacion of Surrey made A° 1623 by Samuel Thompson, Windsor
Herald, and Augustyne Vincent, Rougecroix, Marshalls and deputies to Wm.
Camden Esq., Clarenceux King of Armes.

9 Parish Records. Manning and Bray, History of Surrey, II, 176.

^° See drawing in Surrey ArchcBological Collections, VI (1874), opp. p. 278.

114 THE CHURCH OF ST. PETER, NEWDIGATE

shingles. Above these are the weather-boarded belfr^^ and shingled
spire. Its total height is 60 feet.

It probably dates from the late fourteenth or early fifteenth
century, the time when Newdigate family fortunes seem to have
been at their height, agriculture prospered, and the demand for
timber (a major resource here) for ship and house building was
considerable. That the tower has survived has been due to constant
vigilance. Many of the original timbers have been replaced, the
cross-bracing has been reinforced on the north side, and timbers
inserted in other places; but much of the original timberwork still
survives, with joints secured by wooden pegs. When the number of
bells was increased to six, and even more when the clock was added
in 1897, some strengthening of the framework would have been
structurally necessary. Nevertheless, the original design remains
imchanged.

The Chantry Chapel

A chantry chapel dedicated to St. Margaret once stood in the
churchyard. Thomas Newdigate, who died in 1482, directed in his
will that he be buried 'In the chapel of St. Margaret at Newdigate.'"
His son, Thomas, expressed the same wish, and requested 'An obit
for his soul to be held in the chapel of St. Margaret yearly for
twenty 3^ears with the profits ... of Kj^mbers Meadow ... in
Newdigate.'^- The will of another Thomas, as quoted by Bray,
states that the chapel is in the churchyard of Newdigate. '^ it is
unusual in this country to find a chantry chapel detached from the
church, but foundations are said to have been seen during grave-
digging to the south-east of the chancel. It was certainly gone
by 1576, when the head of the family expressed a wish to be buried
'In the middle pavement before the glass window where the
Newdigates Arms are sett.'^-* (See Glass below.) Aubrey heard the
chapel mentioned, and saj'S it gave place to the building of a
farmhouse. Possibly material from it was used in the building of
Dean House Farm, or of the tithe bam which formerly stood in
front of the Rectory.

Repairs and Alterations in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth

Centuries

In the time of George Steere, Rector 1610-1660, several repairs
and alterations are mentioned in the registers. 'The Chauncell was
ceiled An. Dom. 1614 at charges of George Steere, parson of
Newdigate'; in 1626 'The pulpit was made at my order, and set up
in its place,' and in 1627 the gallery was built (see above), followed
by two windows, 'Ye one against the pulpit, ye other against y&
gallerie,' in the same year. Also in 1627 the church was 'Seeled and
trimmed by ye benevolence of well-disposed people.'

^' Surrey ArchcBological Collection, VI (1874), 261.
^2 Archdeaconry of Surrey. Mathewe register, 110.
^3 Manning and Bray, History of Surrey, II. 171.

^4 Will of Thomas Newdigate, Esq., a copy inserted in Inquisition Post
Mortem, 18 Eliz. (1576).

THE CHURCH OF ST. PETER, NEWDIGATE

115

Fig. 3.— Newdigate Church in 1872, showing Brick Porch (1701) and
Dormer Windows (1627).

116 THE CHURCH OF ST. PETER, XEWDIGATE

Illustrations of the church before 1876 (Fig. 3) show a south
porch with vestry adjoining, both built of brick. In one of the few
Churchwardens' Accounts to have survived we find the following

entries for 1701 :

i s. d.
for a six hundred of bricks 00—08—00 (?)

for six bushells of hme 00—02—00

for fetching of the bricks lime and sand 00 — 11 — 00

thus confirming the date of their erection. Aubrey says there was a
board on the north wall with the inscription, 'This church was
beautified 1702 when Ed. Budgen, gent, and George Bather [should
be Bosher] were Churchwardens.' Apart from this building, expenses
concerning the bells frequently occur in these early eighteenth-
century accounts.

On 9 June 1786 a Vestry Meeting was called for the purpose of
'Making a book to defray the Expence of Repairing the church which
accordingly was done at one shilling in the pound.' In the Overseers'
accounts for July appear payments to various persons for work done
in the church. This included new seating, glazing and painting,
pointing, repairing the porch door, whitewashing the church and
some iron work. In the following year the same accounts mention
a payment to 'Master Wonham toward repairing the church.'
Thomas Wonham was a Churchwarden.

The Church in the Nineteenth Century and after

The eighteenth century was a time of great poverty here, to which
the decline in agriculture, an excess of births over deaths, and the
practical cessation of house building all contributed. This continued
into the nineteenth century and was reflected in the state of the
church. Reports of the Rural Dean from 1829 onwards contain
expressions such as 'The parish is ^\Tetchedly poor,' 'the furniture
of the altar is of the meanest description,' 'The chancel should be
underpinned,' 'The damp gets into the spire among the curious
framework,' and so on. In 1859-60 'The parish church was repaired
and partly restored' (his own words in the register) by Samuel
Ma^'hew, Curate-in-Charge, in the absence of the Rector.

Increased population in the decade after 1861 made more
accommodation imperative, and in 1873 T. E. C. Streatfeild, archi-
tect, submitted plans for renovations and extensions involving the
addition of a new north aisle. The work was carried out in 1876-7 at
a cost of ;^2,100. The north arcade was built to correspond with that
on the south, and the original north windows copied. The gallery
was removed, the parish chest and the records it contained were
moved from it to the Cudworth Pew. The stone slab marking the
burial place of \\'illiam de Newdigate (see Memorials below) was
taken up and is now set in the ground floor of the tower (on the
south side, underneath the chest). The south porch and vestry of
brick were removed and the present porch erected. A new vestry to

THE CHURCH OF ST. PETER, NEWDIGATE 1 17

the north of the chancel, with an entrance to the new north aisle,
was also added. The two dormer windows (1627) and the pulpit of
1626 (which stood in the north-east angle of the nave) were removed,
and all the old pews which were 'Much decayed.' For a time the
pulpit was a third of a circle of stone which projected from the south
side of the chancel arch.

The present carved wooden pulpit and the chancel screen were
donated by Mrs. Janson of Newdigate Place in 1906, and in the
same year the small vestry added in 1877 was enlarged northwards.
Mrs. Janson started a wood-carving class at her home in 1902, and
the schoolmaster, Mr. Hackwood, joined in the teaching. The angels
on the choir stalls, the poppy-heads on the front pews, and the
symbolic designs on the bench-ends were all their work. The altar
in the Cudworth chapel was also carved by them in memory of Mr.
Hackwood. Details of work done by members, some of whom are
still alive, are set dowTi in a booklet to be found under the tower.
Mrs. Janson herself is commemorated by the north-west window,
depicting Jesus in the carpenter's shop.

In 1964, in an endeavour to lighten the church, stained glass was
removed from the two lancet windows in the chancel, the chancel
roof painted, and the whole of the interior whitewashed. The effect
is successful, although some of the features referred to above are
now difficult to distinguish.

Furnishings and Fittings
Bells

The will of Alice Newdigate of 1489^5 mentions five bells, and the
inventory of church goods in 1553 lists 'Four bells and a sacring
bell.' All the surviving Churchwardens' accounts at the beginning
of the eighteenth century contain items of expenditure relating to
the bells. Those of 1707 give details of a loan of ninety pounds
borrowed from Richard Bax (a Quaker incidentally), 'And the said
money paid for casting the bells and other repairs.' The latter
included 'Mending the bell wheels and fastning the Gudgeons and
fastning the bell frame,' payment to the local blacksmith for
'Eighteen iron wedges to fasten the gudgeons with,' and 'Other iron
work used about the bells.' There remained five only until 1803,
when the six bells now hanging were cast by Thomas Mears.

On the walls of the tower are records of marathon bouts of change-
ringing; the Overseers' Accounts of 1786-90 mention payment to
the ringers on various national occasions, such as the recovery of
George III from illness in 1790.

Memorials

A gravestone of large Sussex marble, which until 1877 lay in the
centre of the nave pavement, is thought to be that of William de
Newdigate, Sheriff of Surrey and Sussex in 1372, who died in 1377.
The figure in rehef and the two shields above were possibly filled in

15 Manning and Bray, op. cit., II, 171

118 THE CHURCH OF ST. PETER, NEWDIGATE

with latten in the time of Edward VI when 1 1 lb. of brass and latten
was sold for twenty-two pence. The shields represent the Newdigate
arms of three lions' paws. Last century it was described as being
in-filled with lead, of which some remains. Immediately adjoining
it on the west is a stone containing the indent of the small brass
plate now in the chancel wall west of the Priest's door. Under a skull
and crossbones is the inscription, 'Here lieth ye body of Joane
daughter of Thomas Smallpeece and late ye wife of George Steere
Parson of this parish. Shee died Dec 7 An. Dom. 1634 and expecteth
a blessed resurrection.' Her burial on December 10th is recorded
in the register.

The wife of a later Rector has a marble tablet on the north wall of
the chancel. The reference in the inscription, 'Transported from her
native soil . . .' is to the fact that she was the daughter of a merchant
of Konigsberg. She married William Bickerton, Rector 1725-40, and,
dying in 1734, was 'Buried in the chancel within the rails, about the
middle,' according to the register.

To the west respond of the south arcade of the nave is fixed a lead
plate, possibly from a coffin, roughly engraved with an inscription
in Latin to the effect that here lies Margaret, daughter of Edward
Gage (of Firle, Sussex), and wife of Henry Darel of Scotney (Kent),
who 'Lived always in the Holy Catholic Church,' and died in 1616.
The Darells were owners from 1553 of the ironworks at Ewood (in
this parish), the largest in Surrey. They were known to be recusants,
hence the reference to the old faith. Henry Darell later married the
widow of Thomas Newdigate.

On the south wall of the Cudworth Chapel is a tablet to Richard
Morton who lived at Ewood from about 1733, and his wife Mary (nee
Ede of Cudworth). For a time he was the highest rated landowner
in the parish. 'O cecidet Vir Sagax' follows the entry of his burial in
1768, but the same register later contains details of a dispute over
payment for the grave, which was 'Within the church in the seat
belonging to Cudworth,' and where his widow joined him in 1777.

The Chest

The Chest (Fig. 4) is of oak, hollowed out of a single log. It is
difficult to date, but there seems no reason why it should not be as
old as the Registers which begin in 1559.

Fig. a. — Newdigate Church. Oak Chest.
Font

This dates from 1877 when it replaced a plain stone one which
stood directly in front of the tower.

THE CHURCH OF ST. PETER, NEWDIGATE 119

Glass

Although earlier writers describe various armorial windows, the
only fragments of old glass now remaining are of late fourteenth- or
early fifteenth-century date, formerly in the north-east window of
the nave, and now re-set in the corresponding window of the north
aisle. Fragments of the canopies and quarries remain. The design
of the embattled tower is said to be akin to glass at New College,
Oxford. Of most interest, however, is the shield of arms of Newdigate
in the centre light ; Gules three lions' paws erect and erased argent,
within a quatrefoil combined with a lozenge. Unfortunately the
arms were re-set the wrong way round. Aubrey must be speaking of
this window when he refers to Gules three eagles' claws.

Plate

This consists of: a silver, bell-shaped cup on a short, thick stem,
and a paten, both of 1699. Both have a contemporary engraved
design of the Cross, nails and IHS within a star, and, in addition, the
cup has an early nineteenth-century inscription, 'Newdigate Rectory,'
on its side; also a solid silver chahce and paten given by William
Farnell Watson of Henfold about 1893, and a silver-plated set given
in 1886. The seventeenth-century silver bason was probably not
used for alms originally, but rather for eating or drinking. The
bowl is round and wide with a slight lip, and stands on a flat base.
It is believed to be of Swedish manufacture.

The large brass dish, 18 inches in diameter, which stands in front
of the north chancel window, is probably seventeenth-century
German. The two bands of lettering are difficult to decipher and
probably merely ornamental.

Records

The earUest Parish Register contains: baptisms 1560-1705,
marriages 1565-1705 and burials 1559-1705. Entries from 1581
were transcribed 'Ex veterae chartaces' in 1611 by George Steere,
Rector; and the volume was 'arranged and stitched by Mr. Henry
Trimmer, curate, July 26th 1827.' One of the eariiest entries is of
the baptism of a daughter of Thomas Newdigate in 1560. There are
several references to unsettled parish boundaries, notably concerning
the case of John Butcher, who in 1634 was authorized to receive the
Sacrament 'this once,' it being disputed whether his tenement was
in Newdigate or Charlwood. During the Commonwealth the living
of Capel was sequestrated ; in consequence there are many entries of
persons from Capel at this time. At a later date, too, Capel
parishioners' names appear, Newdigate Church being easier of
access from the east and north parts of Capel than its own parish
church.

Apart from details of repairs, etc., there is a note about the
accession of Charles II, 1660, 'Whom God graimt long to reign,' by
John Bonwick, Rector. He was known in other ways to be a
staunch Royahst and was wounded fighting at the battle of
Newbury. There are many entries in the eighteenth century of

120 THE CHURCH OF ST. PETER, NEWDIGATE

travellers and gypsies, many without names given. Curious names
which appear are Esau in 1788, Walsingham in 1586 (and at other
times), brothers Abraham, Isaac and Jacob baptised together in
1742; surname Foriner 1742, Forreigner 1743. All the registers
except those in use are now kept at the Muniment Room, Castle
Arch, Guildford.

At the end of ^'olume II is a list of Briefs 1686-91 containing
details of collections made, mostly to relie\'e distress caused by fire
or misfortune in other parishes, including such distant places as
Thirsk and Morpeth. There is one for the rehef of French
Protestants in 1686 and for Irish Protestants in 1691. Following
this sequence of entries one more is added of a much later date,
when £1. 7s. 7d. was contributed for the relief of suffering in the
Indian Mutiny, 1857.

At Guildford there are also Churchwardens' Accounts for 1700
(2), 1701 (2), 1707 and 1833.

Records of landowners' liability for upkeep of the church fence
exist as follows: for 1733 and 1772 in the registers. Volume II, where
they are headed 'An account of the Marks in the churchyard of
Newdigate' and said to be copied 'Ex veterae codices.' Those for
1817 and 1872 are on loose sheets, and that for 1878 is in an
Overseers' Account Book. There is a record at the church of a
collection for the same purpose in 1883 by which time the system
seems to have broken down. The total length of the fence was 435
feet and landowners were responsible for lengths in proportion to
the amount of land owned. Old views of the church show the fence
divided into sections (Fig. 3).

Rectors of Newdigate

The earliest so far traced is Ranulf de Brok c. 127 1-c. 1285
mentioned in Merton Court Rolls. Matthew Belle, 1507-38, was a
witness to several NeM'digate wills where he is described as Sir
Matthew. In the old Rectory there was a window with a rebus of a
bell. In the time of the religious troubles on the accession of Mary
Tudor, the Rector, John Morgan, was depossessed of his living, but
returned to it after the accession of Elizabeth. At a later date,
however, the Civil War and Protectorate had little effect; George
Steere held the li\dng continuously from 1610-60. He was, in fact,
a member of the Presbyterian 'Classis' at Dorking. He was the
founder of the village school, and of a scholarship to Trinity College,
Cambridge. He styled himself 'Parson,' whereas his successor John
Bonwicke, 1660-99, always refers to himself as 'Priest.' Andrew
Cranston, 1699-1709, was also Vicar of Reigate and foimder of the
famous church library there. None of the Rectors after Bonwicke
seem to have hved here, until L. Studdert-Kennedy in 1869. The
Rectory House was said to be almost ruinous before it was rebuilt in
1880. During the incumbency of Henry Jackson Close, 1787-9, large
sums were spent by the parish in litigation concerning tithes, and he
resigned. The Hon. and Rev. Henry Sugden was absent 'By leave

THE CHURCH OF ST. PETER, NEWDIGATE 121

of the Bishop' from 1855-62, leaving three curat es-in-charge. One
of them, Samuel Mayhew, discovered the wall-painting. It was
during the long incumbency of L. Studdert-Kennedy that the major
restoration was carried out; a large proportion of the cost was
raised by parishioners; nor has the present century seen a lack of
benefactors to the church. Now that a Christian Stewardship
scheme is in operation, it is hoped always to have sufficient funds
to preserve this village church. For, with the ever increasing
suburbanization of Surrey, and the uniformity of building which
goes with it, each parish church is a imique heritage which must be
preserved for future generations.

NOTES

Three Polished Flint Axes from West Surrey. — -The butt end of a flint
axe (Fig. 1.1) was found by Miss Sarah Thornton at Hampton in the parish of
Seale' in 1964. It was l}'ing on the earth thrown up from a newly dug land-
drain. It is of oval section and appears to have been pohshed over the entire
surface. It is made of orange-brown flint with flecks of black. The finder has
presented the axe to the Charterhouse Museum.

The front end of a neolithic ground and pohshed axe, 4 inches long (Fig. 1.2),
was temporarily lent to Guildford Museum in December 1964 by the finder,
Mr. Baker Jnr., Oxenford Farm, Peperharow. The axe was found in a field
south of Peperharow Park. 2 It is very well ground and shows relatively little
damage from use or battering. Apart from a triangular brown cherty patch on
one face and small brown markings, the surface, including the fractured edge,
is almost uniformly patinated greyish-white, suggesting that the axe had been
transported from a chalk soil to its find-spot, which is on the Bargate Beds.

The blade end of a flint axe (Fig. 1.3) was found in a field at Shackleford3 in
December 1960 by John and Jean Hancock and was given by them to the
Guildford Museum. ''• It is made of a light grey flint with a slight patina and is
fairly well polished over the entire remaining surface, though flake-scars
remain in places, and is of oval section humped markedly on one side.

F. HOLLING AND E. E. HARRISON.

Polished Flint Axe from Home. — The axe illustrated in Fig. 1.4 was
recently given to the Guildford Museums by the Royal Pavilion Museum,
Brighton. It is recorded that it was ploughed up in 1890 at Cowlands Farm,
Home (near Godstone) and given to the Museum by Mrs. F. Baxter. The blade
only is pohshed ; the flint is brown on the surface and much darker underneath,
as is revealed by the loss of a flake near the cutting edge.

E. E. Harrison.

Barbed-and-Tanged Arrowhead from Barnes Common. — The arrow-
head illustrated (Fig. 1.5) was found in 1961 twenty feet east of the hut facing
the playing field on Barnes Common. 6 It is made from off-white flint and is
almost unpatinated. The finder was Mrs. S. Palmer, who retains possession
of the arrowhead. j) j Xurner.

Site of the 'Roman Station' at Merton. — It has been assumed in recent
writings about Stane Street, that there were four Roman posting stations
between London and Chichester. Two are known — those at Alfoldean and
Hardham — while Dorking and Merton have been suggested as sites for other
stations. 7 MargaryS has suggested an area within the present bounds of Messrs.
Liberty's factory9 for a possible site of a station at Merton.

Excavations were recently directed by the writer some fifty yards north-
east of this suggested station site.'° The excavations produced material
connected with Merton Priory, but no Romano-British material was recovered
in two seasons. Recent work carried out on the course of Stane Street in

^ N.G.R. SU 908466.

2 N.G.R. SU 937432.

3 N.G.R. SU 936459.

♦ Receipt Number 1055.

5 Catalogue number: A.G.168.

6 N.G.R. TQ 226758.

7 I. D. Margary, Roman Ways in the Weald (1948), 46.

8 Margarj', ibid., p. 78.

9 N.G.R. TQ 264697.

10 London Naturalist. 42, 74-92, and 44, 139-47.

122

NOTES 123

Morden^ suggests that the line of Stane Street, west of Merton Priory, may be
approximately 100 yards west of the line argued by Winbolt and Margary.

Less than half a mile to the south-west, Romano-British pottery and coins
were found over a large area during gravel digging. 2 Roman coins are said^to

Fig. 1.— Polished Flint Axes from Seale (1), Peperharow (2),

ShACKLEFORD (3) AND HORNE (4).

Flint Arrowhead from Barnes Common (5). (1/3).

' London Naturalist, 39, 130-2.

2 Approximately N.G.R. TQ 261691. Sy.A.C, XXXV (1924), 123.

124

NOTES

have been found during the construction of the Wimbledon to Croydon
railway! which passes adjacent to the area.

The lack of Romano-British material in the vicinity of Merton Priory argues
against there having been a Romano-British station there. A more likely site
would seem to be centred on the line of Stane Street close to the discoveries of
Roman coins and pottery.^ Extensive gravel digging took place at this point
but the pits have now been filled in and factories built there. Some of the old
land surface has been preserved adjacent to the railway track where it has
been used as allotments. Further south, in Morden Hall Park, the land
surface has been raised about four feet in recent years by tipping.

A station here would be 7f miles from London Bridge and 14| miles from
the assumed Dorking site. jy T Turner

Recent Finds from the Thames Fore-shore at Battersea. — Numerous
potsherds were collected from the Thames fore-shore at Battersea3 by the
writer during the weekends 1963-4. They cover a very wide range of types
and almost all periods from the Roman to the end of the nineteenth century.
A few tin}' pieces of coarse clay with straw or rough grit admixture may even
be earlier, but is difficult to confirm as no pot-forms can be deduced from the
small sherds.

The Roman pieces include fourteen Samian sherds, of which some are shown
in the illustration (Fig. 2.1—4). The nozzle of the lamp is of the third century
type and is made from Samian as produced locally in England (Fig. 2.4). Not
illustrated are two sherds with a decorative motif of leaves and corn, but they
are unfortunately rather rolled. Fig. 2.6 shows a rather unusual dish of a pale
buff fabric with red-brown concentric circles centred round the centre of the
inside of the flat dish. Numerous pieces of fine black Belgic ware are incised

Fig. 2. — Pottery from the Thames Fore-shore at Battersea. (i)

1 Miss E. M. Jowett, History of Merton and Morden (1951), 7.

2 Approximatelv N.G.R. TQ 260692.

3 N.G.R. TQ 284776.

NOTES 125

with geometrical designs of cross-hatching immediately below the rim (Fig. 2.5)
and one piece (Fig. 2.7) has a design of semi-circles and vertical lines. They are
all highly burnished. Barbotine decoration is represented by one sherd with
some white slip. The rim fragment from a poppy jar is amongst the finds.
Other Roman pieces include two fragments from pixie jar lids and numerous
pieces of coarse ware, mostly grey fabrics.

The green-glazed ware includes medieval to late-seventeenth century types:
A small tureen or pipkin with a broad, flat handle is in dark green glaze on a
grey fabric. An almost complete small unguent jar, of which only the rim is
missing, is in a dirty green-brown colour and brown fabric. Three dark green
pieces have applied geometrical decoration, of which one shows some
indication of having had zones in yellow and brown between the raised lines.
Several big fragments of broad, fiat strap handles with holes pierced in them
for firing were found. Other sherds range from dark green to apple green.

The orange-brown glazed ware range from middle or late-seventeenth century
to early-eighteenth century types. A very interesting variety of rim-sherds
include sharply carinated examples and the flat, slightly hollow type intended
to hold lids. Several of them are of the 'colourman/chamber pot' type of
vessel — here referred to as such because of the controversy as to the purpose
for which these vessels were used.'

The stone-ware also include both early and late specimens, and imported as
well as locally- made ones. Two frilled bases are of sixteenth-century type and
probably from Aachen. Bellarmine jugs are represented by two masks, the
one of the sedate-looking figure and the other one more grotesque. The base
of a white German stone-ware pot shows the so-called cheese-cutter's marks
where it was cut with the usual piece of wire. Several other smaller sherds cf
rims and bases were also found.

Other types of sherds found include several pieces of tin-glazed ware
(mostly very small), one piece of marbled ware of c. eighteenth-century date
and a few sherds of yellow and brown combed ware, also of roughly the same
period. Delft ware sherds include both the earlier and very recent, nineteenth-
century, types.

Only a small percentage of the above sherds are rolled. This suggests that
they originally came from a site in the immediate vicinity, so that they have
not been exposed to the abrading action of the water over a long distance.
Several pieces of worked flint were also found. Most of them are of a non-
descript nature, being only waste material, with the exception of one
beautifully worked steep-carinated scraper, with very fine, narrow flake-beds.

The study of early surveyor's maps and charts of this part of the Thames
(available in the P.R.O.) shows that in 1846 and earlier the fore-shore of the
Thames was at this point slightly more elevated than in the adjoining areas.
This is still the case. A section through the Thames also shows that the
highwater-mark is here relatively very low. From this can be concluded that
this area would have made a good crossing-point before the advent of bridges.
It is here suggested that a similiar situation possibly existed here as at
Brentford, Middlesex, where the Thames is also shallow and where the
stratified remains of objects dating from prehistoric times onwards have been
found. Several objects have been found in the past in the Battersea area, as^
for instance, the Battersea shield. Susann Palmer

A Rubbish Pit containing Medieval Pottery and an Early Eigliteenth-
Century Well in Castle Street, Guildford, Surrey. — While building a
concrete retaining wall between No. 50, Quarry Street, and the yard of The
King's Head,' in Guildford,^ workmen exposed a rubbish pit at a depth of
approximately 10 feet below the surface of the ground at the rear of No. 50,
being part of the premises of Charles W. Traylen, Antiquarian Bookseller. The
pit was filled with lumps of chalk, and a considerable number of sherds were

^ Thames Basin Archceological Observers' Group Newsletter, No. 21, March/
April, 1964.

2 Nat. Grid Ref. 997493.

126 NOTES

brought up as well as old bones (animal teeth, the lower part of a sheep's jaw
and the core of a cow's horn), a glass bottle of unusual shape, and other glass
fragments.

The pottery ranged in date from the thirteenth century to almost the present
day. Thirteenth- to fourteenth-century material included a large cooking pot,
a flat pan with handle and two pitchers: both unglazed and glazed ware
occurred, the latter including Cheam ware. Of early seventeenth-century
date was a Bellarmine bottle. Seventeenth to eighteenth-century material
included slip-decorated dishes of Sussex ware and pipkins with tripod feet.
The pottery is now housed at 49/50 Quarry Street, Guildford, and at Guildford
Museum, and drawings and descriptions are deposited at Castle Arch.

Near this rubbish pit, workmen, on demolishing an old brick wall, uncovered
the outside of an early eighteenth-century well, filled with lumps of chalk.
The well is constructed of red bricks with rough mortar, but it is not as yet
possible to estimate the depth. The remains of a brick path leading to the
well-head was also detected. Among documents and deeds from the Grantley
collection, now housed at Guildford jMuseum (24/11/1-26), is document No.
24/11/10, dated 1719, which contains references to this well. At that time,
J as. Smither of Bramlej', cordwainer, was the tenant in No. 50, Quarr^^ Stieet,
and 'this indenture made the fourteenth day of July in the fifth year of the
reign of our Sovereign Lord George ..." between Joseph Burt and Mary his
wife (then the tenants of No. 49, Quarry Street) and James Smither (of No.
50, Quarrv Street) 'do binde themselves their heirs and assigns for Ever From
all right title or claime of coming unto or makeing any use of the Well which
is now James Smither's, or making any Door Light or Lights out off their
wash-house cr Back-Kitchen into the Cort or back-Shed of James Smither's
thereunto belonging, the said James Smither having purchased of John
Piggot of Farnham in ye Count}- of Surry an house in the parish of ^'•e Blessed
Virgin Mary in Guildeford with the Backside Garden and all other appurten-
ances thereunto belonging Late in the Occupation of Edward Mathew, Which
sd. house of James Smither's doth Joyn unto the house of Joseph Burt and
Mary his wife their house also being in the same place as Gdford in a Street
there Called South Street,' etc., etc. This of course has added to the
importance of the discovery and an attempt has been made to excavate the
material from the inside of the well so as to calculate the depth and to
ascertain the exact date of construction. I'nfortunatel}', the exposed portion
of the outer wall of the well has been broken while building the concrete
retaining wall, which now covers it completely. During excavation of the
well, a depth of 5|- feet was reached, but then modern cement and corrugated
iron prevented further progress, particularh^ as the sides of the well were very
insecure. Finds were not of great interest as the filling had been so recently
disturbed bv the builders but several fragments of clay pipe stems and bowls
were found, which could be dated between 1710 and 1750.

Angel.\ V. Travlen.

Further Note on the Mound in Weston Wood, Albury.^ — Recently a

section across the mound was exposed by a bulldozer removing the overburden,
for an extension of the sandpit. It was examined and drawn by Lady
Hanworth and Mr. F. A. Hastings. It runs almost due north and south,
cutting off approximately one third of the mound. It is almost a replica of
the sections through trenches D2, F, B and C when put together (see Fig. 2,
p. 96, of the excavation report) and thus confirms the original conclusion that
the mound was a natural spur adapted to its recent sliape, and therefore
unlikely to be a burial mound.

A natural section of the podsol is clearly seen with the ironstone pan still
forming in the BI horizon. ^ p ^ Hastings.

^Excavation Report.— Sy.yi.C, LVIII (1961), 92-103. Further note:
Sy.A.C, LX (1963), 71-81.

2 See P.P.S.. XIX (1953), 129-30, for a description of podsol.

NOTES 127

The Hill-Peak Engravings of Surrey Churches. — Students of Surrey
topography are familiar with neat little engravings of churches by Peak ; they
may know that some of the prints represent the eighteenth-century state of
the buildings; and if they have heard of publication in 1819 they may have
been puzzled by an apparent discrepancy of half a century or more between
production and publication. The present note attempts to assemble the
available evidence.^

The facts about the 1819 issues are clear. Edward Evans, Book and Print
Seller, No. 1 Great Queen Street, Lincoln's Inn Fields, published The
Ecclesiastical Topography of the County of Surrey. Containing Fortv-Five Views
of Churches in that County. Drawn by Hill, and engraved, by Peak. The subjects
were listed on the title-page in three columns; the volume was priced at one
guinea ; and specimens are known to exist at the Bodleian Library, the Minet
Library, the Society of Antiquaries of London, the Surrey Archaeological
Society, the Croydon Central Library, and in private hands. The paper is of
quarto size. In five cases much of it is watermarked 1818, but the specimen
at the Society of Antiquaries has the watermark Whatman 1812.

In the same year Evans also published a folio edition of forty-seven prints.
He varied his title to cover the inclusion of Newark Priory and Richmond
Palace — Forty-Five Views of Churches became Forty-Seven Views of Churches
S-c. — -and he listed his subjects in two columns on the title-page with volume
and page references to Manning and Bray. One specimen of this production,
on paper watermarked 1812, is preserved as the first part of a volume of
Plates to a set of Manning and Bray in the King's Library at the British
Museum. 2 With it are bound up the two lots of prints advertised at the end of
Volume III of Manning and Bray. Another specimen exists as a re-bound
volume at the Croydon Central Library-. Other copies of this folio edition seem
to have been used for grangerizing sets of Manning and Bray, which, to judge
by the details on the title-page, was the primary purpose of the issue. Prints
from these series have also been used for grangerizing sets of Lysons and of
Brajiey. Conceivably prints from the folio edition were cut down. A stud}^ of
watermarks might prove revealing, but it might complicate the problem. For
instance, one print of Battersea Church in the grangerized Manning and Bray
at the Wimbledon Public Libraiy has the watermark Whatman 1816, and
another in the grangerized Lvsons at the Guildhall Library has the watermark
Whatman 1812.

It is, however, evident that the work was originally done long before 1819,
for the print of Compton Church is dated 1758. The church of the Battersea
print was demolished in 1775; the Shalford print shows the pre-1789 church.
Moreover, Manning and Bray records, 'Henry Hill Esq. of Guildford, Windsor
Herald, had collected some notes, and had many of the Churches engraved on
a small size, at the expence of Arthur Onslow Esq. Speaker of the House of
Commons. They weie badly executed. '3 The dates of the men concerned —
Arthur Onslow 1691-1768; Henry Hill 1730-74; James Peak, the engraver,
1729-82 — also point to production near the middle of the eighteenth century.
(At this point a complication arises. The print of Holy Trinity, Guildford,
shows the tower with pointed spire that collapsed in April 1740, destroying
much of the building. In 1740 Henry Hill, Windsor Herald, was ten. Did
Manning and Bray confuse the Herald with his father, the Rev. Henry Hill,
or is the phrase 'drawn by Hill' as applied to the Windsor Herald only
partially true?) But the odd thing is that in their sixteen-page list of known
Surrey- views Manning and Bray included only Bearsden Hall, Putney, by
Hill, and Stoke Church by Peak;4 and the available prints advertised on four
pages after the Index, which constitute the remainder of the British Museum

* The present writer gratefully acknowledges the help of: Mr. M. L. Turner,
M.A., of the Bodleian Library; Mr. R. A. Christophers, M.A., F.L.A., of the
British Museum; Mr. C. A. Toase, A.L.A., of the Wimbledon Public Library;
Miss P. M. St. J. Brewer, Hon. Librarian of the Sy.A.S.

2 B.M. 193 g. 8-11. The volume of 'plates' is catalogued as 193 g. 11.

3 M. &■ B., Ill, 687.

4 See Vol. Ill, pp. xcv and xcviii.

128 NOTES

volume mentioned above, include only Elsted Church by these artists. The
three views thus recorded in Manning and Bray in 1814 are not included in the
forty-seven issued by Evans five years later. The problem therefore is that
Hill and Peak had produced some fifty views circa 1760; that Manning and Bray
knew of this; that in 1814 they and their publishers and printers could specify
only three subjects; but that five years later another printer could provide
collectors with forty-seven other subjects. Research in eleven libraries has
failed to find evidence of a pre- 18 19 publication, in spite of the reasons for
supposing much earlier production.

Only one well-known writer has made categorical statements about
eighteenth-century publication. According to J. G. Taylor,^ the prints were
published in 1781 with the title Surrey Churches, and were re-issued in 1819.
His statements are based on the fact that in 1890 the Vicar of Battersea
obtained a specimen of the Battersea engraving and added it to a small
collection of prints in the vestry of the church. The print is still there, with
the pencilled note: —

From a volume of 'Surrev Churches' — drawn by Hill — engraved bv Peak —
issued A.D. 1819. J. Erkine Clarke 1890.
(The handwriting resembles the Vicar's autograph of a later date, but the
mis-spelling of Erskine is difficult to explain.) But in a paragraph of the St.
Mary's Parish Magazine for November 1890 the Vicar wrote: —

. . . The print is taken out cf a book of etchings of 'Surrey Churches,'
published in 1781. But the artist must have made his sketches forty years
earlier as he gives the older Battersea Church. The view is from the land-
side and shows a curious outside staircase . . .
The Vicar was not an historian, and neither his inaccuracies nor his evidence
need be taken ver>' seriously. If the book was published in 1781, the Vicar's
'forty years earlier' was an overstatement, for the church was not demolished
till 1775; and on the Vicar's argument Hill must have made his drawing at
the age of eleven. But if, as the present writer thinks, the Vicar wrote his
paragraph from memory and put 1781 (nineteen years before the end of the
century) instead of 1819 (nineteen years after the end of the century), his
'forty years earlier' is not seriously in error. Moreover, both the wording
beneath his print — 'drawn by Hill — engraved by Peak' — and the date there
agree with the 1819 title-pages. Taylor apparently accepted the Vicar's title
and both his dates without challenge, concluded that, as there was publication
in 1781, the issue of 1819 must have been a 're-issue,' and said so. The Vicar's
title — 'Surrey Churches' — and early date are still current in Battersea.

As the evidence for publication in 1781 is so suspect, and as research in
eleven libraries has failed to find any evidence of any publication before 1819,
there remains the question of what did happen circa 1760. Manning and Bray's
words, 'at the expence of Arthur Onslow Esq.,' seem to provide the clue. The
present Earl of Onslow cannot supply information, and when Sotheby's sold
the Clandcn library in 1885 their catalogue gave no details of engravings.
The probability seems to be that a very small number of prints was made for
Onslow's private purposes; consequently, although Manning and Bray knew
that the work had been done, they could give negligible details. (Were they
right when they said 'They were badly executed.'?) This view also squares
with the fact that in the 1819 issues the plates show little sign of wear. Further
research may lead to the discovery of Hill's drawings. Peak's plates, prints of
the original production (possibly with watermarks frcm the middle of the
eighteenth century), and a specimen, as issued, of the 1819 folio publication.

Frank T. Smallwood.

Croydon, The Old Palace. — An article by Arthur Oswald appeared recently
in Country Life^ on the Old Palace at Croydon which was in the possession of
the archbishops of Canterbury until 1780 when it was sold by Archbishop
Cornwallis. E E H

^ Our Lady of Batersey, p. xi, plate 4, and p. 35, n. 56.

^ The Old Palace, Croydon, Surrey, Country Life, April 8th and 15th, 1965.

REVIEWS

Printed Maps of London circa 1553-1850. By Ida Darlington and James
Howgego. Pp. X, 257. Frontis. 16 PI. George Philip and Son, 1964.

The first demand for a map of London came from foreign visitors ; Thomas
Platter of Basel added a copy of Valegio's Londra, printed in Venice, c. 1580,
to his diary of 1599. Later, the English countryman, appalled by the spread
of the metropohs, needed a street plan to help him deal with hackney-coach
drivers, chairmen and watermen.

This useful book has a 44-page introduction on the maps and views of
London, followed by a 200-page catalogue of the 421 maps published in the
period 1553-1850 with their sizes and scales, together with lists of reprints
and notes on related maps. The catalogue will be valued by students of
topography and collectors of maps, who will accept the caution that the
marking of a house, a railway or a canal on a map is not infallible evidence
either for dating the map, or even for the existence of a particular feature.
The main collections of maps of London are in the Guildhall and L.C.C.
Libraries and in the British Museum, but uncommon maps in other collections
are listed and described.

The early maps of London, except when they form part of atlases, are rare,
and the authors are fortunate in being able to include two recently discovered
copper-plates — ^one, in the London Museum, is on the back of a Flemish
picture of the Tower of Babel — survivors of a set of twenty, engraved perhaps
by A. van den Wyngaerde. No map printed from these plates has survived,
either in whole or in part, but it may well have been the source for much
information and a few spelling mistakes in two dissimilar productions —
Londinium in Braun and Hogenberg's Atlas, Cologne, 1572, and Civitas
Londinum, the huge wood-cut attributed to R. Agas, only known in a form
published in about 1633. The later maps of outstanding importance are
Ogilby and Morgan's Survey of London after the Great Fire (1666) and John
Roque's map (1746).

Before this, when houses encumbered a site, and survey was difficult, the
bird's-eye view, giving the panorama of a town, was more easily made and
more readily intelligible. John Norden's great engraving of 1600, the only
complete copj' of which is in the Royal Library, Stockholm, shows him, a minute
figure, waving a pair of compasses, at his Statio prospectiva, the tower of St.
Mary Overy, South war k, whence he noted the London sky-line. Later London
map-makers often preserved the panoramic element and gave inset views of
important buildings, as indeed is done on travel posters today. These London
panoramas, which have been listed by Miss Irene Scouloudi and are mentioned
in the introduction to the present work, certainly merit publication as a
supplementary volume.

J.L.N.

The Cost of Living in 1300. By Daphne Harper. 8^ x 5|. Pp. 32. Farnham
Branch of the Workers' Educational Association. No date. 5s.

The author, who is a member of our society, has brought a very lively mind
to the task of translating into terms of practical economics the results of
Fr. E. Robo's study of the Pipe Rolls of the bishops of Winchester published
in his book. Mediaeval Farnham. Her study deserves to be widely read and
would certainly be a valuable addition to the library of a school Sixth Form.
The vivid passage on the total use of resources (pp. 4-7) will provide, for many
readers, a fresh viewpoint on life in Medieval England.

The author and the Farnham Branch of the Workers' Educational
Association are to be congratulated on this first booklet in their project. The
Farnham Papers.

E.E.H.

129

130 REVIEWS

The Fifth Century Invasions South of the Thames. By Vera I. Evison.
Pp. 142 with 11 maps, 30 figs., 18 plates. Athlane Press. 1965. 75s.

This is an unfortunate book. The thesis is that Britain south of the Thames
was overrun by an unrecorded Prankish expedition in the middle of the fifth
century. The argument is in three parts; a succinct account of Germanic
burials of the fourth and fifth centuries in north-eastern Gaul; a surv^ey of
selected grave goods found in southern Britain; and a historical conclusion.

The preliminary account makes no attempt to distinguish Franks from other
Germans, or Gauls; it assumes that the cemeteries are of Laeti and of Franks.
But, of twelve units of Laeti listed in Not. Dig. Oc. XLII, only one is Prankish;
and the distribution of the Laeti is altogether different from that of the Gallo-
German cemeteries. The survey selects half a dozen kinds of small metal-work,
glass, and quoit brooches, with the animal ornament engraved thereon; the
method is to assert that the objects mentioned are both Prankish and fifth
century, but to fight shy of argument in support of the assertion. Sometimes,
the objects are unlike those with which they are paralleled; e.g., the mount
and chape of the Brighthampton 31 scabbard (Pig. 11) are not in the least like
those of the Abingdon 42 and Krefeld-Gellep 43 scabbards (Pig. 22 and PI. 4a),
save that they are scabbard ornaments; the star brooches of ^'er^land 24
(Fig. 1 g) and Lyminge 10 (Fig. 28 h) are alike only in that they are star
designs. Often, the objects are not fifth century; on pages 73-74 the grave
associations of ten 'Quoit brooch style' objects are listed, but no attempt is
made to date these associated objects, bej^ond the contradictory comment
'this means that . . . ten were with fifth century Prankish objects .... It must
be added that No. 14 was in a grave ... of the early sixth century . . . and No.
16 also must have been deposited in the sixth century.' I have discussed this
grave (presumably Alfriston 43 . . . references and grave numbers are not
supplied) in Sy.A.C. LVI (1959), 115, and item 2 is of the same date; I can see
nothing of the fifth century in this list. More serious, there is really nothing to
associate these objects with Pranks; their antecedents lie among the Roman
provincials of northern Gaul, but they are found in Anglo-Saxon graves, not
in Prankish graves.

The trouble is not merely that the facts are wrong; their selection and
treatment offend against the grammar of archaeological evidence. The reader
is not made aware that he is dealing with a few dozen objects selected from
tens of thousands of excavated grave goods ; no pottery is examined, and the
main characteristic brooches are ignored. Yet the elementary common-
sense canons of archaeological scholarship emphasise that you cannot place a
date or found a historical conclusion on isolated objects; you must date your
object within a topological series, date a grave or a cemetery not on selected
items, but on the whole assemblage of excavated material. The objects here
selected are for the most part those which do not fit into a series, and are
relatively uncommon. The common objects, belonging to dateable sequences,
are studiously ignored, and they argue that the Anglo-Saxons were Anglo-
Saxons, and Jutes.

The historical conclusion may speak for itself. Citing the authority of Leeds,
it sets out to redate the written record 'in order to fit the facts of archaeology' ;
the 'facts' being those presented in the preceding survey. Since Prankish
history is ill-recorded,

(p. 83) it is no wonder that an expedition to Britain should have gone
unrecorded. Archaeological evadence, however, goes on to teU us that
some of these people transplanted themselves in the second half of the
fifth century throughout England south of the Thames. ... If it was these
who undertook the leadership of the initial invasion. Prankish settlers,
foederati and Franco-Roman soldiers . . . then the result must have been
a well planned and co-ordinated operation carried out by the top-rank
fighting men of the age ... a single, concerted operation. . . .

Aelle was the first to have imperium . . . Aelle in command of and
directing the attack, would have a central position in the flotilla . . .
Cerdic and Cynric, with Stuf and Wihtgar, invading Hampshire to the
west, and Hengest to the east in Kent . . . the main force of the attack . . .
from the south towards the upper Thames and the Croydon area.

REVIEWS 131

(p. 84) We ma}^ then take the liberty of allocating the date 449 to the
arrival, not only of Hengest and Horsa's reinforcements [sic], but of
Aelle and his fleet in Sussex (instead of a.d. 477) and of Cerdic and Cynric
in Hampshire (instead of a.d. 495). The arrival of Port ... at Portes-
miitha (given as 501) should also be placed at . . . 449.

In the sequel, Ceawlin and the 'Battle of Bedford' [sic, for Bedcanford, despite
the philologists] are to be dated 65 years earlier than in the Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle dates are difficult enough on their own;
many of us have tackled them but they will hardly stand such simple liberties.
This is all unfortunate because it brings the undermanned discipline of
Anglo-Saxon archaeology into disrepute with serious scholars; and because it
does unnecessary damage to the author's reputation. She has already given
us some excellent excavation reports, and this book gives a few tantalising
glimpses of those which still await publication. It is to be hoped that the
damage will be undone by the publication of her important discoveries at
Dover, which may confidently be expected to be of the calibre of her previous

^^P°^^- John Morris.

Roman Ways in the Weald. By I. D. Margary. Third (revised) edition.
8Jx5J. Pp. 296 with maps, 15 pis. London: Phoenix House, 1965. 36s.

The third edition of this distinguished work is most welcome. Readers of the
two earlier editions will be glad to find that adjustments have been made in
the maps to tally with new constructions, local changes and modem
nomenclature. Also a most helpful amount of new knowledge has been
embodied in the book, relative to the discovery of the western terminal of the
Greensand Way and to the even more important and recent discovery of the
Roman way from Chichester to Silchester. Other minor but necessary
corrections have also been made.

Mr. Margarv^'s reputation among archaeologists is very great indeed. His
life work, and one which will endure for many years, has revolutionised our
knowledge of Roman communications throughout the country, and
particularly, as in this book, of South-East England. Serious students will
read the new edition with great profit and enjo>Tnent.

To the reviewer, the chapter on the Roman roadgrid at Ripe (Chap. 10)
seems Mr. Margary's finest achievement; for forceful argument, deduction and
comparison it can hardly be beaten. It is pleasing to find that Chapters 3 and
4, embodying methods of search, documentation, mapping and recording have
been retained in the new edition. At the risk of being perversely critical, one
would suggest that in the fourth edition (which is sure to be required) the
strip maps could be placed more closely adjacent to the text they illustrate.
No doubt this is difficult to achieve, but when on the actual site of the roads
described, looking with the eyes at the ground contour and holding the book
with the fingers inserted in different spots in the book is quite a troublesome
procedure. H.W.R.L.

INDEX

Agmondesham, John, 83

Aitken, Dr. M. J., magnetic dating of

glass kiln from Blunden's Wood,

77-8
Albury, Weston Wood, further note

on mound by F. A. Hastings, 126
Alcetour, Robert, 83
Alfold Parish, medieval glasshouse

sites, 78
All Cannings Cross, similar type of

pottery from Hawk's Hill, 1
Allen, Henry of Newarke, 101
Ashtead, 44, 46, 49, 50, 51, 52, 84, 86

Map of, by John Laurence, 46
Atfield, James of Send, 101
Ayscue, George of Ham Court, 103

Baldwin, Thomas of Guildford, 103
Banks, Joyce, The Church of St.

Peter, Newdigate, 109-21
Banstead, 44, 49-50
Barnard, Abraham, of Stoke-next-

Guildford, 96
Barnes Common, barbed and tanged

arrowhead from, 122
Battersea, recent finds from, 124-5
Bax, Richard, Quaker, 117
Beads, Iron Age, 12
Belle, Matthew, 120
Bersu, Dr. G., classification of

Storage Pits, 5
Bickerton, William, rector of Newdi-
gate, 118
""Big House' in Ockham Park by

R. N. Bloxam, 88-93
Bisley, 84

Blackwall, Richard, 95
Bloxam, R. N., The 'Big House' in

Ockham Park, 88-93
Blunden's Wood, Hambledon,

Medieval glasshouse, excavation

report by E. S. Wood, 54-79
Bond, H., 91
Bonwick, John, rector of Newdigate,

119-20
Bookham, 84
Books, etc., reviewed.

Printed Maps of London, circa 1553-

1850. By Ida Darlington and

James Howgego, 129

Books {Contd.) :

Roman Ways in the Weald. By I. D.

Margary, 131
The Cost of Living in 1300. By

Daphne Harper, 129
The Fifth Century Invasions South
of the Thames. By Vera I.
Evison, 130-1
Bowell, William, of Send, 101
Bristowe, John, of Sutton, 98
Brome, John, 108
Bronze pin. Iron Age, 1 1

report by Dr. R. F. Tylecote, 43
Brok, de, Ranulphe, rector of

Newdigate, 120
Bryan, Sir Francis, 87
Buckingham House, 93
Butt, John, 100
Timothy, 100
Byfleet, 85-7

Cambridge University, Dept. of
Archaeology and Anthropology,
Hawk's Hill faunal report, 40-2

Capel, Temple Elfold, property of
Knights Templars at, 112

Garden, Thomas, at Oatlands, 87

Carleton, John, 83

Carter, P. L., faunal report of Iron
Age site at Hawk's HiU, 40-2
Hector, on The Wey Navigation
Claims of 1671, 94-108

Caterham (Foster Down), course of
North Downs Trackway from
Merstham, 81, to Tandridge Hill,
81

Catherington, John, of Send, 103

Chalk disc. Iron Age, 12

Chantry Chapel, Newdigate, site in
the churchyard, 114

Chase of Hampton Court, by T. E. C.
Walker, F.S.A., 83-87

Chessington, 44, 49, 50, 84, 86
Horton Manor, 50

Chest of oak, 16th. century, 118

Chiddingfold Parish, medieval glass-
house sites, 78

Churches, Surrey, the Hill-Peak en-
gravings of, 127-8

133

134

INDEX

Claims of 1671 against the Wey

Navigation, Edited by Hector

Carter, 94-108
Clark, Anthony, resistivity survey

by, 1 ; proton gradiometer

survey by, 3
Clarke, Dr. Timothy, Physician to

the King, 97
Claygate, 84
Close, Henry Jackson, rector of

Nedigate, 120
Cobham, 83-7
Coin, William III, 12
Collyer, James of Woking, 101
Colton, William of Send, 101

Robert of Send, 101
Cooke, Robert of Woking, 103
Copthorne Hundred, meeting place of,

by Dorothy Nail, 44-52
Corn drying ovens, 9
Cranston, Andrew, rector of

Newdigate, 120
Cressey, Thomas, 97
Crosse, Thomas of Send, 103
Croydon, Old Palace, note by E. E.

Harrison, 128
road to Leatherhead known as

Port way, 50
Crucibles, medieval, for glass-making,

68-72
Cuddington, 44-5, 50
Nonsuch Park, 50
Cunliffe Barry, report on the pottery

from the Iron Age site at Hawk's

Hill, Leatherhead.

Dalmahoy, Thomas of the Friary,

nr. Guildford, 102
Darell, Henry, 118
Dennyer, Henry of Worplesdon, 101
Dethicke, Charles of Weybridge, 103
Devens, Thomas of Guildford, 101
Dickenson, William of London, 104
Ditton, 83, 85-6
Dorking, 85

Box Hill, course of North Downs
Trackway to Reigate, 81
Dormer, Richarda, marriage settle-
ment, 47
Downe, Thomas A., 83
Downes, Robert A., 86
Drying frame. Iron Age, 1, 7
Dunning, G. C, examination of
medieval pottery from Blunden's
Wood, 76

Earthwork, linear, known as Nut-
shambles, Copthorne Hundred,
44

Effingham, 85
Hundred, 45

Ellyott, Henry of Pirford, 100

Elmbridge Hundred, 44

Elwes, Henry of Grove House,
Fulham, Middlesex, 96, 107

Epsom, 44, 46, 49-51, 85-6
Pleasure Pit, 46

Esher, 83, 85

Evelyn, George, 95

Evens, E. D., petrological report on
hone from Hawk's Hill, 43

Ewell, 44-5

Memorial of, 50

Ewhurst Parish, medieval glasshouse
sites, 78

Excavation of a medieval glasshouse
at Blunden's Wood, Hambledon,
by E. S. Wood, 54-79
of an Iron Age farmstead at
Hawk's Hill, Leatherhead, by
F. A. Hastings, 1-43

Faunal report. Iron Age farmstead
at Hawk's Hill, P. L. Carter, D.
Phillipson with E. S. Higgs, 40-2
Fenston, Felix, 93
Fetcham, 44-5, 50, 84

Excavation of an Iron Age farm-
stead at Hawk's Hill, 1-43
Leith Cross, 44
Fleam Dyke, Cambridge, 49
Flint axe from Hampton, Scale, 122;
Peperharow Park, 122; Shackle-
ford, 122; Cowlands Farm, Home
(nr. Godstone), 122
arrowhead, barbed and tanged,

from Barnes Common, 122
ball, Iron Age, 12
Flood, Anne of Stoke-next-Guildford,

96
Freeland, John of Woking, 102

Gage, Edward, 1 18

Gilchrist, Dr. J. D., spectographic

examination of bronze pin from

Hawk's Hill, 43
Glass, analysis of, from Blunden's

Wood, by Dr. S. C. Waterton.

67-8
Glasshouse, medieval, at Blunden's

Wood, Hambledon, 54-79
sites, in Surrey, 78-9

INDEX

135

Goldwyer, Henry of Guildford, 107
Grain storage pits, 1, 5-12
Granary platforms, Iron Age, 1, 7
Gregory, William, 107
Grim's Ditches of the Chilterns, 46
Guildford, 85

Castle Street, medieval rubbish pit
and 18th. century well, 125

North Downs Trackway, Pewley
Hill to St. Catherine's Ferry, 80

Mayor of, 102
Gunnis, Rupert, 90

Hackwood, schoolmaster at Newdi-
gate, 117

Haematite-coated ware, 1, 31, 33-4,
37-8

Hale, Sir Matthew, 98
Richard of Send, 101

Hambledon, Blunden's Wood,
medieval glasshouse, excavation
report by E. S. Wood, 54-79
Gunter's Wood, Watersmeet, glass-
house site, 54
medieval glasshouse sites in the
Parish of, 78

Hamond, Robert, 83

Hampton Court, The Chase of, by
T. E. C. Walker, F.S.A., 83-7
Honour of, Act creating, 83-4

Harrison, E. E., notes by, 122, 128
review by, 129

Harvey, J. H.. 44-5

Haslen, Henry, 105

Hastings, F. A., Excavation report of
Iron Age farmstead at Hawk's
Hm, Leatherhead, 1-43
note by, 126

Hawk's Hill, Leatherhead, Excava-
tion of Iron Age farmstead at,
1-43

Hawksmoor, Nicholas, architect, 91

Headley, 44, 46, 50

Hennage, Thomas, 83

Herbert, Dame Margaret of
Weybridge, 101

Hersham, 87

Higgs, E. S., faunal report. Iron Age
farmstead at Hawk's Hill, 40-2

Hill, Henry, drawings of Surrey
churches, 127-8

Hog's Back sector of North Downs
Trackway, 80

HoUing, F., notes by, 122

Home, polished flint axe, 122

Horseshoe, medieval, 74-5

Hoskins, John, 107

Howard, Sir Robert, manor house of,
49

Hurst, J. G., examination of medie-
val pottery from Blunden's
Wood, 76

Iron Age beads, 12

bronze pin, 1 1, report by Dr. R. F.

Tylecote, 43
calcined flints, 12
chalk disc, 12
corn drying ovens, 7, 9
farmstead, excavation report of

site at Hawk's Hill, Leatherhead,

1-43
faunal report, 40-2
flint ball, 12
loom weights, 12
metallurgy, evidence for, 12
pottery from Hawk's Hill, report

by Barry Cunliffe, 13-39
ritual deposits, 5, 10-1
spindle whorls, 1 1
whetstone, 1 1

Janson, Mrs., of Newdigate Place, 1 17

Jaques, Edmond, 86

Johnson, William, Clerk Keeper for

the making of fence for Hampton

Court Chase, 86

Kennedy, Studdert L., rector of

Newdigate, 120
Kiln, glass, magnetic dating, 77-8
King, Lord, 88, 90-1
Kingston-upon-Thames, 44, 49

Launder, John of Mortlake, 96
Lawrence, John, map of Ashtead, 46
Leatherhead, 44, 50-1

excavation of Iron Age farmstead
at Hawk's Hill, 1-43
Lee, Richard, of Sutton, 102
Leith Cross, see Fetcham
Lillie, The Rev. H. W. R., review by,

131
Lintoft, Anne of Guildford, 100
Loom weights. Iron Age, 12
Loseley, MSS., 83
Lovelace, Lady, 90, 92-3

136

INDEX

Magnetic dating of glass kiln from

Blunden's Wood, 77-8
Mann, George of Send, 101
Margary, I. D., some further

comments on the North Downs

Trackway in Surrey, 80-2
Marlow, Bucks, 83-4
Marter, John of Guildford, 101
Mascall, Thomas of Send, 100
Mayhew, Samuel, curate of Newdi-

gate, 116, 121
Mears, Thomas, bells cast by, 117
Medieval crucibles, glass-making,

from Blunden's Wood, 68-72
glass from Blunden's Wood, 65-8
glasshouse at Blunden's Wood,

Hambledon, excavation report

by E. S. Wood, 54-79
pottery from Battersea, 125

from Blunden's Wood, 75-6

from Guildford, 125-6
rubbish pit, Guildford, 125-6
Meeting Place of Copthorne Hundred

by Dorothy Nail, 44-53
Merstham Down, course of North

Downs Trackway to Foster

Down, Caterham, 81; from Rei-

gate (Colley Hill) to, 81
Merton, Roman station, evidence

against, 122-3
Metallurgy, evidence for on Iron Age

site at Hawk's Hill, 12
Mickleham, 44, 51-2
Juniper Green, 52
Miller, John of Ratcliffe, Middlesex,

102
Molesey, East, 83

W^est, 83
Morgan, John, rector of Newdigate,

120
Morris, John, review b}-, 130-1
Morton, Richard, 118
Mound in Weston Wood, see Albury
Mountague, Viscount Francis, 106
Museum of glass, Pilkington's Ltd.,

St. Helens, 65
Musty, J. W. G., spectroscopic

analysis of glass from Blunden's

Wood, 71

Nail, Dorothy, the Meeting Place of

Copthorne Hundred, 44-53
Nason, Thomas, 96
Neale, John Preston, 91
Nevinson, J. L., review by, 129

Newdigate, 44
Alice, 117
Arms of, 114
chantry chapel site, 114
St. Peter's Church, description by

Joyce Banks, 109-21
Thomas, will of, mention, 114, 119
tithe bam site, 114
William de, 117
Nicholas, Pope, taxation of, 110
Nicholson, Henry, 112
North Downs Trackway in Surrey,
further comments by Ivan D.
Margar>', 80-2
Nutshambles, linear earthwork, 44,
46, 50. 52
Piece, 47
Wood, 47

Oak chest, 16th. century, 118

Ockham Park, The 'Big House' in, by
R. N. Bloxam, 88-93

Ockley, Buckinghill Farm, 51

Onslow, Arthur, 95, 100

Oxford University Research
Laboratory for Archaeology, mag-
netic dating of glass kiln from
Blunden's Wood, 77-8

Ox shoes, 18th. /19th. century, 12

Oxshott, 85

Page, Sir Richard, 83
Palmer, Susan, note by, 124—5
Parkhurst, John, marriage settle-
ment, 47
Sir Robert of Purford, 105
Thomas of Woking, 103
Park pale, fence and ditch, Hampton

Court Chase, 85
Parmefoy, Francis of Woking, 101
Pavne, John, of Stoke-next-Guild-

' ford, 100
Peak, engravings of Surrey Churches,

127-8
Peperharow Park, polished flint axe

from, 122
Phillipson, D., faunal report for Iron

Age farmstead at Hawk's Hill,

40-2
Pilkington's Ltd., museum of glass,

St. Helens, 65
Pitson, James, of Stoke-next-Guild-

ford, 96
Portway, road from Croydon to

Leatherhead, 50

INDEX

137

Pottery, haematite-coated ware, 1,
31-9
Iron Age, from Hawk's Hill, 13-39
medieval, from Blunden's Wood,
75-6

from Battersea, 125
from Guildford, 125-6
Roman, from Hawk's Hill, 3, 15
Poyle, de la, family chapel, 113
Prosser, G. F., 92
Proton gradiometer survey, 3

Radcliffe, Anne, 105
Ratcliffe, John, 97
Rawlins, Lionell of Woking, 103
Read, James, of Stoke, near Guild-
ford, 100
Reckoning counter, 14th. century, 12
Redhill, 85, 87

Reigate Castle, seat of the de
Warennes, 109
course of North Downs Trackway
from Box Hill, 81 ; to Merstham,
81
road to Rusper, 109
Resistivity survey, 1, 3
Richardson, Rt. Hon. Thomas, 106
Ripley, Neward House, 93
River Mole, North Downs Trackway
crossings, 80
Wandle, 45
Roads, ancient, in Copthorne
Hundred, 44-53
in Newdigate Parish, 109
Roker, Thomas of Woadham, 100

Henry of Witley, 100
Roman pottery from Iron Age site
at Hawk's Hill, 3.
Station at Merton, 122-3
Ross, William, 103
Rutland, Daniel of Ripley, 102

John of Ripley, 101
Ryde, William of Send, 101
Rygber, William, 87

St. Christopher, wall painting, 112

Sayle. John of Pirford, 106

Scale, Hampton, polished flint axe

from, 122
Shackleford, polished flint axe from,

122
Shotton, Prof. F. W., Petrological

report on hone from Hawk's Hill,

43
Shovel, iron, medieval, 72-3

Skarvill, John of London, 103
Slifield, John of Pirford, 98
Smallwood, F. T., note by, 127-8
Southwark, Priory of St. Mary

Overie, 109-10
Spenser, Thomas, 86
Spindle w horls. Iron Age, 1 1
Steere, George, rector of Newdigate,

114
Stevens, H. W., 94
Storage pits, Iron Age, 1, 5-12
Stoughton, Henry of Stoke-next-

Guildford, 106
Sir Nicholas, 95
Streatfield, T. E. C, architect, 116
Stroud, Miss Dorothy, 91
Sugden, Henry, rector of Newdigate,

120
Sutton, Richard, 86

Tadworth, 50

Thomas, Dr. L. C, spectroscopic
analysis of glass, 71—2

Thornhill, Sir James, 91

Tichborne, James of Send, 102
Sarah of Send, 103

Tithe barn, Newdigate, former site of,
114

Tooley, Samuel of Radcliffe, Middle-
sex, 106

Traylen, Angela V., note by, 126

Trigg, John of Sutton, 98

Trimmer, Henry, curate of Newdi-
gate, 119

Turner, D. J., notes by, 122, 124
Sir Edward, 98

Tylecote, R. F., report on bronze pin
from Hawk's Hill Iron Age site,
43

Tyndale, Thomas, 97

Tyndall, Thomas of Westminster, 98

Vaughan, Sir John, 98

Walker, T. E. C, The Chase of

Hampton Court, 83-7
Wallington Hundred, 44-5
Wallis, Dr. F. S., petrological report

on hone from Hawk's Hill, 43
Wallys, Nicholas of Guildford, 107
Walsh, George of Clerkenwell, 97
Walton, 83
Walton-on-the-HiU, 44, 46, 49

138

INDEX

Warenne, de, lands held by the
family, 109

Hamelin, 109-10

arms in window, 113

seat of, 109
Warwick, John of London, 101
Water Oakley, nr. Bray, Berks, 83-4
Watersmeet, see Hambledon
Waterton, Dr. S. C, analysis of glass

from Blunden's Wood, 67-8
Wealden culture, similar pottery, 3
Well, 18th. century, Guildford, 125-6
Wentworth, Francis, 105

Lady, 89
Weston, 85

family of, at Ockham Park, 88

Henry, 88

John, 88, 92, 95

Katherine, 96

Sir Richard, 94

Wood, see Albury
Wetton, William of Cheswick,
Middlesex, 104

Benjamin of Cheswick, Middlesex,
107
Weybridge, 83

Wey Navigation, claims of 1671.
Edited by Hector Carter, 94-
108

Wheatley, John of Woodham,
Chertsey, 107

Whetstone, Iron Age, from Hawk's
HiU, II
petrological report, 43

Whistler, Lawrence, 91-3

Wildbore, Mary of London, 102

Wisley, 86

Wolley, Mary, 95

Wonham, Thomas, churchwarden of
Newdigate, 116

Wood, E. S., Excavation of a Medie-
val Glasshouse at Blunden's
Wood, Hambledon, 54-79

Worsfold, John of Send, 102

Wotton, 45

Wrothe, Henry, 94

Wyrley, Sir John, 98-100

Yowell, William of Chertsey, 98
Zouch, James of Woking, 100

BIDDLES LTD., PRINTFK^. GUILDFORD

PLATE I

(a) Pit No. 7 (No. 8 in the Background)

( Ml Li . ( j1 ' II 1 1 1 -,1

1 Kt.XCll A.^-i.

PLATE II

[a) ]\IOUXD JJl,! O'l.i. L-XCAVAilOX.

(b) Kiln A from ^^ est, show ing, from Right to Left, Outer (S.) Wall,
Cavity, Siege Bank, Flue (Choked with Waste), X. Side Collapsed.

PLATE III

PLATE IV

[With acknowledgements to the Xaticiul Park Service, U.S A.
{a) Jamestown, Structure A, showing Double Wall.

"T '**-'%J5»2^*^;^t^**''''5

[b) Kiln B, as First Uncovered.

PLATE V

(a) Kilns B and C. Kiln B shows Fireplace, but the Sieges are not
Fully Excavated.

(ft) Crucible Fragments in Kiln B.

PLATE VI

(a) Kiln C.

(b) General ^'IEw from Kiln H lu Kilns c ani> A, showing Relationship.

PLATE VII

{a) Reconstruction by INIr. James Gardner of a Medieval Glasshouse,
Based Largely on Blunden's Wood. (Wifh acknowledgements.)

7 t

\:-

V —

■ -A^

: 1 I m

V \

1 1

W I'"

r^^

(&) OcKHAM Park, from the Estate Map of 1706.

PLATE VIII

■"'^ I*"

---^m

Li'^'^MM

4
1

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-«•>»,

% "^HrV:

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Xewdigate Church, looking East from the Tower.

PLATE IX

[ RcprodiUid by pLrmisiioii oj ih.. iiu^tcLS of ihc British Museum,
{a) Newdigate Church from the Xorth-West. From Cracklow, Views
OF Surrey Churches, 1823.

,t^«xw

S^rcttMr^cn Via

*^"Wl^^

[Reproduced by permission of the Trushcs of ihc British Museum.
(i) Charter OF HamelindeWarrenne, c. 1163, with Endorsement (p. 109).

PLATE X

Xewdigate Church, 1965.
(a) From the Xorth-West.

[b) From the South-East.

PLATE XI

REPORT OF THE COUNCIL

for the year ended 31st December, 1964

The Council of the Surrey Archaeological Society has much pleasure in
presenting its 110th Annual Report with the Accounts for the year 1964.

INTRODUCTORY

The year has been distinguished for two major initiatives, both of which will
profoundly influence the Society's work and effectiveness.

One is the division, by the Council for British Archaeology, of their Regional
Group 11 into two sub-groups, 11 A (Surrey and Kent) and) IIB Sussex). This
was done with a view to the effective activation of the Group. The Council
welcomes this move, and has taken steps, jointly with the Council of the
Kent Archaeological Society, to set the new Group llA in motion. We are
confident that this action can do nothing but good. It is in accord with the
growing trend towards co-ordination of archaeological activities in the area,
and towards the free and friendly co-operation, in the common interest, of all
archasological societies. County and local, concerned.

The other is the decision takeJi after full investigation of means, to issue
a Bulletin for the information of all members, and to act as a forum for the
exchange of news and notices between the Society and the other archaeological
bodies in Surrey. This has not only enabled the Society's office arrangements
to be rationalised and simplified, but should increase the interest of all members
in the Society's work. We hope it will also encourage the cohesion and
effectiveness of all the societies and individuals it reaches.

Apart from these major departures, the year has been a busy and interesting
one. Further details are given in the paragraphs which follow.

ADMINISTRATION

The Society continues to rely on the willing service of a number of members,
and gratitude is here expressed to them. The Council is also very conscious
of the benefits of the arrangement with Guildford Corporation for the sharing
of the facihties at Castle Arch; these have become an essential element in the
Society's well-being, and we are deeply indebted to the Corporation for their
continued friendly co-operation.

The centralisation of the various notices in the new Bulletin will have a
very beneficial effect on the organisation of the clerical work, and this will
be further reduced by the use of the addressograph which has been bought.
Mrs. R. K. Chiles has taken on the operation of this machine, and has also
succeeded Mr. Ash as secretary of the Visits Committee. Mr. Christmas
continues to assist the Treasurer.

VICE-PRESIDENTS

The Society is honoured by the acceptance of election as Vice-Presidents,
by Mrs. Dorothy Grenside and Professor S. S. Frere.

A note of Mrs. Grensidle's distinguished service to the Society and the
Weybridge district was included in last year's Report.

Professor Frere has been a member of the Society since 1938, and the
Council since 1942. He succeeded Dr. Corder as Chairman of the Excavations
Committee, and was Honorary Editor from 1957 until last year. Under his
editorship the Collections reached a very high standard. Professor Frere, who
occupies the Chair of the Archaeology of the Roman Provinces in the
University of London, is well-known for his distinguished work at Verulamium
and elsewhere. He. is a Vice-President of the Society of Antiquaries.

HONORARY MEMBERS

This year the Council offered honorary membership to two ladies who
have had long and valued association with the Society; Miss Frances C.
Musgrave and Mrs. E. A. St. L. Finny.

Miss Musgrave joined the Society in 1914. She is the daughter of Canon
Vernon Musgrave, who was responsible for the rebuilding of Hascombe Church
in 1864. She lived all her life at Hascombe and greatly enriched the life of
the village. She was a member of Hambledon Rural District Council for
18 years, and a supporter for many local bodies and causes. She celebrated
her 100th birthdav on 1st January, 1965.

Mrs. Finny has been a member since 1932. Her husband, the late Dr. W.
E. St. Lawrence Finny, gave distinguished service to the Society, and was
particularly well-known an as authority on the history of Kingston-upon-Thames,
of which he had been six times Mayor.

FINANCE

The Accounts for 1964, which are printed at the end of this Report, have
been drawn up in a different form, and the comparative figures for 1963
adjusted accordingly. The Revenue Account shows the ordinary income
and recurring charges against that income; the ,, General .Reserve shoiwisi,
in addition to the balance from the Revenue Account, exceptional and
non-recurring items. Owing to the substantial reserve built up in past
years the Society is fortunately in a position to expend money on the
acquisition of capital assets and on other matters of an exceptional nature,
but it is of paramount importance that the ordinary expenditure should not
consistently exceed the ordinary income. As will be seen from the Revenue
Account, the ordinary expenditure for 1964 exceeded the ordinary revenue
by £209, despite an increase of £114 in Income; this result is largely due to
a further rise in the cost of printing. It will be observed that the accounts
included an estimated amount for the publication of Volume 61 of the Collections
(the exact amount not having been ascertained), and in accordance with the
usual practice, an estimated Reserve for Volume 62 due for publication in
1965. The acquisition of an addressograph machine was essential in order
to cope with the addressing of monthly Bulletins, and it will also eliminate a
large amount of voluntary work hitherto given in addressing envelopes for
Annual Reports and the Collections. The results as a whole for the year
would have been much worse had it not been for the legacy from Mr. St. John
Hope and the compensation received in respect of exhibits stolen from the
Museum. As for the future, bearing in mind the frequent increases in printing
charges and the probable increase in postage rates, it would seem that unless
Income is increased it will inevitably become necessary to reduce the amount,
or the quality, of the printed matter issued by the Society.

MR. M. ST. JOHN HOPE'S BEQUEST

Mr. Hope, who died on 19th April, bequeathed to the Society "the sum ot
£100 for the general purposes of the Society and all my maps, books, pamphlets
and other documents of archaeological interest and such other books as the
Society may wish to accept." As a result of this generous bequest the Society
has acquired some 100 books (of which about 50 were new to the Library),
and some 150 early 1 inch O.S. maps, among other items. The books include
a valuable set of Royal Commission volumes.

An obituary notice will be found later in this report.

COOPER GIFT

At various times from before 1911 onwards, the late Rev. T. S. Cooper
and members of his family deposited on loan with the Society much archaeo-
logical material from Chiddingfold excavated by themselves. It consists of the
finds from the Roman Villa, and some of the material from glass furnace
sites. On Mr. Cooper's death the property in all the material passed to his
daughters, of whom Miss A. L. Cooper and Mrs. A. M. E. Broadhurst-Hill
are still living. Largely as a result of the efforts of our member Mr. G. H.
Kenyon, Mr. Cooper's daughters have now agreed to present the material
to the Society absolutely. This will enable this important material to be
integrated with the Society's collections, and to be more fully used. The Council
wishes to express deep appreciation of this gift to all concerned.

MRS. D. GRENSIDE'S GIFT

It has been decided to apply the gift of 40 guineas, reported last year,
towards thei purchase of a set of the new (Grid) edition 25 inch. Ordnance
Survey maps of Surrey, now in progress. Only a few have appeared so far,
and this series will not be completed until the late 1970s. These maps will
have eventual historical value as well as current usefulness.

PUBLICATIONS

The Council regrets that owing to delays arising from the change of editorship,
Volume 61 of the issue of the Collections is late in appearing. The Volume
will be out before the Annual General Meeting. Material for Volume 62 is
in hand or promised and some is already with the printer.

THE S.A.S. BULLETIN

For several the Council have been seeking to remedy the anomalies
of the Society's methods of communication of information to members. Detailed
visits programmes, for instance, have up to now been sent only to those
members who paid extra to receive them, while notices of excavations were
sent free to what was largely a different list of members. This was not only
unsatisfactory, but wasteful of money and effort. Further, machinery was lacking
to exchange iiotes of activities of the Society and of local societies, and| to
convey news of archaeological interest, and Notes and Queries.

It was clear that there was a growing demand for a vehicle which could
not only keep all members informed of all the activities of the Society, but
serve the trend, more and more clearly expressed at and since the conference
held in June, 1963, for closer co-operation among all the archaeological societies
in the county. The Council have given much thought to the best means of
doing these' things, and have, experimentally and rather as an act of faith, set
on foot the monthly issue of a small Bulletin, the first number of which
appeared in January, 1965. It is hoped that this will receive general support,
and will eventually reach a form which will become not only useful, but
indispensable to all.

The Society's profound thanks are due to Mr. and Mrs. D. J. Turner,
who volunteered to act as editors, and to Mrs. R. K. Chiles, who is in charge
of the distribution. The Bulletin will have the beneficial effect, long overdue,
of rationalising the Society's notices and circulars, and of streamlining and
centralising the clerical work involved. The effect on the Society's expenditure
is not so clear, and consideration will be given, after a trial run, to the level
of the subscriptions, which, for the services given, are very low. Meanwhile,
the Bulletin should help to increase the Society's usefulness in the county, and
to enable it to fulfil its proper role.

GUIDES TO SURREY CHURCHES

A good start has been made to the new series of guides to Surrey churches,
put in hand, as reported last year, under the general editorship of Mr. R. W.
McDowall, F.S.A. The first guide, to Farnham Church, by Mr. A. R. Dufty,
V-P.S.A., A.R.I.B.A., will appear in Volume 61 of the Collections. An off-
printed edition will be on sale locally. Further guides are in preparation.

REVISION OF RULES

As reported last year, a thorough revision of the Rules has been put in
hand. This task is now in its final stages, and the draft has been approved
by the Charity Commissioners. The new Rules will then be laid before the
Society at a Special General Meeting for final approval.

ACCOMMODATION AT CASTLE ARCH

It was reported last year that Guildford Corporation had in mind the re-
development of the Castle Arch site, in which the needs of the Society for
more accommodation; would be taken into account. Since then architects had
been appointed, who had studied! the possibilities of the site, and had drawn
up provisional, plans. The matter was very thoroughly considered by the
Guildford Corporation Library, Museum and Arts Committee, and the con-
clusion reached that the site would not permit of expansion great enough
even for the proper management of the present commitments of the museum
etc., let alone allow for foreseeable future development. Alternative solutions to
the problem are now being sought.

HISTORIC BUILDINGS

Threats to demolish listed buildings in Surrey still continue, and the Society
has been notified of some thirty this year. Action has been taken in suitable
cases, on the advice of local secretaries and others, but constant vigilancei
is clearly very necessary. Members are urged to bring to the Honorary
Secretary's notice any cases in which they consider the Society should intervene.

It is however satisfactory to record that Pitt Place, Epsom, was saved by
the Minister of Housing and Local Government after a public enquiry; and
that Guildford Corporation took the lead in staving off the destruction of
tha County Club and of Millmead. But anxiety remains on several important
houses, both in Guildford and throughout thes county.

Arrangements have been made with a group of architectural students at
Kingston School of Art, led by Mr. Nicholas Hutton, to make measured
drawings of selected buildings. This valuable work will be carried out under
the guidance of Mr. Gravett.

HASCOMBE HILL CAMP

It is pleasant to be able to record a satisfactory outcome to a concerted
opposition to a threat of an important site. The Society was informed by
the Surrey Naturalists Trust of impending tree-felling at the Iron Age fort at
Hascombe. As this would not only have damaged the banks and ditches,
but interior features which had not been excavated, the Society, in concert
with the S.N.T. and the Nature Conservancy, had taken the matter) up' with
the Ministry of Public Building and Works. The outcome was a favourable
response from the occupiers (Pulford Forestry Ltd., one of the Westminster
Estate companies). Felling will not now be carried out for a decade, and
the structure will be respected in any thinning. Meanwhile, a move is on
foot to appeal to the National Trust to acquire the site.

C.B.A. GROUP llA

A feature of the Council for British Archaeology is the regional grouping,
usually covering several counties, of county and local societies and museums
for collaboration in matters of common concern. Group 1 1 covers Kent, Sussex
and, Surrey, but for varioas reasons has not been active. During 1964 several
ways of activating the group, in the interests of local archaeology, have been
considered. The solution finally adopted, at the C.B.A. meeting in July, was
to divide the Group into 11 A, consisting of societies in Kent and Surrey,
and 11 B, those in Sussex. Since this decision was taken, the Councils of the
Kent and Surrey Archaeological Societies have agreed to go forward jointly
in making the new Group llA a success.

The first step is to be a general meeting of societies, museums, etc., in Kent
and Surrey who are either members of the C.B.A. or are closely interested
in its work. This meeting will be held in the Spring at a convenient centre,
and will be chaired by Mr. Margary. Its object is to create a working machinery
for the new Group, which can organise joint activities, foster relations with
Sussex and with Group 10 across the Thames, and contribute to the annual
report of the C.B.A.

A highly satisfactory feature of the negotiations of the past year has been
the close relations, and the unanimity on all essential issues, of the Kent
and Surrey Archaeological Societies. This provides a sound basis for future
co-operation and for the effidient working of the new Group. There is every
reason to believe that the local, societies will share this attitude and play a
full part in the activities of the Group.

EXCAVATIONS

Several excavations and investigations were carried out during the year,
fairly widely spread across the county, with results which although rarely
spectacular, were solid and useful. The Society's gratitude is due to the
directors, to the volunteers who did the scraping and shovelling, and to Mr.
N. P. Thompson, Honorary Excavations Organiser It may be said that the
level of skill is generally rising, thanks to the good training given by tthe
directors. It is very valuable to have created such a. pool, from which super-
visors and directors can be drawn.

We are grateful to the Prehistoric Society for their grant of £25 towards
the expenses of the Weston Wood excavations. The Society's .stock of equip-
ment is now broadly satisfactory, and sufficient for two digs at once. The
insurance arrangements covering risks at excavations have been revised, and
put on a sounder footing than previously.

Enquiries, and requests for help in emergencies, should be put to Mr.
Thompson. A panel of members with experience in surveying (the equipment
for which is available), any who are prepared to give their time occasionally
in this way, has been formed. The excavations at Weston Wood and Rapsley
featured in the B.B.C. programme "The Archaeologist" in November.

A few minor matters deserve mention here: —

Dry Hill Camp, Lingfield. Mr. Margary undertook to watch the progress
of drainage works planned to be carried out in the interior of the fort, but
no signs of occupation appeared.

St. Ann's Hill, Chertsey. Mr. W. T. Bult investigated a pile of builder's
material originating from the destruction of St. Ann's Chapel when a house
was built on the site in the 16th century. The finds included moulded stone,
bricks, glazed floor tiles, roofing tiles and domestic pottery, including stoneware
and Bellarmine.

Roman Road, Egham. Mr. C. F. Boniface, a local architect, recognised,
in the side of a trench cut by workmen, the cross-section, in compacted chalk,
of the foundations of a Roman road. The site was inspected by Mr. Clark
and Mr. Bult, and the local authority have undertaken to report developments.

Glyn House, Ewell. It was hoped to investigate a site in the garden, prior
to building work, in conjunction with the Nonsuch and Ewell Antiquarian
Society, but unfortunately arrangements could not be made in 1964, and
the matter will be taken up again in 1965.

Interim notes on the year's excavations follow: —

Fiilvenden Farm, Abinger Hammer: find spot of Food Vessel (N.G. 095465).
An investigation was conducted by Mr. N. P. Thompson in November, 1964,
to determine whether the vessel found in 1960 had been buried in a pit or
if it was associated with a barrow. As the vessel was recovered intact it had
obviously been protected, in some way. As previously reported the find was
made on the edge of a modern silage pit. It was found 9 feet from the present
parish boundary, which runs along the top of a bank. A section was cut along
the edge of the pit, parallel to the boundary. 25 feet east and west to the
find spot. There was no evidence of a mound or ditch. A resistivity survey
conducted by Mr. A. J. Clark confirmed that no ditch existed in any direction.

Excavation around the find spot was hampered by fox-hole disturbance.
Fortunately foxes, like humans, tend to take the fine of least resistance
and a stratum of compacted chip ironstone and sand had been avoided. The
pot had been found to the east side and just below the top of this stratum.
As might be expected in the circumstances there was no trace of a pit, but
one may presume from its position that it had been buried. It is possible
that the area close to the parish boundary has never been ploughed and a
complete cross-section of the bank might prove this.

Late Bronze Age settlement, Weston Wood, Albiiry : (N.G. 053485). Excavation
continued, under Miss Joan M. Harding, for most week-ends throughout the
Winter, Spring and Autumn, with a long week over Easter. There has been
a large team of helpers including school groups. This has been a successful
experiment.

An area of approximately 160 feet by 100 feet is being investigated. This
is on the same contour as the earlier excavations but somei 100 feet to the
south. It comprises a possible corn-drying area of fire pits, some with typical
L.B.A. pots beside; a twenty foot diameter carstone floor filled with ashes;
and a clay covered oven with a beaten clay covered "table " beside. Higher
up the slope the occupation floor darkens and loom weights and spindle
whorls have been found. This area has not yet been completed.

The L.B.A. occupation floor covers most of the area excavated. It is brown
and contains much pottery, flake tools, pot boilers, and some spindle whorls.
These are similar to those found on the earher site. There is an unusual
pottery strainer, eleven inches across with one inch walls. This was in a
shallow hole with an, eight inch high storage pot. Both can be reconstructed.

Part of a bronze two inch ring with pear-shaped profile was found; and

a blob of metal, which on analysis by Dr. lylecote proved to be 60% tin,

30% lead and 10% antimony — the ingredients which when heated with copper

form bronze. So far the metal smith's working area has not been recognised,

nor are there crucibles nor moulds.

By one of the fire pits was a broken, pohshed greenstone axe. Nine inches
below the L.B.A. floor there is, in places, a layer containing small mesohthic-
type flints. This sand pan and the L.B.A. layers were submitted to Professor
Dimbleby, but there were no pollen grains in either to give the flora of those
times.

The finds from the earlier Homestead have been on display in Guildford
Museum. The Guardian gave an account of the latest finds on September 25th.
The Prehistoric Society grant has been used on punched cards for recording
the pottery and on buying various plastics for testing on the site. Polythene
sheeting has been invaluable in keeping excavated areas from weathering.

Rapsley, near Ewhurst : Roman Villa (N.G. 080415). Lady Hanworth con-
tinued the investigation of this site in July and August

Three separate buildings have now been found at Rapsley, one on the eastern
and two en the western sides of what appears to be a central courtyard area.
The dwelhng house and bath complex on the eastern side measures 70' by 52'
on a north-south axis. Opposite, the north-western and south-western buildings
measure 100' by 46' and 35' by 75' respectively. A timber first period dating
to the turn of the second century has now been established under both the
dwelling house and the south-western building. In the masonry footings of
the latter a silver denarius of Vespasian was found, but these coins were in
circulation for a long time so they are not critical for dating purposes. There
are three masonry periods, finishing in the fourth century.

In the northwestern building one of the rare Wykehurst pear-shaped tiles
had been used as a base for a door post, but the most important find of the
season, from the south-western building, were 64 fragments of a buff pottery
vessel, decorated round the girth with a partially free-standing mural crown
springing from locks of hair. This is not unique as a fragment of wall from
an identical vessel was found at Fishbourne this year, and a bastion has been
found among unpublished pottery from the Chiddingfold Villa. Styhstically
their nearest parallel is the crown on the Ribchester helmet. So far as we
can discover there are no other pubhshed vessels of this type in this country
or on the continent.

Ashtead Forest: Roman Tilery (N.G. TQ 17856022). Further work at
this Romano-British tilery site has been made possible by the clearance of
timber, etc., during the 1939-45 war. During the past two years a survey of
ground features, under the direction of Mr. J. N. Hampton, has recorded
three areas of clay working. Two of these cart be assigned to the Roman
period, but the third is probably 17th century.

The largest Roman claypit was found to have two, probably three, peripheral
areas of brick firing. One of these was examined this year and was almost
certainly the remains of a clamp kiln of two periods, associated with the
claypit (here about five feet deep) and a paved ramp. Indications of at least
three buildings additional to those so far recorded have been noted. It is
hoped to continue survey and excavations in 1965.

The following Excavations were supported by the S.A.S. : —

Biirstow Rectory ■ Bwstow moated enclosure (N.G. 3 12412). Excavations
were carried out in July and August by the Horley Local History Association,
under the direction of Mr. D. J. Turner. The only structural features found
were a line of small stake holes, probably belonging to a fence across the
north end of the island, the slot of a sleeper beam and some shallow rectangular
post holes. Deep gardening on thei site had left no other remains. The beam
slot and stake holes were devoid of any firm stratigraphical evidence and can
only be placed inferentially into the medieval period.

The finds, mainly pottery, suggest occupation principally in the fourteenth
century. Clay pipes, pottery, glass, etc., in the top soil from the late seventeenth
century onwards indicate renewed interest in the site, presumably as a garden.
The site may be that of an early priest's house.

Orchard Hill, Carshalton (N.G. 278643). Rescue excavations, prior to the
construction of old people's homes, have been organised by the Beddington,
Carshalton and Wallington Archaeological Society and directed by Mr. and
Mrs. D. J. Turner and Mr. J. Giles. A few shreds of pottery from the Romano-
British and medieval periods have been found but the principal find has been
an extensive scatter of mesolithic material. The density of flint artifacts
indicates the presence of a working floor but little undisturbed mesolithic
strata had been discovered by the end of the year. The finds have been mainly
of cores and waste flakes but also include microUths and scrapers. Work is
continuing.

Southwark. The Society as one of the constituent bodies of the Southwark
Archaeological Excavations Committee, help to support a varied programme.

In 1964 "rescue" work has revealed traces of Roman occupation at London
Bridge Approach, a possible trace, at St. George's Church, of the Roman
road running on the line of Tabard Street (Watling Street) before it joins that
on the line of Borough High Street (Stane Street). Recently, wasters' and
kiln furniture have been found in Lavington Street from a kiln shown nearby
on a map of 1745, and will enable us to date and identify the products of
this kiln found elsewhere. This kiln is shown to have produced both delftware
and stoneware, contemporaneously, and this stoneware may be the white
stoneware which has hitherto been thought to have been made only in
Staffordshire.

Archaeological excavations have been carried out on three sites and the
major result has been to produce stratified sequences of pottery of 16th to
19th century in date. Important associations of this post-medieval pottery and
some documentary evidence should give us eventually a chronological frame-
work for dating these styles of pottery, especially the coarser domestic wares
about which little is known.

(i) Emerson Place. The excavations on this site (under Mr. G. J. Dawson)
showed that the marsh beside the Thames behind Bankside here was not
reclaimed until' about 1600, and fifty years later a little further south. On
the Park Street side houses were first built soon after 1600 and were made
of wood. Three of these, one on top of the other, were found underlying an
18th century brick building. Associated with the wooden buildings was a well
made out of a barrel; another well was also found in the next 18th century
house, which was still in use when the house was demolished in the 20th.
century and still had its wooden cover over it. On the south part of the site,
along Sumner Street, ihe marsh was converted into gardens about 1650 and
was not built en until about 1830, when pressure for housing close to the
centre of London was more intense than it is even today. The timber buildings
are the lirst to have been found in Southwark, and perhaps London, of this
date.

(ii) Hopton Street. In August a second annual training school in Archaeology
was organised, under Dr. F. Celoria, to show interested Londoners and others
how to excavate and rescue from oblivion the past story of Southwark and
its surroundings. In addition to being trained as diggers by means of lectures
at the Cuming Museum, and practical instruction, the volunteers had the
tough task of getting through cobbles and penetrating to Elizabethan levels
on a site close to where the Swan Theatre of Shakespeare's time stood on
Bankside. An 18th century brick floor and some footings of about the same
date covered an early 17th century level. But finds petered out below this,
in silt which was probably meadowland near the Swan.

The real problem is what to do with the enormous quantities of finds.
The broken pots must be sorted and joined, and this needs space. Museums
in London were designed before scientific archaeology was on its feet. A
large shed is what is needed.

(iii) Lant Street. Excavations are now in progress under the direction of
Dr. Celoria beside the high road well south of the main Roman and medieval
settlement. So far they have revealed about 12' of man-made deposits dating
from the 16th to the 19th centuries, with an intermixture of Roman sherds
at the base. Also a prolific 17th century rubbish pit and remains of a possible
17th century house.

SYMPOSIUM

Another very successful symposium on recent archaeological work in South-
East England, the third, was held in Guildford on 17th October. This was
organised by Mr. Clark and Mrs. Gravett, and was attended by some 200
people. The chair was taken by Lt.-Col. G. W. Meates, Secretary of the Kent
Archaeological Society. These symposia have become firmly established annual
events, and are supported, both by papers and personally, by societies through-
out this wide area, who find them valuable fora for exchange of knowledge
and social contacts.

The following papers were read : —

Miss J. M. Harding: A Bronze Age Site at Weston Wood.

Mr. F. A. Hastings : Iron Age Site at Hawkshill.

Mr. J. N. Hampton : Further Work on the Roman Tileworks at Ashtead.

Mr. J. E. Collins: 1964 Excavations in Winchester.

Mr. J. H. Money: An Early Iron-working Site near Withyham.

Mr. E. W. Holden : Saxon Weaving-hut at Ethington.

Mrs. D. Nail: Copthome Moot and Nut-shambles Bank — Documentary and
Field Research.

Mr. D. J. Turner: A Moated Site near Burstow Rectory.

Mr. F. Jenkins: Excavations at St. Augustine's, Canterbury.

Mr. J. C. Batley: A. Filmstrip on Bletchingley.
In 1965 the symposium will be accompanied by an exhibition.

VISITS AND LECTURES

The following meetings and lectures were held during the year: —

15th February. Guildhall Museum and London Wall. Mr. Norman Cook
spoke on the Guildhall exhibits of Roman London, and Mr. R. S. Simms on
London Wall.

14th March. Mr. F. J. Owen, F.L.A., spoke on the Royal Borough of
Kingston-upon-Thames, and Mr. Rex Wailes, F.S.A., on the Industrial Monument
Survey.

14th April. Southwark. Organiser: Mr. E. S. Wood.

26th May. Bedford and Elstow. Organiser: Mr. T. E. C. Walker.

20th June. Pendell and Blechingley. Speakers: Mr. Uvedale Lambert and
Mr. Dudley Bull.

25th July. Pilgrims' Way and St. Martha's Church Walk. Leader: Mr. K. W.
E. Gravett.

20th August. Audley End. Saffron Walden and Thaxted. Speakers: Mr. Peter
Curnow, F.S.A., and Captain Wilson, R.N.R.

19th September. Farnham. Speakers: Mrs. Sidney Smith and Mr. Richard
Dufty, F.S.A., F.R.I.B.A.

24th October. Symposium on Recent Archceological Work. Organisers: Mr.
A. J. Clark and Mr. K. W. E. Gravett.

14th November. Lecture at Morden in association with the Merton and
Morden Historical Society. Speaker: Mr. J. Dodgson of the English Place
Names Society on Place Names and Archceology.

5th December. Lecture at Leatherhead in association with the Leatherhead
and District Local History Society. Speaker: Mr. F. B. Benger on Edmond
Tilney (c. 1542-1610) Master of the Revels.

The Council wishes to record its thanks to the organiser, to the lecturers at
these meetings, and to all who contributed to their success.

LOCAL MEETING

For the first time in several years, it was decided not to hold the annual
Reigate meeting this year, in view of declining support by local members. The
position will be kept under review, so that this meeting, which promised to fill
a genuine need, can be resumed as soon as practicable. But although there
was not a formal meeting, Mr. D. J. Turner addressed volunteers at the digs
near Horley, in November.

LIBRARY

The Council is indebted to the many members who have helped in the Library
and especially to Miss J. M. Harries, B.A.. F.L.A., who has commenced work
on the index to volumes XXXIX to LXI of the Society's Collections.

Books and pamphlets were added to the Library during the year by purchase
and generous gifts. The Council was gratified to receive books and maps
bequeathed by the late Mr. St. John Hope and expresses its grateful thanks to
those members who have presented books, pamphlets and maps to the Library.

Two Library Committee Meetings were held during the year.

At the Council Meeting in October it was decided to purchase the Ordnance
Survey National Grid maps of Surrey, scale 25 inches to one mile, using in the
first instance the generous gift from Mrs. Grenside.

ACQUISITIONS

Printed Books and Pamphlets

Gifts

From J. C. Batley; Spence, J. and others. The Old Parish Church of St.
'Lawrence, Caterham (1963); Davies, G. M., Croydon in the Eighteen-Nineties
(1962); Miss G. Beck; Story of Stoughton (1962); Miss P. M. St. J. Brewer;
Langham-Carter, R. R., Guide to the Church of St. George, Esher (n.d.);
Mr. and Mrs. Blake, Papuasalai Lietuviu Liaudres menas (1958); Miss
Dumas; Judges, E. A., In and Around Guildford (1895); Some West Surrey
Villages (1901): Anon; Parish Church of West By fleet. St. John the Baptist;
(1962); Order of Service on the occasion of the Tercentenary of the Hospital
of the Blessed Trinity, Guildford (1919): Dr. E. M. Dance; Godfrey, W. H.,
Guide to the Church of St. Nicolas, Worth (1952); Epsom. St. Joseph's
Church Centenary, 1964 (1964); Shere. St. James's Church. The Book of
Reckonings, 1500 — 1612 (1964); Lady Farrer; Harrison, F.. Annals of an
Old Manor House (1893): Bequest of M. St. J. Hope; Turner, T. H. and
others. Domestic Architecture of the Middle Ages (4 vols. 1859); Ormsby
Gore, W., Guide to Ancient Monuments (3 vols. 1936); H.M.S.O., Royal
Commission on Historical Monuments (5 vols. 1924 — 30); Banks, F. R.,
Penguin Guide to Sussex (1957); Penguin Guide to Surrey (1956) and
Penguin Guide to Kent (1955); Murray's Handbooks, Susse.x, Surrey,
Hampshire, Bucks and Oxfordshire (1893, 1897, 1898, 1892, 1860); Heath, F. R.,
The Little Guides— Dorset (revised 1949); Cox, J. C, The Little Guides-
Hampshire (revised 1949); Cox, J. C, The Little Giddes—Kent (1903);
Dutt, W. A., The Little Giddes— Norfolk (1913); Cox, J. C, The Little
Guides — Surrey (revised 1952); Jessup, The Little Guides — Sussex (revised
1957); Wade, G. W. and J. H., The Little Guides— Somerset (revised 1949);
Heath, F. R., The Little Guides— Wiltshire (revised 1949); Evans, J., Art
in Medieval France (1952); Royal Commission on Historical Monuments,
Middlesex (1937); James, M. R., Suffolk and Norfolk (1930); Tanner, L. E.,
Westminster School (1934); Parker, J. H., Introduction to the Study of
Gothic Architecture (1867); Atkinson, T. D., English Architecture (1904);
British Association, London, Report of Cent. Meeting of British Association
for Advancement of Science (1932); Surrey County Council, Antiquities of
Surrey (1951); The Guildhall of the City of London (1931); Evans, J.,
The History of the Society of Antiquaries (1956); Lebas, H. V., Mount
Grace Priory, Yorkshire (n.d.); Hope. W. H. St. J., Fountains Abbey (n.d.),
Gilyard-Beer, R., Abbeys (1958); O'Neil, B. H. St. J., Castles (1953); Boutell,
C, English Heraldry (1871); Hope, W. H. St. J., A Grammar of English
Heraldry (1913); A Grammar of English Heraldry, Revised by Wagner, A. L.
(1953); Bellew, Sir G., Escallops in Armory (1957); Wheeler, Sir M.,
Archeology from the Earth (1956); English Church History Exhibition
Catalogue (1905); Mottram, R. H., A Scientific Survey of Nonsuch and

District (1935); Fox, G. E. Short Guide to Silchester Collection (Museum
and Art Gallery, Reading, 1903); ditto revised by Stephenson, M. (1927);
H.M.S.O., List of Certain Official Inventories of Ancient Monuments and
Historical Buildings of Great Britain (1933); H.M.S.O., Guide to the Bayeux
Tapestry (The restoration of Bayeux Tapestry by Charles Dawon inside
cover), (1914); Peers, Sir C, Official Guide to Berkhamstead Castle (n.d.);
Royal Archceological Institute — Annual Meeting Programme (1908);
Montgomerie, D. H., The Spire of Salisbury Cathedral Church (n.d.);
Reprint from the Antiquaries Journal (obituary notice) (1957); Foulkes, C,
Arms and Armament (1945); author; Irwin, J.. Place Names of Edenb ridge
(1964): author; Margary, I. D.. Roman Roads in Britain (reprinted from
Archaeological Journal) (1964): Nevinson, J. L.; Steer, F. W., Guide to the
Church of St. James', Bird ham (1961); Sussex Archaeological Society,
Guide to the Church of Saints Mary and Gabriel, Harting (1950); Guide
to the Church of Southease (1952); Guide to the Church of St. Andrew,
Bishopstone (1948): Scragg, R. S.; Grantham, T. R., Dorking Congregation-
alism, 1662—1912 (1913); author; Scragg, R. S., Three Hundred Years of
Congregationalism in Dorking (1962); Triple Jubilee Handbook 1806—1956,
Dorking Congregational Sunday School (n.d.); C. W. Traylen; Phillips,
Guide to the Crystal Palace and Park 1854 (1854); the Vicar; St. Peter's
Church, Chertsey (n.d.); T. E. C. Walker; Onslow, Clandon Park (1964):
Mrs. R. Willis; Latham, L. C, The Manor (1931); Coronation of Their
Majesties King George VI and Queen Elizabeth (1937); Miss R. Graham,
An Essay on English Monasteries (1939); Sir Henry Herbert, The Value of
Local History (1934); F. G. Emmison, Types of Open Field Parishes in
the Midlands (1937); J. Chuter Ede, Knowledge, Wisdom, Freedom (1949);
Incorporation of Epsom and Ewell (1937); Catalogue of Books, Pamphlets,
Maps, Prints relating to the County of Surrey (1952); Hereford City Art
Gallery and Museum (n.d.); Some Pictures from the Dulwich Art Gallery
(1947); Official Souvenir of Epsom and Ewell Celebrations of Royal Silver
Jubilee (1935); E. S. Wood; Dainton, C., Clock Jade Beeboles (1957);
Richmond, A. I., The Roman Pavements from Rudston, East Riding, Hull
Museum Pubhcation no. 214 (1963).

A number of members have also given back numbers of the Collections and
other publications of the Society, which have been added to stock.

Purchases

Biek, L., Archceology and the Microscope (1963); Brothwell, D. and Higgs, E.
(eds.). Science in Archceology (1962); Clifton-Taylor, A., The Pattern of
English Building (1962); Cobbett, W., Rural Rides, volumes 1 and 2, new
edition (1893); Curwen, E. C, The Archceology of Sussex (1954); Cornwall,
I. W., The World of Ancient Man (1964); Council for British Archceology,
Research Papers, nos. 5 and 6 (1964); Anderson. M. D., Drama and Imagery
in English Medieval Churches (1963); Davey, N., Building in Britain (1964);
Annable and Simpson. Guide Catalogue of the Neolithic and Bronze Age
Collections in Devizes Museum (1964); Glot, P. R., Brittany, Ancient Peoples
and Places (reprint 1962); Hodges. H., Artifacts (1964); H.M.S.O., Record
Respositories in Great Britain (1964); Holt, N. R., Pipe Roll of the Bishopric
of Winchester (1964); Jewell, (Ed.). Experimental Earthwork on Overton
Down, Wilts., 1960 (1963); Klindt-Jensen, O., Denmark, Ancient Peoples
and Places (reprint 1962); Laet, S. J. de. The Low Countries. Ancient Peoples
and Places (1958); Girling. F. A., English Merchants' Marks (1964); Gray,
H. L., The English Field Systems (1959); Levett, A. E., Studies in Manorial
History (1963); Stenberger. M., Sweden. Ancient Peoples and Places (n.d.);

Willis, A. J., Handlist of the Episcopal Records of the Diocese of Winchester
(1964); Wood, E. S., Collins Field Guide to Archeology (1964); Willis, A. J.,
Winchester Ordinations 1660 — 1829, vol. 1 (1964); Ordnance Survey, Field
ArchtEology 4th ed. (1964); Map of Hadrians Wall (1964); Stevenson, Mill,
List of Monumental Brasses in the British Isles (1964); Semenov, S. A.,
Prehistoric Technology (1964); Mason, R. T., Framed Buildings of the Weald
(1964); Tagg, G. F., Earth Resistances (1964); Viatories, Roman Roads in the
S.E. Midlands (1964); Moaney, A., Early Saxon Burial Sites (1964).

Review

Jessup, R., The Story of Archceology in Britain (1964).

To the above list must be added the current numbers of transactions and
periodicals received by exchange, subscription or gift.

Prints, Maps and Other Graphic Material

Gifts: From Miss K. Burgess; water-colour of Roehampton House: from

T. E. C. Walker; sale catalogue. Juniper Hill, Mickleham, 1964.
Purchase: Five O.S. 25" Grid Maps of the Guildford District.

Museum Material for Deposit in Guildford Museum

Gifts : By excavation; further deposits of late Bronze Age material from
Weston Wood, Albury, and of Iron Age material from Hawk's Hill,
Leatherhead.

GUILDFORD MUSEUM

Mr. E. S. Wood remains the Society's representative on the Library, Museum
and Arts Committee of Guildford Corporation, with Mr. N. P. Thompson as
his deputy.

Among the more interesting accessions during the year, the Curator reports
the following: —

Two lead rainwater heads dated 1785 from Allen House, Guildford: election
flag of W. J. Evelyn, M.Pi for West Surrey from 1849 to 1857: two Tudor
shoes and some pottery from the Royal Grammar School, Guildford, found
during repairs: silver coin of Gratian found at Merrow: neolithic stone axe
found at Lingfield.

MEMBERSHIP OF THE SOCIETY

For the first time for many years there is a decline in membership. At 31st
December, 1964, there were 1,026 members; honorary 2, hfe 52, subscribing
individual 860 and institutional 112. During the year 17 members died, 56
resigned and 46 were struck off under Rule VII. There were 96 new members,
making a net loss of 23.

OBITUARY

Mr. Maurice St. John Hope, who died on 1st May, came of a distinguished
archaeological family. His father. Sir William St. John Hope, was a well-known
antiquary and was Secretary of the Society of Antiquaries. Maurice was in
fact the last child to be born in Burlington House and grew up in an atmosphere
of archaeological and antiquarian studies. He joined our Society in 1949, and
was first elected to the Council in 1954. He was particularly interested in
Visits, and organised a number of successful meetings, as a member of the
Visits Committee. He had several times made generous gifts to the Library.
He will be greatly missed.

Lt.-Col. D. MadLeod, who died on 18th July, joined the Surrey Archaeological
Society only in 1951, but he had been a member of the Sussex Archaeological
Society for forty-five years, and had served on its Council. During this time
he had been actively associated with Ernest Straker in the search for bloomery
sites in the Weald, and his discoveries included that of a small bloomery at
Thundersfield Castle, near Horley. Col. MacLeod was the first Chairman of
the Horley Local History Association, and he devoted the closing years of
his life to the history of the district. He had been Honorary Local Secretary
for Horley and Charlwood since 1959. Although his interest was mainly in
records and maps. Col. MacLeod was insistent that field work was just as
important and he actively encouraged excavations in his locality.

The Council also reports with regret the death of the following other
members: Miss A. Balthazar, Mrs. M. P. Topping, Mr. E. J. Sawtell, Mr. D.
Baker, Mr. M. G. Brounger, Mr. H. S. Chittick, Miss E. M. Turner, Miss M. J.
Watson, Lt.-Col. S. S. Nevill, Mr. F. W. Strange, Miss E. G. Crandell, Miss
A. M. Saunders, Mr. C. Sanderson, Mr. B. Donkin, Sir Nicholas Waterhouse
and Mr. C. H. Yardley.

OFFICERS, COUNCIL AND COMMITTEE

At the 1964 Annual General Meeting Miss Kathleen M. Kenyon, C.B.E.,
D.Lit., F.B.A., F.S.A., was re-elected President of the Society. All the Honorary
Officers were re-elected except that Mr. E. E. Harrison succeeded Professor
S. S. Frere as Honorary Editor. On the Council's nomination. Major H. C
Patrick, D.L., and Messrs. K. W. E. Gravett, M.Sc.(Eng.), W. C. Knox, B.A.,
A. J. Clark, F.S.A., R. W. McDowall, M.A., F.S.A., T. S. Mercer, A.M.LMech.E.,
and A. S. Gilbert, C.B.E., LL.M. were elected to serve until 1968. The Honorary
Auditor, Mr. A. A. Wylie, F.C.A., was re-elected.

The following served on Committees during the year : —

Library Committee : T. E. C. Walker (Chairman); Miss M. D. Liggett, B.A.,
F.L.A., Miss E. M. Dance, E. E. Harrison, J. L. Nevinson, Miss P. M. Brewer
(Honorary Librarian).

Excavations Committee : Professor Sheppard S. Frere (Chairman); A. W. G.
Lowther, E. S. Wood, A. J. Clark, Lady Hanworth, F. A. Hastings, Miss Joan
M. Harding, D. J. Turner, R. M. Reece, N. P. Thompson (Honorary Excavations
Organiser).

Visits Committee : R. S. Simms (Chairman); Major H. C. Patrick, D.L.,
Capt. M. A. Wilson, R.N.R., H. V. H. Everard, K. W. E. Gravett, D. J. Turner,
R. Robertson-Mackay, Mrs. R. K. Chiles, R. J. Ash (Secretary until August
when he was succeeded by Mrs. R. K. Chiles).

Representation : —

Council for British Archceology, A. J. Clark, E. S. Wood.

Council for British Archaeology, Group 10, D. J. Turner.

Council for British Archceology , Group 11, L D. Margary.

Library, Museum and Arts Committee, Guildford Corporation, E. S. Wood,

N. P. Thompson.
Southwark Archceological Excavations Committee, E. S. Wood.

NOTICES

All subscriptions are for the calendar year and are due on January 1st. Members
one guinea; associate members (relatives of members living in the same house)
half a guinea; junior members (under 21) half a guinea. Cheques should be
made payable to "The Surrey Archaeological Society."

Membership : The Honorary Secretary urgently requests members to inform
him at once of any change of address: failure to do this may result in members
not receiving the publications and circulars to which they are entitled. He
would be obliged if they could notify him of their intention to resign, and
also if they learn of the death of any member. Candidates for election to the
Society must be nominated by two members on a form obtainable from the
Honorary Secretary.

Gifts, when relevant to the work of the Society, will be gratefully accepted
by the Council; it may not however be in a position to accept all offers.
The chief categories of acceptable gifts are: Printed books and pamphlets
relating to Surrey or standard archaeological works : lists of particular desiderata
are published from time to time; maps, prints, original drawngs and other
graphic matter relating to Surrey and areas immediately adjacent; MS. material
relating to Surrey and embodying the results of original research (for example,
collections made for parish histories); archaeological finds or other objects
bearing on the history of Surrey, for deposit in Guildford Museum (these should
in every case be accompanied by full particulars regarding the place of origin,
and date and circumstances of finding); furniture or other equipment suitable
for use in the Library, Stock or Students' Rooms. The County Archivist,
Surrey Record OflRce, County Hall, Kingston-upon-Thames, and the Curator-
Archivist, Guildford Muniment Room, Castle Arch, Guildford, welcome
information about records relating to Surrey, including manorial documents,
estate and other accounts, title deeds, maps and plans, letters, and family
business records, and are pleased to accept them from owners and custodians,
either as gifts or on deposit.

Articles and Notes for Publication : The Honorary Editor is collecting material
for forthcoming Volumes. Now that the Volume appears annually there is no
accumulation of unpublished material and the Editor will be glad to consider
papers and notes. These should be typed and as free from error as possible.
Corrections and alterations, especially once such articles have been set up and
are in proof stage, add materially to the cost of production.

Excavations : Members who wish to assist should respond to the notices in
the Bulletin. A wide variety of skills is required, including surveying, drawing,
washing finds, etc., as well as the hard work of digging. Institutions on the list
may normally nominate one person for this. These restrictions are necessary
on some sites, because the number of volunteers often exceeds the number
which can be accommodated on a site of limited area, but larger sites of
more general character are advertised in the C.B.A. Calendar of Excavations,
and on these any volunteer is welcomed. Members should enquire in advance
whether any special equipment is needed, but should, in any case, always bring
a pointing trowel.

The Surrey Record Society was founded in 1913 for the sole purpose of publish-
ing editions of Surrey records. Members who use these publications in the course
of their historical and archaeological searches are asked to assist the work of
the sister society by becoming members. The subscription is £1 a year. Further
details may be obtained from the Hon. Secretary at Castle Arch.

All Communications should be addressed to the appropriate officer of the Society
at Castle Arch, Guildford, except that letters relating to Visits should be sent to
the Visits Secretary, 38 Court Hill, Sanderstead. Surrey.

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